Japanese intervention. Japanese intervention in the Far East

In order to understand the content described in the diaries of Fyodor Akimovich Tokarev, I will briefly outline the historical background on the most important events in the Far East and the Amur Region, in particular, the period 1918-1920.
On October 25, 1917, in Petrograd, as a result of an armed uprising, the Provisional Government was overthrown and power passed to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies. Following the victory in the capital, the transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets throughout the country began. In the cities of the Primorsky region - Vladivostok, Suchan, Khabarovsk, the Soviets seized power earlier than in the Amur region. There was a more numerous, organized and cohesive working class.

Power to the Soviets on the territory of the Amur Region was transferred in stages. In Blagoveshchensk, it actually passed only on January 4, 1918, in the Krasnoyarovsk volost - by the end of January, in the Zeya mountain district - on February 13, 1918. G.P. became the chairman of the Zeya Council. Borovinsky, his deputy F.I. Koshelev, secretary N.P. Malykh. The people began to call this Council the “Zeya Republic”. Gold miners and merchants who hid food and goods were fined 250,000 rubles. Their newspaper "Voice of the Taiga" was closed. The Council began to publish its own newspaper, Taiga Truth. In March, the Council nationalized the large enterprises of the city and the mines of the mining district. The same fate befell Churin's store. The council began to build a mill.

If in Khabarovsk, Vladivostok, Blagoveshchensk and other cities of the Far East, located in the zone of the railway line, there was an acute shortage of banknotes, then by March 1918 the Zeya Treasury was completely empty. A particularly urgent need for banknotes arose when the flushing season began at the gold mines. The prospectors carried the precious metal, but there was nothing to pay them with. Khabarovsk could not provide assistance because of the spring impassability.

Then the Zeya Executive Committee of the Council decided to issue their own checks instead of money. The minutes of the meeting of the Zeya Executive Committee dated April 21, 1918 say: “We discussed: 1. About the issue of checks due to the lack of banknotes in the local treasury. Decided unanimously. Issue checks a) 300 pieces of 50 rubles in the amount of 15,000, 700 pieces of 100 rubles in the amount of 70,000 rubles, 1,000 pieces of 250 rubles in the amount of 250,000 rubles, 500 pieces of 500 rubles in the amount of 250,000 rubles. A total of 2,500 pieces in the amount of 585,000 rubles.
2.) The checks will be signed by: Chairman of the Executive Committee Borovinsky, Commissar of Finance Zhegalkin, Treasurer Protopopov.
To prepare checks, the Zeya Treasury was closed for 1 day. All that day, on the forms of ordinary bank checks, employees of the treasury put the stamp “The check is backed by gold” and on the back “This check is in circulation on a par with state credit notes until June 1 of this year. and after June 1, the Zeya Treasury will exchange a check for credit notes ruble for ruble.

The denomination on the checks was set by hand, in addition, it was punched with a perforator. Each of these three persons signed 2500 times on checks that day.
In May, Zeya checks are issued into circulation, they were willingly accepted not only by the population of the city, but also by workers in the mines in exchange for gold. There is also protocol No. 67 of the meeting of the Zeya Executive Committee of September 13, 1918, at which the issue of issuing the second batch of Zeya checks was again considered. This was not possible due to the occupation of the territory by the Japanese. It is known that the Commissioner
finance during the occupation shot himself. photo 11. Zeya check.

At the 4th Regional Congress of Peasant Deputies, held on February 25, a resolution was adopted on the complete transfer of power in the territory of the Amur Region into the hands of the Soviets.
Already from the first days of the new government's activity, officials of zemstvo institutions and departments announced a boycott. They categorically refused to carry out the decisions of the regional congress of peasants' and soldiers' deputies. On March 4, a counter-revolutionary "Gamovsky" rebellion began in Blagoveshchensk. This was the first armed resistance to the new government in the Far East. The determination of the local reactionary forces was influenced by the fact that Japanese, American and British warships appeared in the port of Vladivostok. In early March, a representative of the special Japanese mission presented a demand to the military administration of the Amur Cossack army that the Cossacks destroy Soviet power in the region. They said they would do it themselves otherwise. It was a direct threat of intervention.

On the night of April 3-4, 1918, a provocative attack was carried out in Vladivostok on the Japanese office "Isido". 2 workers were killed and 1 wounded. This provocation served as a pretext for the landing of Japanese troops. The commander of the Japanese squadron, Kato, published an appeal in which he assured the inhabitants of Vladivostok that the landing was made in order to "protect Japanese subjects."
Foreign warships have been in the Golden Horn since December 1917 and were just waiting for the right moment. Such a "convenient" moment was created. The very next day, April 5, there was a landing. At the same time, the White Guard detachment of Ataman Semenov invaded Transbaikalia from Manchuria. At the end of May 1918, the command of the Czechoslovak corps of former prisoners of war revolted. Prior to this, the echelons of the Czechoslovak corps followed to Vladivostok to be sent then by sea to their homeland. About 15 thousand of them were already in Vladivostok. And the rest - approximately 40 - 50 thousand were on the way - in trains along the railway line from Penza to Vladivostok. Such an extended echelon made it possible for the command of the corps, in collusion with the White Guard organizations, to raise a rebellion simultaneously in a number of the main centers of Siberia. As a result of the action of the White Czechs, Irkutsk and the entire Far East were cut off from the center of Russia.

By the autumn of 1918, Soviet power in the Far East was suppressed by the armed forces of the interventionists - England, France, the USA and Japan. These countries intended to seize our rich land and turn it into their colony. They divided the Far East into spheres of influence. Japan claimed the Amur region.
The Amur Region remained the last stronghold of the Soviets, or as it was also called the "Red Island". Refugees from Eastern Siberia, Transbaikalia and Primorye settled on its territory - leaders and the party apparatus, retreating Red Guard units of the Transbaikal and Ussuri fronts.
Japanese troops moved to the Amur region. The invasion of the interventionist troops was carried out in three directions: a combined detachment of Japanese, American, Chinese soldiers and White Guards was moving from Primorye under the command of the Japanese general OOY; from Northern Manchuria to Blagoveshchensk - through the city of Heihe and from Transbaikalia - the 3rd Japanese division. Together with the Japanese from Manchuria, the Russian White Guards also moved. On September 18, 1918, they took the city of Blagoveshchensk, on September 19 - 22 - Svobodny - Zeya. By the end of September, the invaders had seized the main economic regions, the railroad, the river fleet, communication facilities and mines. In the cities and villages of the Amur Region, groupings of Japanese-White Guard troops with a total number of up to 30 thousand were stationed.
Back in late August, the Amur Regional Executive Committee decided to switch to guerrilla warfare. For military units and Soviet workers retreating from Siberia, Transbaikalia and Primorye, partisan bases were created in the area of ​​\u200b\u200bDambukov, Bomnak, the Vladimirsky mine (the current Kirovsky village). Food, uniforms, medicines were brought there. In addition, the Zeya Executive Committee supplied the Red Guard units retreating into the taiga with food and money, issued passports to the fighters and commanders of the pre-revolutionary period.
On September 20, the last meeting of the Zeya Executive Committee took place. Its chairman, Borovinsky, read out an appeal to the workers of the district with an appeal to unite in order to defend the power of the workers.
On the same day, all members of the executive committee went to the taiga. Early on the morning of September 21, the Japanese broke into the city. They opened gun and machine-gun fire at a steamer with Red Guards passing by. Those who fell into their hands were brutally dealt with. Together with the interventionists, Chernyaev Cossacks also came to Zeya. The Japanese caught and killed A.P. Belousov. P.P. Malykh was arrested not far from the city by the Cossacks, taken to the city and hacked to death with sabers before the eyes of the people.

The events of that period are reflected in the memoirs of the direct participants. G. Borovinsky. “Taiga trips. Collection of episodes from the history of the civil war in the Far East, edited by M. Gorky, P. Postyshev, and Mints. Publishing House "History of the Civil War", M. 1935.
“Difficult days came by the autumn of 1918. Every day the telegraph brought alarming news from Khabarovsk. After the Regional Congress of Soviets on August 25, 1918, it became clear that the intervention would drag on, that the workers and peasants of the Far East would have to endure a hard struggle for people's power. Our Zeya Council has transferred all its work to a military footing. Energetic measures were taken to form a Red Guard from miners and porters. At the end of August, the first Red Guard detachments of miners from the city of Zeya were sent to the front.
In September 1918, under the onslaught of the interventionist troops, after a desperate and fierce struggle, our red detachments were forced to retreat west, deep into the taiga, along the Tygdinsky tract, along the Zeya River. At dawn on September 10, a heavy battery galloped along the street of the city of Zeya, rumbling, followed by cavalry, and then detachments of Red Guards and Red Army men went, consisting of soldiers - front-line soldiers, part of miners and peasants. The arriving detachments quickly settled into apartments.
Soon after the arrival of the red detachments, the Zeya executive committee received a telegram from the chairman of the Svobodnensky executive committee, Popov, who reported that Khabarovsk was already occupied by the interventionists and that Blagoveshchensk was on the eve of the fall, since the Japanese were on the outskirts of the city.

At that time, feverish work was going on in Blagoveshchensk: ships were loaded with weapons, food, and medicines for hasty shipment to the cities of Zeya and Bomnak in the upper reaches of the Zeya River. From Svobodny, large transports of weapons and supplies were also sent up the Zeya for distribution to workers - miners and peasants of coastal villages. The first transport with weapons had unloading points - Mazanovo, Gogolevka, Yampol and Ovsyanka. Endless lines of peasant carts delivered weapons to distribution points
The task of our Red Headquarters to arm the workers - miners and peasants was brilliantly accomplished. The Zeya Executive Committee faced the difficult and responsible task of resending the red units. For this purpose, a huge number of old-style passports and membership books of the Zeya Union of Miners were prepared, which were supplied to comrades and sent to the mines. Part of the detachment was transferred to the ship to Bomnak and Dambuki.
After Blagoveshchensk was occupied on September 18 by the Japanese and the white pack, we faced the threat of being surrounded on Zeya, since the Japanese could move to Zeya along two routes - from the side of Rukhlovo (present-day Skovorodino) by rail and along the Tygdinsky tract.

However, we did not manage to organize a complete defense of the city of Zeya, this only and last stronghold, which was in the hands of the Soviets, we failed. The forces of the defenders of Soviet power turned out to be very weak. The peasants hesitated despite the fervent appeals of the Bolsheviks.
A difficult situation arose: with such forces that our headquarters had at our disposal, it was unthinkable to carry on the fight further .. In this regard, it was decided to load weapons and food supplies onto the ship and, together with the detachments, send them up the Zeya River to Bomnak in such a way that to spend the winter and start the partisan struggle again in the spring.
On the night of September 22, 1918, at a meeting of members of the Zeya Executive Committee, it was decided to immediately cross to the left bank of the Zeya and move into the taiga, since according to the information received, the Japanese were to occupy the city in the morning. On the other side, Comrade Koshelev and I noticed at dawn that a steamer with a barge was moving towards the city of Zeya. From the waving red flag, we concluded that the Red Guards were on it. No sooner had the steamer caught up with the outer buildings, when suddenly from the right bank they began to fire at it with artillery and rifle fire. We had no doubt that the city had already been taken by the Japanese, who opened fire.

The Red Guards responded with volleys of rifle fire and several shots from the guns on the barge, but obviously due to the pitching they could not take the correct aim. Soon, a steamer caught fire from a Japanese shell, and then a barge. After the steamer made a sharp turn and literally threw itself onto the left bank of the Zeya River, the Red Guards, firing back, began to jump ashore, hurrying to take cover in the nearby forest. The ship and the barge were on fire. Then we learned that among the Red Army soldiers there were many killed, wounded, and some of them, not having time to jump out, burned down along with the barge and the steamer. The Japanese and the White Guards, however, did not dare to pursue the Red Guards, confining themselves to brutally finishing off the wounded.

On the same days, our comrades, members of the Zeya executive committee, also died: Malykh and Belousov were brutally hacked to death by the Chernyayevsky Cossacks, comrades Zhukov, Gaidukov and Shpakov were shot by the Japanese.
Looting, violence and execution accompanied every step of the interventionists. All sympathizers of the Soviet regime were executed without trial or investigation. So on the Golden Mountain, the Japanese arrested several dozen workers. Three were hacked to death with swords, in the village of Dambuki, the invaders shot 14 people, in Vladimirsky -17.

The excesses of the invaders and the Cossacks aroused hatred among the local population. Resistance groups began to form, which then grew into partisan detachments. One of the first such detachments was organized, headed by the first chairman of the Novo-Yampolsky village council, Mikhail Sugailo, and the political exile Ivan Elizarovich Dudin.

In the villages of the Ovsyankovskaya volost, groups of Vasily Aksyonov, Davyd Fainberg, Tayursky, Fyodor Koshelev and the anarchists Peter, Ivan and Andrei Bogdanov formed. In the upper reaches of the Zeya, another partisan detachment of Timptono, the Vladimir rebel detachment, operated. It included workers from the mines, the Red Guards, who in the fall of 1918, during the forced retreat of the Red Army from near Chita and Blagoveshchensk, made their way on ships up the Zeya to Bomnak, and rebel soldiers who were forcibly mobilized into the Kolchak army from the Timpton and Vladimirsky mines. At the head of the detachment was the Bolshevik Skritsky.
The eyewitness of those events F.A. tells about how the events on the Zeya land developed further. Tokarev.

“In 1918, they already wanted to move into a new house. But at this time, the Japanese came to Ovsyanka. Many residents of the village, being afraid, left for the haunts. Japanese soldiers, as soon as they entered the village, immediately began to dig trenches on the banks of the Zeya River. They knew that a steamer with a barge with Red Guards was moving along the Zeya from below. But they did not wait for the ship, and on the second day they left for the city of Zeya. Before the arrival of the Japanese, cavalry stood in the village, mostly young people. They drank, played cards, sold and distributed saddles, rifles, that is, they armed the local population. Before the arrival of the Japanese in Ovsyanka, the Red Guards left the village. But one of them did not have time to do this and the Japanese captured him. The officer ordered the soldier to run, and he himself, releasing him by 10 meters, fired three times in pursuit, but missed. Then the officer gave the command to his soldiers to fire their rifles, the result being the same. The Red Army soldier fled beyond the village, but, apparently, he no longer had enough strength. He ran to the bushes and fell. Two cavalrymen overtook him and shot him.

And the steamer that the Japanese were waiting for did not reach Ovsyanka for about 5 kilometers. The Red Guards landed from it and went in a chain towards the village, but the Japanese were no longer in the village. Then they boarded the ship again and sailed towards the city of Zeya. At this time, foreign invaders were already digging in on the shore in the city, waiting for the approach of the steamer. The Japanese sent their truce envoys on a boat to meet with the sailors with a proposal to lay down their arms. The Red Guards refused in the hope that they would be able to break through and go further along the river to the mine. As soon as the ship was level with the city, the Japanese fired several volleys of guns at those floating along the river. The ship and barge caught fire. The Red Guards rushed to swim to the other side. In this place, the foreigners did not have an ambush, thanks to this, many Red Guards escaped and went into the taiga.

Two days later, another column of Japanese came to the village: infantry, convoy and cavalry. Headquarters were made in Ovsyanka, and posts were set up in Zarechny (on Urkan), (Zarechnoye on Urkan was formed by immigrants from the Gomel province in 1907 -V.R.), Kostroma, Tikheevka. Residents began to issue passes, without which you can’t go anywhere outside the settlement and you won’t go. A Japanese translator came to us and told my father that he would settle in a new house, and let the owners stay in theirs. We still live in the old apartment.

During these years, it was very difficult to buy food, “Kerensky”, “Kolchak” money was not accepted in Chinese shops. Romanov's money was still in use, but not everyone had it. Some wealthy villagers hid "Romanov" bills, hoping that they would still be in value. The currency has depreciated. 10 and 100 rubles of earnings were worth nothing. It cost 150 thousand rubles to take two passengers from Ovsyanka to Tygda. There are also Japanese yen. There were also problems with work, nothing was being built, the mines were empty, and the transportation of goods along the river also dropped sharply. In order to somehow exist, they tried to look for work everywhere. We gathered 9 people - two Bessonov brothers on three horses, Pyasetsky Peter - on two, Litvintsev Alexander - on one, Tatarchakov Matvey - on two, Rubets Alexander - on one, Tatar Salakh - on one and I - on one, as well as a horseless Glazkov Alexander and we went in December to work in Tygda (Tygda was formed by settlers in 1904 - V.R.) to carry sleepers to the railway. Near the village of Pokrovka (Pokrovka was formed by settlers in 1904 - V.R.), we were stopped by 12 cavalrymen - partisans, we determined that the commander was a Magyar. He asked where we were going, advised us to stay in Pokrovka for the night, explained that in the evening they would hold a rally in the village, they would agitate the local residents to join the partisan detachment. He also invited us to this meeting and invited us to think about his proposal. He suggested the possibility of mobilizing our horses for the needs of the detachment. He asked us for hay and oats for his horses, which we did. The partisans set up horseback posts from the Tygda and Ovsyanka sides. The rest settled down to rest in the village. We unharnessed the horses, gave them food, drank tea, and then went out into the yard to discuss the problems that had arisen. We didn’t have time to come to a specific decision, when a sentry drove up and informed his commander that a convoy of 5 wagons with people was moving from the direction of Tygda, either with the Japanese or with the Chinese, it was impossible to determine from a long distance. The partisans galloped off into the forest, and their commander lingered a little to determine who was moving in their direction. The Japanese noticed the rider, fired at him, but not a single bullet hit the partisan. The Japanese from weapons fired at the house in which we were. We had to walk out of the room with our hands up. They tied us by the hands, with the help of carters from Pokrovka and Tygda, harnessed our horses and took us in the direction of Tygda. We arrived in Tygda only at night, the Japanese translator tried to find out whether we were “Bolsheviks”, explained to him that we were peasants, we were going to work. Only a day later, having received confirmation from the headman of the village of Ovsyanka that we were peaceful people and had nothing to do with the partisans, after a thorough search and robbed, we were released. They returned our horses to us. We learned from a local resident that the Japanese had shot several captured partisans the day before in Pokrovka, and we got off well, that we were still alive. We were lucky that before that, the Japanese had been replaced by young soldiers who had not yet learned how to brutalize. Only on the third day, having experienced fear, we returned home.

A month and a half after these events, we learned that the Zeya loader Koshelev recruited a small partisan cavalry detachment and left down the Zeya. The Bessonov brothers, Tatarchakov and several other Ovsyankov guys joined the detachment. The Japanese learned about this detachment, stirred, under pressure forced the local peasants to harness horses and take them in search of partisans. The White Guard officer Korsakov, Mikhailov and a resident of the city Zeya Golovchenko, who can speak a little Japanese, took part in the search for the Koshelev detachment. Due to the small number, lack of experience and ammunition at the first stage of the struggle, the partisans did not enter into open combat battles with the invaders. In addition, the shelling of the convoys with the Japanese was not carried out out of unwillingness to injure the Russian carters who performed this duty under duress. The Japanese travel, travel around the villages, they will not find the partisans and return to their base. The peasants lived together, did not betray each other. But all the same, there were scoundrels, currying favor with the interventionists. And one summer, someone reported to them that one peasant, Klepikov Osip, had 7 rifles hidden. Klepikov lived very poorly. The Japanese officer, Korsakov, Mikhailov and the Ovsyankov policeman Semikhin came to the poor man and ordered Semikhin to search all the premises in order to search for weapons. Korsakov stated that he had a written report on the presence and quantity of hidden weapons, and offered to surrender them voluntarily. Otherwise, he was threatened with execution. They searched all the premises, underground, weapons were not found anywhere. There was only one hayloft left, when the policeman climbed into the hayloft, Klepikov mentally already said goodbye to life - the rifles were hidden there. Semikhin began to rummage in the hay, felt for the rifles, but did not show it, began to rummage even harder, while he himself threw the hay onto the rifles even more carefully. Klepikov realized that policeman Semikhin had saved his life. Korsakov did not stop there, he more believed the note received from the Japanese soldier, arrested Klepikov and took him to the steamer for interrogation standing on the pier near the village. On the way, Verkhushin Terenty, who seemed suspicious, was captured, having some mental disorders. After interrogation with passion, the men were taken on a steamer four kilometers from Ovsyanka to the island, beaten with ramrods, after which they landed on the shore, and sailed away to the village. Klepikov could not move on his own, only after Verkhushin informed the woman about the whereabouts of her husband, she transported him home on a horse. Hiding in Ovsyanka and the former Red Guard Nikolai from the steamer flooded in Zeya. He lived in the apartment of the headman of the village of Smolin. With the help of policeman Semikhin and the headman, Nikolai was given reliable documents. Once I had to go to Amuro-Baltiysk with Bakhmut and Muravyov Alexei for hay. At that time, Koshelev was in the village with his detachment. We began to ask him to join the partisans. This was refused because of our youth and short stature. He explained to us that we would not be able to do well with a rifle, and he did not want to answer to our parents if we got frostbite in such difficult conditions of life in the field.

In 1919, Koshelev's detachment grew to 150 people. There were many old people in the detachment, but most of them were young people. They had their own cavalry and infantry, they traveled through the villages in groups to feed themselves and the horses.
One day, the Bessonov brothers, Matvey Tatarchakov, Zakhar Batashov and four other people were traveling from Ivanovka to Amuro-Baltiysk. At this time, Gurbin Yakov was carrying five Japanese soldiers on two horses. He saw the partisans and pointed them out to the Japanese. The partisans also noticed the Japanese and fired a shot - they killed 3 Japanese and one horse. One Japanese lay down in a ditch and took a closer look at where the shooting was coming from. Tatarchakov did not serve in the army and did not take into account the fact that you cannot shoot from one place, you must constantly move around. As soon as he got up, the Japanese shot and hit him in the chest, Matvey fell and only managed to say to his comrades: "I'm dying." Matvey was buried in the center of the village, later a monument will be erected on his grave.

Frosts were over 40 degrees, and the partisans were poorly equipped. The local population is poor. Here it was extremely difficult to feed a large partisan detachment. In addition, after a series of serious battles with the Japanese, there was a lull. Koshelev decided to unload himself from unnecessary people, who in such a situation were only a burden. Half of the detachment was given documents stating that they were released on temporary leave and, at the first call of the headquarters, should appear in the detachment. In such weather, the Japanese ordered the locals to take them on 60 wagons to pursue the partisans in the area of ​​the village of Umlekan. The Japanese were well dressed, in fur coats, warm boots, fur hats and mittens. On their chests were flat flasks with some kind of powder, which, if necessary, was set on fire and the heat generated warmed the body of the Japanese. The guerrillas decided to give battle to the punishers, developed a plan with an ambush and a side impact. Due to some confusion, the partisans failed to win this battle. A Japanese officer was killed in the battle, but the partisans also suffered losses. One of them with frostbitten legs was captured and shot. The punishers captured several peasants from the village of Sian, who were helping the partisans, and drowned them in the hole in the Zeya River. The partisans retreated towards the village of Novoyampol. (Novo - Yampolskoye village was formed by immigrants from the Poltava province in 1908 - V.R.)
Meeting of students of school number 1 with a member of the partisan movement. Photo taken in 1956. photo 14.
In Novoyampol, as before, there was a detachment of whites, in Ust-Depe - the Japanese, the detachment went 15 miles into the taiga, where the dep peasants ferried the forest for rafting. They said that at Sugailo and Dudin (active partisans from the village of Novo-Yampol, who stood at the origins of the creation of a partisan detachment - V.R.), the punishers burned down the houses, took the cattle and flogged the whole village. Japanese engineers were also here, they made a census and survey of the area in all the villages, traveled to the taiga and along the Zeya River, photographed everything and ordered that the peasants not only dare to cut the damp, but even the dead forest, but would only pick up deadwood. They said: "Our people will also live here."

In 1920, before leaving the Zeya land, the Japanese piled boxes of food, bags of rice on the village square and ordered the peasants to gather with carts in this place, announced that they would distribute all this to the peasants. When a large number of people gathered on the square, the Japanese loaded the rice onto carts, took it to the shore and began to pour the rice into the river. Canned food was burned at the stake. Before leaving, they forced all the residents to harness their horses and drive them to the headquarters. The loading took all day. Koshelev learned that the Japanese were evacuating and at the same time they were trying to take with them weapons and gold that belonged to the city treasury. In order to prevent the removal of the loot, the partisans in Zarechny (on Urkan) set up an ambush. After lengthy negotiations and instructions from Blagoveshchensk about the need, on the one hand, to resolve the issue peacefully, since the Japanese side has already declared its neutrality, on the other hand, to force them to surrender gold and looted property and stop destroying food, the parties came to a peaceful solution. From Ovsyanka, the Japanese returned gold to the Zeya State Bank, and rice and canned food went to pay peasants for transportation on horseback to Tygda station.
On the morning of February 22, 1920, a partisan detachment led by Fyodor Koshelev solemnly entered the city of Zeya. Since that time, Soviet power has been restored in the city and the district.
Many partisans died the death of the brave. They erected monuments in Ovsyanka, Zarechnaya Sloboda, on the Golden Mountain. In memory of the partisans of Koshelev, an obelisk was erected near the Urkan bridge, on which is written: "To the fallen partisans of the Koshelev detachment." In the city of Zee on Kommunarov Square there is a mass grave where 53 Red Guards are buried, brutally tortured by the Japanese and White Guards, the names of 43 have not been established.

". With the first news of the October Revolution, the Japanese government began to develop plans to seize Russian Far Eastern territories.

On December 3, 1917, a special conference was held with the participation of the United States, Great Britain, France and their allied countries, at which a decision was made to delimit zones of interest in the territories of the former Russian Empire and establish contacts with national democratic governments. Lacking enough troops, Britain and France turned to the United States for help. Meanwhile, on January 12, 1918, the Japanese cruiser Iwami entered the bay of Vladivostok to "protect the interests and lives of Japanese subjects living on Russian soil," while it was argued that the Japanese government did not intend to "interfere in the question of the political structure of Russia." A few days later, US and Chinese warships arrived in Vladivostok.

Intervention

The anti-Soviet actions of international imperialism began from the very first days of Soviet power. In November 1917, at the initiative of the United States, an economic blockade of Soviet Russia was declared. In December 1917, negotiations were underway between the United States, Britain, France and Japan on the organization of intervention in Siberia and the Far East.

At the same time, Manchuria was turned into a springboard for the struggle against Soviet Russia.

The victory of the socialist revolution on the Pacific coast frightened the imperialists, they were afraid that the sparks of the revolutionary fire could spread to their possessions in Korea, China and Southeast Asia. The first attempts at a military invasion date back to November 1917, when the American cruiser Brooklyn arbitrarily entered the port of Vladivostok. A month later, the Japanese cruiser Iwami and the English cruiser Suffolk appeared here. Representatives of the United States, Japan, Britain and France entered into contacts with the leaders of the overthrown Provisional Government, which activated the counter-revolutionary organizations in Siberia and the Far East. A significant role in the organization of the White Guard movement was played by foreign consulates, representatives of foreign, mainly Japanese and American, firms and offices. In February 1918, the Red Army prevented and also suppressed counter-revolutionary rebellions in Omsk, Novo Nikolaevsk, and in March in Blagoveshchensk-on-Amur. On March 19, 1918, a counter-revolutionary rebellion was suppressed in Kamchatka (the village of Seroglazka near Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky), in the organization of which the Japanese were involved.

The interventionists tried in every possible way to undermine the economy of the young Soviet Republic, contrary to the norms of international law, interfering in its internal affairs and seeking to disrupt the nationalization of industry and transport. In May 1918, the British imperialists, in alliance with the Chinese militarists, seized Russian steamships in the ports of China, serving the northeastern region of the Pacific Ocean, including Kamchatka and Chukotka. They supported the actions of the Russian bourgeoisie, which sold national property to foreigners. Thus, the Amur shipowners sold 50 ships, some of which were bought by Admiral Knight, a representative of the American naval forces, despite the obvious illegality of the transaction.

Since the spring of 1918, foreign invaders launched an undeclared war against Soviet Russia. On April 5, 1918, British and Japanese troops landed in Vladivostok. Under the auspices of Japan, the USA, France and England, the White Guard detachments of Semyonov, Kalmykov and Orlov were formed in Manchuria. A detachment of Semyonov's assistant, Baron Ungern, operated in Dauria. The terror of the Whites provoked a decisive rebuff from the local population.

Partisan detachments and Soviet military units under the command of S. Lazo in July 1918 dealt a serious blow to the White Guards and interventionists, pushing them back to Manchuria.

The actions of the Japanese interventionists in the Far East were distinguished by cruelty. In the winter and spring of 1918-1919. punitive detachments of the Japanese for supporting partisans in the Amur region alone burned about 30 villages and villages. In the village of Beloyarovo, Japanese soldiers drove the entire male population, from young children to the elderly, onto the ice of the Zeya River, and shot them with machine guns. The atrocity of the Japanese interventionists in the village of Ivanovka, Amur Region, is especially well known. On March 22, 1919, Japanese artillery shelled Ivanovka, effectively destroying the village. 196 houses were burned and 257 of its inhabitants were killed, while the men were herded into barns and burned alive.

The rule of the interventionists gave rise to a broad partisan movement.

At the end of January 1920, partisan formations entered Ussuriysk and Vladivostok, in February they entered Blagoveshchensk, and on February 29 Nikolaevsk-on-Amur was taken.

However, Japanese troops still remained in the cities. In March 1920, in Nikolaevsk-on-Amur, violating the agreement concluded with the partisan detachments, the Japanese troops suddenly attacked them. The provocative actions of the Japanese military clique provoked protests from the working people both in Soviet Russia and in Japan. However, the Japanese, unfoundedly blaming the partisans for the "Nikolaev incident", on April 4-5, 1920, organized a new attack on the partisans in Vladivostok, Ussuriysk, Spassk-Dalniy, Khabarovsk and other cities and villages of Primorye. More than 5 thousand people died these days. Members of the Primorsky Military Council S. Lazo, A. Lutsky, V. Sibirtsev were brutally killed - burned in a locomotive firebox.

By the beginning of 1920, the Entente governments were forced to announce the evacuation of their troops. In a difficult international situation, Soviet Russia made a compromise: in April 1920, a buffer state was created - the Far Eastern Republic (FER).

However, hostilities continued. The defeat of the White Guards near Spassk and Volochaevka forced the Japanese to speed up the evacuation of their troops. On October 25, 1922, the People's Revolutionary Army of the Far East Republic, which had completed the liberation of Primorye from the interventionists and White Guards, entered Vladivostok. On November 14, 1922, the buffer state was liquidated and the Far East was reunited with the RSFSR.

The Japanese and American imperialists and the White Guards continued to plunder the natural resources of Kamchatka and Chukotka. The Japanese interventionists driven out of the Soviet Far East continued to keep their troops on Northern Sakhalin until 1925, before the signing of the Soviet-Japanese convention providing for their immediate withdrawal.

Russia was unlucky in the Far East. Fate sent her an extremely quarrelsome and aggressive neighbor on the Pacific coast - Japan, whose ruling circles over the course of a number of past decades have continually encroached on Russian national interests. An example of this was the attack on Russia in January 1904, which led to the Russo-Japanese war and the rejection of South Sakhalin from our country. To an even greater extent, the aggressive aspirations of the Japanese ruling circles manifested themselves during the years of Japan's large-scale armed invasion of Russia, which lasted from 1918 to 1925. The same predatory encroachments were also manifested in the repeated unceremonious violations of Soviet territorial waters by Japanese warships and fishing fleets in the 1920s and 1930s. And what was the cost of the armed provocations of the Japanese military against our country in the area of ​​​​Lake Khasan and near the Khalkingol River, which ended ingloriously only because they met a decisive rebuff from the Soviet armed forces. The defeat of Japanese militarism in 1945 did not benefit some politicians either. After all, until now in the political world of Japan there are quite a few influential champions of territorial claims against Russia, some of whom have their eyes on the four southern islands of the Kuril archipelago, others on the entire archipelago, and still others on South Sakhalin.

In enumerating all these aggressive acts and thoughts of the ruling circles of Japan against our country, it should, however, be remembered that the same aggressiveness of Japan was also manifested in relation to other neighboring countries. In 1910, the Japanese annexed Korea, brutally suppressing the resistance of its people with armed force. In 1931-1945, the Japanese armies captured almost most of the Chinese territory.

In 1941, the Pacific possessions of the United States and England, as well as all the countries of Southeast Asia, became the object of Japanese attacks and seizures. Yes, even today, centers of territorial disputes between Japan and the Republic of Korea over the Tokdo (Takeshima) islands and with the PRC over the Senkaku Islands continue to smolder. Apparently, the greedy desire to profit at the expense of neighboring countries is so deeply rooted in the minds of some Japanese statesmen that even 50 years that have passed since the military defeat of militaristic Japan have not been able to completely get rid of such thoughts, which, of course, does not contribute to the strengthening of peace in the basin. Pacific Ocean.

Among the aggressive actions of Japan undertaken in the past against our country, the least coverage, both in domestic and Japanese literature, has received in recent years the armed intervention of Japan in Siberia, Transbaikalia, the Amur region, Primorye and Northern Sakhalin, which continued in total over seven years. It is difficult to say why domestic historians and Japanese scholars do not pay due attention to this topic: most likely because of their misunderstood desire not to stir up the past in the name of improving current ties with Japan. After all, some of our historians and journalists even now think that by closing their eyes to the darkest pages in the history of relations between the two countries, they are doing some service to the cause of strengthening Russian-Japanese good neighborliness.

As for the coverage of Japanese intervention in Russia in the books of Japanese historians, with rare exceptions, the authors of these books are alien to objectivity, which is explained primarily by their concern for the “good reputation” of their country and the related desire to leave the public in the dark about those crimes that perpetrated by the Japanese military in the Russian territories it occupied. Only a very few Japanese scientists have shown scientific honesty in this matter and have found the courage to recognize the predatory, aggressive nature of the Japanese intervention in Russia and give in their writings a true description of everything that the Japanese army did during its Siberian time-limited “expedition” , undertaken with the noble goal of fulfilling a certain “allied duty” to the countries of Atlanta, as well as to protect Japanese citizens living in Vladivostok and some other cities, who in reality were not threatened at that time. It is noteworthy that the authors of Japanese school history textbooks, as a rule, prefer to remain silent about Japan's aggression against Soviet Russia, although this aggression lasted almost seven years. That is why today the overwhelming majority of Japanese citizens, and especially young people, do not have a true idea of ​​what tasks were set by the leaders of Japan's "peacekeeping expedition" in Siberia and other regions of the Russian Far East and what the Japanese military did in those days on the territory of our country . Even the Japanese scientific community knows too little about this.

In reality, the armed intervention of Japan in the Russian Far East was nothing more than an undeclared war of conquest unleashed with the aim of seizing Primorye, Transbaikalia, the Amur Region and Eastern Siberia, with the aim of turning all these vast territories into a Japanese colony. Unfortunately, most historians and publicists do not want to admit this. But there are still supporters of truthful assessments of history in Japan. “Recently, especially among young scientists,” writes Osamu Takahashi, author of the book “Diary of the Siberian Expedition,” people have appeared who advocate changing the words “Siberian expedition” to “Siberian war”. I also fully agree with this. However, the number of such scientists in Japan is still very small.”

Japan's war in Russia was started in accordance with the secret plan of the Japanese Ministry of War, developed as early as the beginning of 1918 by a specially created committee headed by the Minister of War, General Giichi Tanaka.

This war was of a wide scale: a total of 11 Japanese divisions took part in it, the contingent of which included more than 70 thousand officers and soldiers. During the intervention, the Japanese invaders committed an uncountable number of crimes on Russian territory. Few of our compatriots, let alone the Japanese, know how many hundreds, how many thousands of Russian people were shot by Japanese officers and soldiers who illegally invaded our land and committed cruel reprisals against the local population there. Examples of this are given in the works of Russian historians. Honest Japanese scientists also write about this. Thus, in the Japanese historical literature, the mass bloody massacre perpetrated by the interventionists in the Amur region in the villages of Mazhanovo and Sokhatino against the inhabitants of these villages, who did not want to continue to endure the atrocities of the Japanese military and rebelled against their oppressors, received detailed coverage. Arriving in these villages on January 11, 1919, the punitive detachment, on the orders of its commander, Captain Maeda, shot all the inhabitants of these villages, including women and children, and the villages themselves were burned to the ground. Subsequently, without any hesitation, this fact was recognized by the very command of the Japanese army. The “History of the Expedition in Siberia in 1917-1922,” compiled by the General Staff of the Japanese Army, wrote that “as a punishment, the houses of the inhabitants of these villages who maintained contact with the Bolsheviks were burned.”

And this was not an isolated case. In March 1919, the commander of the 12th brigade of the Japanese occupying army in the Amur region, Major General Shiro Yamada, issued an order to destroy all those villages and villages whose inhabitants were in contact with the partisans. In pursuance of this order, as confirmed by Japanese historians, in March 1919 the following villages and villages of the Amur region were subjected to “purge”: Krugloye, Razlivka, Chernovskaya, Krasny Yar, Pavlovka, Andreevka, Vasilievka, Ivanovka and Rozhdestvenskaya.

What the Japanese occupiers did in these villages and villages during the purge can be judged from the information below about the atrocities of Japanese punishers in the village of Ivanovka. This village, as reported in Japanese sources, was unexpectedly surrounded by Japanese punishers on March 22, 1919 for its inhabitants. First, the Japanese artillery brought down heavy fire on the village, as a result of which fires started in a number of houses. Then, Japanese soldiers burst into the streets, where women and children rushed about crying and screaming. At first, the punishers looked for men and shot them on the streets or stabbed them with bayonets. And then the survivors were locked in several barns and sheds and burned alive. Subsequent investigations showed that after this massacre, 216 villagers were identified and buried in the graves, but apart from this, a large number of corpses charred in the fire remained unidentified. A total of 130 houses were burned to the ground. Referring to the “History of the Expedition in Siberia in 1917–1922” published under the editorship of the General Staff of Japan, the Japanese researcher Teruyuki Hara wrote the following on the same occasion: “of all the cases of the“ complete liquidation of villages ”, the burning of a village was the largest and most cruel Ivanovka. In the official history of this burning, it is written that it was the exact execution of the order of the brigade commander Yamada, which sounded like this: “I order the most consistent punishment of this village.” And about how this punishment looked in reality, it was said in a deliberately vague form: “After some time, fires broke out in all parts of the village.”

The brutal reprisals against the inhabitants of Ivanovka, as well as other villages, were, according to the plan of the Japanese interventionists, to sow fear among the population of the regions of Soviet Russia occupied by them and thus force the Russian people to stop all resistance to uninvited guests from the “Land of the Rising Sun”. In a statement published the next day in the local press, Major General Yamada bluntly wrote that all "enemies of Japan" from among the local population "will suffer the same fate as the inhabitants of Idanovka."

However, even in Japanese historical literature, there are many publications that recognize the failure of the punitive operations of the Japanese army in Siberia and Transbaikalia, which gave rise to massive anti-Japanese sentiments among the Russian population of these regions and even greater resistance to the arbitrariness of the interventionists.

As noted in the "History of the Civil War in the USSR" (Vol. 4, p. 6), the Japanese interventionists plundered a total of 5,775 peasant farms and burned 16,717 buildings to the ground.

By the way, the Japanese army itself also suffered significant losses in this criminal war. According to Japanese historians, more than 3,000 Japanese soldiers and officers died in battles with the defenders of our country's independence during the days of the Japanese intervention.

But that is not all. During the occupation of Eastern Siberia and a number of regions of the Russian Far East, the Japanese interventionists shamelessly plundered natural resources, as well as property belonging to the local population. On warships and civilian ships, the most diverse material values ​​that the interventionists came across, be it private or state Russian property, were taken to Japan without hesitation. So during the years of intervention from the continental regions of Russia to Japan, more than 650 thousand cubic meters of timber were exported, more than 2 thousand railway cars and more than 300 sea and river vessels were stolen to Manchuria. In those years, virtually the entire salmon catch and up to 75 percent of the herring catch were exported from Primorye and Sakhalin to Japan in those years, which caused Russia huge losses in the amount of 4.5 million rubles in gold. And this is not a complete list of Russian wealth misappropriated by the Japanese occupiers during the years of intervention in Russia.

Criminal assistance to the Japanese occupiers was rendered in the plunder of Russian wealth by some of the White Guard generals and officers, who hoped with the help of Japan to keep certain territories in their hands. Some of them were guided by purely selfish aspirations, others - by deliberately erroneous political calculations. But all of them, as the course of events showed, wittingly or unwittingly caused serious damage to the national interests of Russia.

During the years of Japanese occupation, one of the largest attempts on the national property of our country was the abduction by the interventionists, with the assistance of their White Guard accomplices, of a significant part of the state gold reserves of Russia - the abduction, the circumstances and traces of which were still hidden and hushed up by the Japanese side.

The revolutionary events of 1917 gave rise to a chaos of power in the Far East. The leadership of Vladivostok was claimed by the Provisional Government, the Cossack atamans Semyonov and Kalmykov, the Soviets (Bolsheviks, Social Democrats and Social Revolutionaries), the government of autonomous Siberia, and even the director of the CER, General Horvat.

During the First World War, about 40 thousand soldiers, sailors and Cossacks accumulated in Vladivostok (despite the fact that the population of the city was 25 thousand), as well as a large amount of military equipment and weapons brought here by the Entente allies for transfer to the west along the Trans-Siberian Railway).

On January 12, 1918, Allied cruisers entered the Golden Horn: the Japanese Iwami (Russian Eagle raised after the Tsushima battle) and the British Suffolk. On March 1, 1918, the American cruiser Brooklyn anchored in Vladivostok. Later, a Chinese warship arrived at the port.

On April 4, 1918, two Japanese were killed in Vladivostok, and already on April 5, Japanese and English landings landed in the port of Vladivostok (the British landed 50 marines, the Japanese - 250 soldiers) under the pretext of protecting their citizens. However, the indignation at the unmotivated action turned out to be so great that after three weeks the invaders nevertheless left the streets of Vladivostok and boarded their ships.

In June 1918, the allied landings in Vladivostok several times resisted by force the attempts of the council to take strategic stocks from Vladivostok to the west of Russia: ammunition depots and copper. Therefore, on June 29, the commander of the Czechoslovak troops in Vladivostok, Russian Major General Diterichs, presented an ultimatum to the Vladivostok Soviet: to disarm their troops in half an hour. The ultimatum was caused by information that the exported property was used to arm the captured Magyars and Germans - several hundred of them were not far from Vladivostok as part of the Red Guard detachments. The Czechs quickly occupied the council building with gunfire and began to forcibly disarm the detachments of the city's Red Guards.

After the capture of Vladivostok, the Czechs continued their offensive against the "northern" detachments of the Primorye Bolsheviks and on July 5 took Ussuriysk. According to the memoirs of the Bolshevik Uvarov, in total, during the coup, 149 Red Guards were killed by the Czechs in the region, 17 communists and 30 “red” Czechs were arrested and brought to court-martial.

It was the June performance in Vladivostok of the Czechoslovak Corps that became the reason for the joint intervention of the allies. At a meeting in the White House on July 6, 1918, it was decided that the United States and Japan should land 7,000 soldiers each in the Russian Far East. However, Japan, which had already snatched a piece of the sweet Far Eastern pie a decade and a half ago, acted according to its plan: by the end of 1918, it already had 80 thousand soldiers in the Far East. However, the Americans also went over the quota, landing 8.5 thousand soldiers here, despite the objections of the Japanese commander-in-chief of the interventionist forces in the Far East, General Otani.

On July 6, 1918, numerous invaders landed in the city, and the allied command in Vladivostok declared the city "under international control." The purpose of the intervention was declared to be to assist the Czechs in their struggle against German and Austrian prisoners on the territory of Russia, as well as to assist the Czechoslovak Corps in its advancement from the Far East to France, and then to their homeland.

The Extraordinary Fifth Congress of Soviets of the Far East decided to stop fighting on the Ussuri front and move on to partisan struggle. The functions of the bodies of Soviet power began to be carried out by the headquarters of partisan detachments.

In November 1918, the government of Admiral A.V. came to power in the region. Kolchak. Kolchak's representative in the Far East was General D.L. Croat. In July 1919, General S.N. became the military dictator of the Primorsky region. Rozanov. All regional governments and foreign powers recognized A.V. Kolchak "supreme ruler of Russia".

By the end of 1918, the number of interventionists in the Far East had reached 150,000, including more than 70,000 Japanese and approx. 11 thousand, Czechs - 40 thousand (including Siberia), as well as small contingents of British, French, Italians, Romanians, Poles, Serbs and Chinese.

The defeat of Kolchak's troops forced the commander-in-chief of the interventionist troops in Siberia, gen. Jannen to begin an urgent evacuation of the Czechoslovaks, among whom revolutionary fermentation began. Under the influence of the successes of the Red Army, the participants in the intervention at a meeting on December 16. In 1919, they decided to stop helping the White Guards in Russia.

The United States, fearing the spread of Bolshevik influence on American soldiers and counting on a clash between Japan and Soviet Russia, 5 Jan. 1920 decided to evacuate their troops from the Far East. Japan formally declared its "neutrality".

In early 1920, power in Vladivostok passed to the Provisional Government of the Primorsky Zemstvo Council, which consisted of representatives of various political forces from the Communists to the Cadets.
On the night of April 4-5, 1920, Japanese troops attacked the revolutionary troops and organizations of Primorye. Thousands of people died, members of the Supreme Military Council of Primorye S. G. Lazo, V. M. Sibirtsev, A. N. Lutsky were captured and brutally killed.

In order to paralyze the further spread of Japanese aggression in Transbaikalia, on April 6, 1920, a buffer Far Eastern Republic (FER) was created. In view of the protest of the entire consular corps, the Japanese were forced to return the Provisional Government of the Primorsky Zemstvo Administration to control.

Soviet Russia officially recognized the FER on May 14, 1920, providing it with financial, diplomatic, personnel, economic and military assistance from the very beginning. This allowed Moscow to control the domestic and foreign policy of the Far East and create the People's Revolutionary Army of the Far East (NRA) on the basis of the red divisions.

The proclamation of the FER helped to prevent a direct military conflict between Soviet Russia and Japan and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territory of the Far Eastern Territory, and created an opportunity for Soviet Russia, with the help of the NRA, to defeat the non-Soviet republics of Transbaikalia, the Amur Region and the Green Wedge.

At the talks held at the Gongota station (May 24-July 15, 1920), the Japanese delegation was forced to agree to the evacuation of its troops from Transbaikalia. This diplomatic victory of Moscow and the betrayal of Kolchak's generals in the fall of 1920, who were at the head of the Far Eastern Army, made it possible for the NRA in October - November 1920 to defeat the Armed Forces of the Eastern Outskirts of Ataman Semyonov.

In January 1921, elections were held for the Constituent Assembly of the FER, whose task was to develop a constitution for the republic and create its supreme bodies.

The majority in the Constituent Assembly was won by the Bolsheviks in alliance with representatives of the peasant partisan detachments. During its activity (February 12-April 27, 1921), the Constituent Assembly adopted the constitution of the Far East, according to which the republic was an independent democratic state, the supreme state power in which belongs exclusively to the people of the Far East.

On May 26, 1921, the White Guards, with the support of Japanese troops, carried out a coup in Vladivostok, which brought to power the counter-revolutionary "Amur government" headed by barrister Nikolai Merkulov. In the journalism of the times of the Civil War, this state formation was called the "Black Buffer".

At the Dairen Conference in September 1921, Japan demanded that the government of the Far Eastern Republic recognize Japan's special rights in the Far East. Having failed, Japan organized an invasion of Primorye by the remnants of the Semenov and Kolchak troops (up to 20 thousand).

On February 10-12, 1922, the People's Revolutionary Army under the command of V.K. Blucher defeated the Whites in the Battle of Volochaevsky. On February 14, Khabarovsk was liberated. Discontent grew in Japan, the broad masses demanded an end to the intervention. Under these conditions, the cabinet of Admiral Kato came to power, a supporter of transferring expansion to the Pacific Ocean, which on June 24 announced the decision to evacuate Primorye by November 1, 1922.

Almost immediately after the White Guard coup in May 1921, a broad partisan movement was resumed on the territory of Primorye, organized by parties of a socialist orientation, primarily the Bolsheviks. The inability to cope with the growing partisan movement and the defeats suffered by the NRA led in the summer of 1922 to the resignation of the Merkul government and the transfer of real power to General M.K. . By his decree No. 1, Diterichs renamed the Amur state formation into the Amur Zemsky Territory, and the army into the Zemsky army. On September 1, the Zemstvo army launched an offensive operation against the NRA of the Far East, but already in October it was almost completely defeated.

On October 25, 1922, Vladivostok was taken by units of the NRA, the Far Eastern Republic regained control over the entire territory of Primorye, and the Black Buffer ceased to exist. On the same day, the evacuation of Japanese troops ended. Only Northern Sakhalin remained occupied by the Japanese, from where the Japanese left only on May 14, 1925.

The workers of the Far Eastern Republic at rallies organized by Bolshevik activists demanded reunification with the RSFSR. The People's Assembly of the Far Eastern Republic of the II convocation, elections for which were held in the summer, at its session on November 4-15, 1922, adopted a resolution on its dissolution and the restoration of Soviet power in the Far East. Later, late in the evening of November 14, 1922, the commanders of the NRA of the FER, on behalf of the People's Assembly of the FER, appealed to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee with a request to include the FER in the RSFSR, which a few hours later on November 15, 1922 included the republic in the RSFSR as the Far Eastern Region.