Social and political structure of Kievan Rus. Political and military structure of Kievan Rus

The tribe was the main political unit among the Eastern Slavs before the arrival of the Varangians. What little we know about the tribal system suggests that the heads of family clans and tribes had all possible power, although they could not use it except in strict accordance with custom and tradition. Meeting at the council of elders, the same patriarchs found solutions to important, generally significant issues. Thus, the same people set the tone both at the lower levels of social organization, i.e. at the level of the community (mir, zadruga), and at the highest levels - right up to such tribal unions as are known to us, such as the unions of the Polyans, Northerners and Drevlyans .

At the edge of the forest or on the top of a hill, the main tribal “city” was built, surrounded by a palisade. There were many of them, and local political power was gradually concentrated in them. Each tribe settled around such a center.

The Varangians used the tribal system of the Eastern Slavs for their own purposes. These goals are known to us - war and trade, trade and war. It was necessary to introduce elements of unity and order into the life of local tribes - exactly as much as was necessary for the successful operation of those “commercial enterprises” where the “controlling shareholders” were members of the Rurik dynasty. However, they had to give a significant share of the spoils to their squads, on whom they were highly dependent. One had to constantly remember about the squad, take care of it, satisfy its whims - otherwise, look, it would run away to a rival... The Varangian princes with their squads settled in cities located on the main trade routes. As the Varangians subjugated the surrounding tribes, the political importance of each of these cities grew. Kyiv became the main city.

However, not all Kyiv princes were able to concentrate all power in their hands, but only the most ambitious, gifted and ruthless. It was they who, by seizing the Kiev throne, forced all other members of the dynasty to recognize their exclusive rights. Such periods of strong power seemed to subdue centrifugal tendencies and unite the subjects. This continued until the middle of the 11th century.

Then Yaroslav the Wise reformed the system of succession to the throne, and following this reform, the decentralization of the country began. In theory, each member of the dynasty could now claim their share of power and possessions. In the end, the Kiev prince became nothing more than the titled head of an amorphous conglomerate of appanage principalities bound by dynastic kinship, but torn apart by constant strife.

This is, in general terms, the political development of Kievan Rus. What were the mechanisms that made it possible to exercise power practically? By what forces was it carried out?

First of all, by the forces of the prince himself and his squad, the council of boyars (duma) and the assembly of townspeople (veche). Thus, in the political structure of Kievan Rus, monarchical, aristocratic and democratic tendencies were manifested to one degree or another.

The prince ruled over his subjects, they surrounded him with honor and respect - it was understood that in return they would receive protection, order, and justice from the prince. But as a defender of his subjects and a threat to his enemies, the prince was worth absolutely nothing without his squad. Well, if the enemy threat was too great, a militia of townspeople gathered to help, or even a general mobilization was declared. Usually the princely army did not exceed 2-3 thousand people.

The management of the Kyiv principality (as well as other similar pre-state structures) was also carried out by such important persons as the princely butler, the housekeeper and the like: the princes did not bother themselves with thoughts about where their personal economy ended and the “public” began. Princes appointed mayors to remote cities and towns, usually from among their family members. Thousands of local militia carried out the will of the prince on the ground. Justice was administered by the prince himself and his officials in accordance with the “Russian Truth” of Yaroslav the Wise. All this clearly indicates that princely power was undoubtedly the most important factor in governance. And the fact that it was supposed to combine military, judicial and administrative functions also shows how primitive and undeveloped this entire control system was.

If in military affairs the prince was entirely dependent on the squad, then in order to support it and all other institutions of power, the prince needed tribute. Over time, the process of collecting it improved so much that a more developed system of taxation arose - from each individual farm (from “smoke” or from “plow”). Among other sources of princely wealth, we note trade duties, court fees and fines. By the way, Kiev legislation clearly gave preference to the latter over all other possible punishments for criminal acts. So let’s not discount this important item of income.

To some extent, the prince also needed the boyar duma, especially when advice and support were required. At first it was an advisory body consisting of senior guards. Many of them came from the Varangian nobility or were descendants of Slavic tribal leaders. Subsequently, church hierarchs also received seats in the Duma. However, the existence of the Duma did not at all mean that the prince was obliged to consult with it, and in general its functions were not fully defined. And yet, the Duma, which actually represented the entire boyar nobility, was apparently influential enough to deprive the prince of support in some of his endeavors. So we had to take the thought into account.

Finally, democracy in Kyiv was represented by the city council. It, however, arose even before the appearance of princes in Kyiv, for it apparently traces its origins to tribal gatherings of the Eastern Slavs. The prince convened a veche in those cases when he needed to find out the opinion of the townspeople, or they themselves gathered at the veche if they wanted to express their opinion to the prince. At the meetings, issues of wars and peace treaties, succession to the throne, appointment of officials, and organization of the army were discussed. But the veche could only criticize or welcome the policies of the prince - it did not have its own political or legislative power. Although one formal right was still recognized for him - the right to conclude an agreement (“row”) with each new prince ascending the throne. Thus, the veche officially recognized the power of the prince, and in return he promised not to transgress the traditional limits of his power.

All heads of families had the right to participate in the meetings. However, the tone for them was set by the merchant elite, so that the veche often turned into a place for settling scores between warring city parties.

Orest Subtelny

From the book “History of Ukraine”, 1994

LITERATURE

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Briefly:

History of Kievan Rus:

1. Period: IX - mid-X century; the first Kyiv princes (“polyudye” - collection of tribute; Olga’s establishment of “lessons” - the amount of tribute and “cemeteries” - places for collecting tribute after the murder of Igor)

2 . Period: second half of the 10th - first half of the 11th century; heyday, the time of Vladimir I and Yaroslav the Wise (Vladimir: 988 - adoption of Christianity, introduction of "tithe" - a tax in favor of the church, the church becomes a powerful landowner; Yaroslav: "Russian Truth" ["Pravda Yaroslav" and "Pravda Yaroslavich"] - a set of laws, mainly inheritance, criminal and procedural law; “ladder” system of transfer of the throne - to the eldest in the family, with a strict hierarchy of the importance of territories)

3. Period: second half of the 11th - beginning of the 12th century; transition to territorial and political fragmentation (infighting due to personal conflicts of princes, ambitions, the growth of the power of individual principalities; 1097 - Lyubech Congress - “Let everyone keep his fatherland; under Vladimir Monomakh - temporary strengthening and unity, “Charter of Vladimir Monomakh” - a new part of “Russian Truth”, “The Tale of Bygone Years” by Nestor; after 1132 - disintegration into separate principalities)

Main institutions of governance (early feudal monarchy):

Grand Duke of Kiev (supreme owner of the land)

Druzhina (professional warriors; the eldest - the boyars, the younger - the gridi; they were the state apparatus)

Local (appanage) princes (from the Kyiv princely dynasty), posadniks

Local squad

Pogosts (administrative tax centers and points where trade was carried out), camps, volosts (rural areas subordinate to the city)

Veche - it is not known exactly what role they played in terms of importance. In general, influence remained only in Novgorod.

Early feudal monarchy - a form of government when, in a military democracy, the prince, relying on his squad, becomes not an elected military leader, but a hereditary head of state. In certain territories there are princely governors.

Basics:

1 . The main functions of power in Ancient Rus' were the prince, the squad and the veche. It should be noted that there is no clear division of powers between these subjects of power. The main part of the population - the peasants - apparently were not yet formally separated from the authorities, but in fact they did not directly participate in the activities of government institutions (in particular, the veche).

2 . The relationship between the prince and the squad was built on personal connections, secured by a system of donations and joint feasts. The prince in his decisions largely depended on the squad. However, the squad was largely guided by the prince. The princely power gradually strengthened, which was expressed, among other things, in the decline in the authority of the “senior” squad.

3 . Relations between the prince, who headed the squad, and the cities with adjacent rural settlements were built on regular payments of polyud and (or) tribute. The distribution of the funds received was the prerogative of the prince. At the same time, he acted as a kind of personification of the collective owner of the funds collected by the squad in the form of tributes and polyudya.

4 . The service of the prince and the squad was carried out by a “service organization”, in the depths of which new social relations were formed, comparable to the Western European ministeriality (ministerials - in medieval Europe, representatives of small knighthood, owning small fiefs and obliging military service to the monarch or a large feudal lord).

5 . At a certain period, all of the listed power “bodies” were in a state of unstable balance. Over time, however, the balance of power began to change, and in each land in its own way.

Prince:

1. highest institution of power

2. legislator

3. supreme military leader

4. judicial and administrative functions (supreme judge; sets the amount and timing of payment of tribute)

5. could have personal (private) inherited lands

Squad:

1. professional warriors

2. the prince’s closest advisers

3. performed administrative functions (collection of court fees - “virs”, collection of tribute and land management)

4. they received a set salary for their service, military spoils were divided between them, the boyars received land in their possession

Veche:

1 . older than princely power

2 . representative body of cities

3 . resolving a wide range of issues: from raising funds for the city militia and hiring military detachments to the expulsion or election of a prince (it is not clear whether the veche always dealt with such problems or whether sources recorded exceptional cases associated, as a rule, with serious social crises and cataclysms)

4 . Apparently, in the early stages of the development of the state, city veche meetings existed everywhere, but later reached their peak by the 12th century. in the North-West, and in other lands practically ceased to exist

5 . legal - convened by decision of the prince; illegal - against the will of the prince

6 . the value of the veche decreased with a strong prince and increased with a weak

7 . under the strong power of the prince, the veche deals not with political issues, but with issues of urban life

8 . local veche meetings began to strengthen in individual principalities during the period of fragmentation

Detailed response:

Political structure of the Kyiv principality it was unstable. Composed of many tribal and urban worlds, this principality could not form into a single state in our sense of the word even in the 12th century. fell apart. Therefore, it would be most accurate to define Kievan Rus as a set of many reigns united by one dynasty, the unity of religion, tribe, language and national identity. This self-awareness reliably existed: from its height the people condemned their political disorder, condemned the princes for the fact that they “carried the land separately” with their “which,” that is, infighting, and convinced them to be in unity for the sake of a single “Russian land.”

The political connection of Kievan society was weaker than all its other connections, which was one of the most prominent reasons for the fall of Kievan Rus.

The first political form, which originated in Rus', was the life of a city or regional. When regional and city life had already taken shape, a princely dynasty appeared in the cities and regions, uniting all these regions into one principality. Next to the city authorities, princely power became. This explains the fact that in the XI-XII centuries. There are two political authorities in Rus': 1) princely and 2) city, or veche. The veche is older than the prince, but the prince is often more visible than the veche; the latter sometimes temporarily cedes its meaning to it.

Princes Kievan Rus, senior or junior, were all politically independent of each other, they had only moral responsibilities: the princes of the volost had to honor the eldest, the grand duke, “a place in the father”, together with him they had to protect their volost “from the filthy” , together with him think and guess about the Russian land and solve important issues of Russian life. We distinguish three main functions of the activities of the ancient Kiev princes. Firstly, the prince legislated, and the ancient law, “Russian Truth”, directly confirms this with several of its articles. In Pravda we read, for example, that the sons of Yaroslav, Izyaslav, Svyatoslav and Vsevolod, jointly decided to replace revenge for murder with a fine. The titles of some articles of Pravda indicate that these articles were a princely “court,” that is, they were established by the princes.

Thus, legislative function princes attested by an ancient monument. The second function of their power is military. The princes appeared for the first time in the Russian land as defenders of its borders, and in this respect, subsequent princes did not differ from the first. Let us remember that Vladimir Monomakh considered his main task to be the defense of the borders from the Polovtsians; He persuaded other princes to fight the Polovtsians at congresses and, together with them, undertook general campaigns against the nomads. There is a third function judicial and administrative function. "Russian Truth" testifies that the princes themselves judged criminal cases. According to “Russian Truth”, for the murder of the prince’s equerry, a fine of 80 hryvnia was levied, “as if Izyaslav had installed him in his stable, he was killed by the Dorogobuzhtsi.” Here "Truth" indicates an actual court case. Regarding the administrative activities of the princes, we can say that for a long time they bore the responsibilities of administration and established “cemeteries and tributes.” Even on the very first pages of the chronicle, we read how Olga “established tributes and tributes in the Place, and quitrents and tributes in Luza.” (Pogosts were administrative districts.) These are the main responsibilities of the prince of the Kyiv era: he legislates, he is a military leader, he is the supreme judge and supreme administrator.

These signs always characterize highest political power. In accordance with the nature of their activities, princes also have servants, the so-called squad, their closest advisers, with the help of whom they govern the country. In the chronicle one can find much evidence, even of a poetic nature, about the close relationship of the squad to the prince. Vladimir the Saint, according to chronicle legend, expressed the idea that a squad cannot be purchased with silver and gold, but with a squad one can get both gold and silver. This view of the squad, as something incorruptible, standing to the prince in a moral relationship, runs through the entire chronicle. The squad in ancient Rus' enjoyed great influence on affairs; she demanded that the prince do nothing without her, and when one young Kiev prince decided to go on a campaign without consulting her, she refused to help him, and the prince’s allies did not go with him without her. The prince’s solidarity with his squad flowed from the most real life conditions, although it was not determined by any law. The squad was hiding behind princely authority, but it supported him; the prince with a large retinue was strong, with a small one he was weak. The squad was divided into senior and junior.

The eldest was called “husbands” and “boyars”(the origin of this word is interpreted differently; by the way, there is an assumption that it comes from the word “boliy”, greater). The boyars were influential advisers to the prince; they undoubtedly constituted the highest stratum in the squad and often had their own squad. They were followed by the so-called “men” or “princely men” - warriors and princely officials. The junior squad is called "Gridy"; sometimes they are called “youths,” and this word should be understood only as a term of social life, which could perhaps refer to a very old person. This is how the squad was divided. All of her, with the exception of the prince's slaves - serfs, treats the prince equally; she came to the latter and entered into “rows” with him, in which she designated her duties and rights. The prince had to treat the warrior and the “husband” as a completely independent person, because the warrior could always leave the prince and look for another service.

The prince took his administrators from the squad, with the help of which he governs the earth and protects it. These assistants were called “virniks” and “tiuns; their duties consisted of court and collection of vira, that is, judicial fees, land management and collection of tribute. Tribute and vira fed the prince and his squad. The prince sometimes collected tribute with the help of officials, and sometimes in person. Tribute was collected in kind and money, and in the same way, not only in kind, but also in money, was given to the squad. One chronicler of the beginning of the 13th century writes about an earlier time that the prince “even if he wakes up the right of the vira, and that is possible, - "I give to the squad for weapons. And his squad ... do not covet: the prince has 200 hryvnia in small amounts, I do not put gold hoops on my wives, but for the husband of their wives in silver." about the wealth of the Kiev princes (if we count 1/2 pound of silver in a hryvnia, then its weight value is about 10 rubles). Where did this wealth come from, what sources of income did the princes use? Firstly, the princes received funds from their judicial activities. Secondly , the princes received tribute, which has already been mentioned. Thirdly, military spoils went in favor of the princes. Finally, the last type of princely income is private income. Taking advantage of their privileged position, the princes acquire private lands (villages), which they strictly distinguish from political possessions. The prince cannot bequeath political property to a woman, but only to his son or brother, and yet we see that he gives his private lands to his wife or daughter, or to monasteries.

Veche was older than the prince. We read from the chronicler: “From the beginning, the Novgorodians and the Smolnyans and the Kiyans, and the Polotsk residents and all the authorities seem to come together at the Duma at the veche, and what the elders think about, that’s what the suburbs will become.” The meaning of these words is this: from the beginning, cities and volosts (“sweets”) were governed by veches, and the veche of the older city ruled not only the city, but also its entire volost. Next to these veches, at which all heads of families enjoyed the right to vote, the power of the princes appeared, but the princes did not abolish the vecha, but ruled the land sometimes with the assistance, and sometimes with the opposition of the latter. Many historians tried to define the relationship of the prince to the veche and, conversely, the veche to the prince from the point of view of our political concepts, but this only led to stretches. The facts of veche activities collected in V.I. Sergeevich’s book “The Prince and the Veche”, first of all, do not allow us to establish the very form of the veche, which is very easy to confuse with simple folk gatherings, and the uncertainty of the form often forced researchers to distinguish between legal and illegal veche.

The veche was called legal, convened by the prince; a veche, gathered against the will of the prince, rebelliously, was considered illegal. The consequence of the legal uncertainty of the position of the veche was that the latter was highly dependent on purely local or temporary conditions: its political significance decreased under a strong prince who had a large squad, and, conversely, increased under a weak one; in addition, in large cities it had greater political significance than in small ones. The study of this issue makes us convinced that the relationship between the prince and the veche is constantly fluctuating. Thus, under Yaroslav and his sons, the veche did not have the same power as under his grandchildren and great-grandsons. When the power of the princes strengthened and was defined, the veche moved from political activity to economic activity - it began to deal with the affairs of the internal life of the city. But when the Rurik family multiplied and hereditary accounts became confused, the city councils sought to regain political significance. Taking advantage of the turmoil, they themselves summoned the prince they wanted and formed “ranks” with him. Little by little, the veche felt so strong that it decided to argue with the prince: it happened that the prince stood for one thing, and the veche for another, and then the veche often “shows the prince the way,” that is, expels him.

Stages of the political history of Ancient Rus'

I. IX - XI centuries.- the period of formation of territory and borders, the foundations of the state system and the preservation of political unity under the rule of Kyiv;

II. XII - beginning XIII centuries: period of political fragmentation or specific. Nominally, the Great Prince of Kiev (from 1169 - Vladimir) remained the head of state. Kievan Rus does not disintegrate, but transforms into a unique federation of independent Russian lands and principalities, the number of which was constantly increasing: in the middle of the 12th century. there were 15 of them at the beginning of the 13th century. - about 50, in the 14th century. - already 250. As the chronicle comments: “and the whole Russian land was infuriated...”

The main feature of the state system of Ancient Rus', according to V.O. Klyuchevsky, there was the existence of two parallel structures of power: some were princely, other - zemstvo, veche.

The central place in public administration was occupied by princely power, which originated in a tribal society. In the 10th century The inter-tribal struggle ends in the victory of Kyiv, and Svyatoslav takes the title of “Russian Grand Duke”. During the transfer of the Grand Duke's throne, the patrimonial principle was preserved eldership, i.e. the eldest in the Rurik family became the Grand Duke, and the younger Rurikovichs became governors. Functions princely power were quite broad, they gave it character supreme state power.

• The princes were entrusted with the tasks of military leadership and diplomatic relations, they performed the internal “duty” to protect peace and order, directed domestic and foreign policy, i.e. headed executive branch. In their appearance there were many features of the former tribal princes, the main one of which was direct participation in battles, his task of “standing and fighting”, the courage of the prince in the “arms” was highly valued in ancient Russian society. In 1136, the Novgorodians expelled Prince Vsevolod, accusing him of leaving “from the regiment ahead of everyone else,” i.e. fled from the battlefield.
• Legislature was also in the hands of princes. The first laws of the Old Russian state ("Russian Truth") were adopted by princes Yaroslav the Wise and his sons, the church statutes of princes Vladimir, Yaroslav, and Vladimir Monomakh are known.
• The prince had the highest judiciary, on his behalf the governors and volosts carried out justice.
• The prince fulfilled and religious functions. Oleg's nickname Prophetic may indicate that he was a "prophecy", i.e. priest Carrying out such functions, Prince Vladimir carried out a pagan reform in 980, and in 988 accepted Orthodoxy and made it the state religion.

The power of the prince was exercised locally governors The Grand Duke, as a rule, is his brothers, sons and other relatives. They were appointed to the central and large cities of the principalities, and ruled in the volosts Volosteli. Governors and volostels were responsible for order, collected taxes, were governors, fought criminals, and were judges. Part of the taxes remained for the maintenance of local administrators (system "feeding"). A similar management structure finally took shape under Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich. The principalities, lands and volosts retained significant independence, which allows us to call Kievan Rus a kind of “federation” of lands and principalities.

Druzhina(both the great and appanage princes) shared with them all management functions. Members of the senior squad formed the duma of the prince ( Boyar Duma), his state council. The squad as a whole was the military and administrative apparatus of the prince; mayors, volosts, governors, judges, ambassadors, etc. were appointed from among the squads. The prince relied on his squad and consulted with it on all issues, otherwise he could lose its support, and as the chronicle puts it, a prince without a squad is like “a bird taken aback.”

Thus, the prince was the military leader and organizer of the people's militia, the head of administration, legislation and court, and princely power was a necessary and main element of the political organization of society.

Zemstvo governing bodies - veche and community also originated in a tribal society and continued the traditions of tribal self-government.

The Laurentian Chronicle for 1176 reports: “From the beginning, the Novgorodians and the Smolnyans, and the Kiyans, and the Polochans, and all the authorities, as if they were convening at a meeting; Veche - people's assembly operated in all Russian cities until the middle of the 13th century. (in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Novgorod and Pskov lands until the 15th century). The prince had to enter into an agreement with the veche community and accept the conditions put forward. At the end of the 11th - mid-12th centuries, when Rus' fell apart into appanages, the veche became the master of the situation. Veche cities acquired the significance of “a leading political force that competed with the princes, and by the end of the 12th century gained a decisive advantage over them” (V.O. Klyuchevsky). Participation in the meeting and its convening was the right of all free adults. According to sources, “people” are endowed with significant social energy: they take part in inviting princes to the table and in driving them away, participate in the choice of religion, approve international treaties, and gather militia. Since 1136, the Novgorod veche entered into ranks (agreements) with the prince and strictly controlled his power. Of the 50 princes who occupied the Kiev throne, 14 were invited to the veche. For example, the Kiev veche ("kiyans") in 1151, when the city was attacked by Yu. Dolgoruky, made the following decision: "well, let's all go as much as we can and take the cold in the country, before anyone can go, let us do it ourselves." volumes". Thus, the veche was the supreme body legislative and administrative authorities at the local level, resolving all important issues: about war and peace, inviting and expelling princes, managing finances and land funds, etc.

Community was a form of peasant self-government, i.e. majority of the country's population. She carried out the redistribution of land plots, jointly (evenly) resolved tax and financial issues, formed a people's militia, investigated crimes and punished them.

The political system of the Russian lands explains and character of the army. The most combat-ready and well-armed part of the army was the squad. Depending on the degree of military danger, either the squad or the people's militia (all free adults) entered the battle. Every free person enjoyed the right to bear arms and was armed. Those. The veche is the people's militia of each city or volost: the high political activity of the ordinary population, its sovereignty in the veche was based on the military strength of the people. The cities were organized in a military manner, the people's militia formed a regiment - thousand, which was divided into hundreds and tens. Tysyatsky, Sotsky and Desyatsky were elected at the meeting. The Tysyatskys were the leaders of the military forces of the district, in addition, they had police power and judicial power. The militia had its own commanders - zemstvo governors and thousand.

In Russian historiography, a tradition has been established that considers the ancient Russian princes to be “sovereigns” and “autocratic monarchs,” but it requires critical reflection. The prince was not the supreme land owner, society did not have a pronounced class character, the main population was free and full of rights, the princely power was controlled by the squad and the veche - under these conditions the Grand Duke did not become an autocratic monarch. In general, in the ancient Russian state there was an “unstable balance” of two forms of power, two trends in political development: princely ( monarchical) and veche ( democratic). It should be noted the significant role of the squad ( aristocracy) in the political development of Rus'.

Before the arrival of the Varangians, the main political unit of the Eastern Slavs was the tribe. The meager information about their tribal organization indicates that a wide range of resources was concentrated in the hands of the leader of the clan and tribe.

power, the use of which was dictated by custom and tradition. Important issues were resolved by agreement between the elders, who gathered in tribal councils and were the dominant figures in political life, starting from the lowest level - the community (mir, zadruga) and up to the highest level - the union of tribes, such as, say, existed among the glades, Northerners and Drevlyans. The centers of political power were numerous palisaded tribal settlements that arose on cleared hills around which tribal members settled.

The Varangians imposed their commercial and military-oriented forms of organization on this tribal system of the Eastern Slavs, establishing order and unity among the local tribes that allowed them to effectively manage their economy. The largest “rulers” of their trading enterprises were members of the Rurik dynasty, and it was they who had more income and power. However, since the princes largely depended on their wives, they had to share a significant amount of their food with the warriors. It is characteristic that one of the main concerns of the first Kyiv rulers was the desire to satisfy their own warriors so that they would not go over to a rival. With the spread of the influence of the Varangians, political power was concentrated in cities that arose along the main trade routes. The most important of these cities was Kyiv.

The Kyiv princes managed to monopolize power to varying degrees. During the reign of Yaroslav the Wise in the middle of the 11th century. the most ambitious, talented and cruel members of the dynasty repeatedly managed to seize the Kiev table and assert their superiority over their brothers and other competitors. During this period of strong power, centrifugal tendencies were abstained and the unity of dominions was ensured. Following the reform of Yaroslav the Wise in the system of inheritance of power, according to which each member of the rapidly growing Rurik dynasty received a practical or theoretical part of the possessions, decentralization of power began. As a result of this, the Grand Duke of Kiev eventually became no more than the titled head of a dynastically linked conglomerate of principalities that were constantly at odds with each other.

Having outlined the political development of Kievan Rus, let us turn to the mechanisms through which power was exercised. The most important of them were the princely power, the council of boyars (duma) and the assembly of townspeople (veche). Each of these institutions was a manifestation of the correspondence of monarchical, aristocratic and democratic tendencies in the political structure of Kyiv. The power and prestige enjoyed by the prince, in turn, obliged him to provide justice, order and protection to his subjects. In the performance of his military functions, the prince formerly depended on his wife. If large forces were needed, a militia of townspeople was assembled or, less commonly, a general mobilization was carried out. The number of this army was relatively small - somewhere around 2-3 thousand people, or even less. Similar to societies that did not yet have a state organization, the management of the principality as a whole was also carried out by the prince’s personal servants, such as, in particular, the butler, the estate manager and others, since there was no clear difference between state and private management functions. In remote cities and lands, princes appointed mayors, who, as a rule, were elected from members of their own family. In the peripheral lands, the will of the prince was carried out by the thousand of the local militia with his subordinates. Justice was administered by the prince himself or by judges appointed by him according to the “Russian Truth” of Yaroslav the Wise. It is clear that princely power was of paramount importance in the management of Kievan Rus, but at the same time, the combination of military, judicial and administrative functions in it testifies to how relatively undeveloped and primitive this system was.

The princes formerly depended on tribute to finance their activities. Subsequently, a complex taxation system developed that included each household (which was called “smoke” or “plow”). Other sources of princely income included duties on trade, fees for legal proceedings and fines. The latter constituted an important source of income, since the Kyiv laws on punishment for crime preferred monetary payments before the death penalty.

For advice and support, the prince had to turn to the boyar duma - a body that arose from the senior members of his wife, many of whom were descendants of Varangian leaders or Slavic tribal leaders. Later, church hierarchs also received a place in the Duma. The functions of the Duma were never clearly defined, and the prince was not obliged to consult with it. However, by ignoring it, he risked losing the support of this influential body, which represented the entire boyar nobility. Therefore, the princes, as a rule, took into account the position of the boyar duma. The democratic side of the political structure of Kyiv was represented by the veche, or meeting of townspeople, which arose even before the appearance of the princes and, obviously, came from the tribal councils of the Eastern Slavs. The veche was convened by the prince or townspeople when there was a need to consult or express their opinion. Among the issues discussed in plain sight were military campaigns, the conclusion of agreements, succession to the throne, the distribution of posts in the state, and the organization of troops. The veche could criticize or approve the prince's policies, but it did not have the right to determine its own policies or make laws. However, when a new prince sat on the throne, the veche could conclude a formal agreement with him (“row”), according to which the prince agreed not to cross the traditionally established limits of power in the veche, and it, in turn, recognized his power over itself. Although the heads of families had the right to participate, in fact, the city merchant nobility reigned at the veche gatherings, which turned them into an arena for inter-factional disputes.

LITERATURE

1. Alkushin A.I. Operation of oil and gas wells. M.: Nedra, 1989. 360 p.

2. Bobritsky N.V., Yufin V.A. Fundamentals of the oil and gas industry. M.: Nedra, 1988. 200 p.

3. Vasilievsky V.N., Petrov A.I. Well testing operator. M.: Nedra, 1983. 310 p.

4. Gimatudinov Sh.K., Dunyushkin I.I. and etc.
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Development and operation of oil, gas and gas condensate fields. M.: Nedra, 1988. 322 p.

5. Information systems in economics / Ed. V.V. Dick, 1996.

6. Krets V.G., Lene G.V. Fundamentals of oil and gas production: Textbook / Ed. Ph.D. geol.-miner.
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Sciences G.M. Voloshchuk. – Tomsk: Publishing house Tom. un-ta͵ 2000. 220 p.

7. Oilfield equipment: set of catalogues/ Ed. V.G. Krets, Tomsk: Publishing house at TSU, 1999. 900 p.

8. Podgornov Yu.M. Production and exploration drilling for oil and gas. M.: Nedra, 1988. 325 p.

9. Suleymanov A.B., Karapetov K.A., Yashin A.S. Equipment and technology of well overhaul. M.: Nedra, 1987. 316 p.

Briefly:

History of Kievan Rus:

1st period: IX – mid-X century; the first Kyiv princes ("polyudye" - collection of tribute; Olga's establishment of "lessons" - the amount of tribute and "pogostov" - places for collecting tribute after the murder of Igor)

2nd period: second half of the 10th – first half of the 11th century; heyday, the time of Vladimir I and Yaroslav the Wise (Vladimir: 988 ᴦ. - adoption of Christianity, introduction of ʼʼtitheʼʼ - a tax in favor of the church, the church becomes a powerful landowner; Yaroslav: ʼʼRusskaya Pravdaʼʼ [ʼʼPravda Yaroslavʼʼ and ʼʼPravda Yaroslavicheyʼʼ] - a set of laws, mostly hereditary, criminal and procedural law; “ladder” system of transfer of the throne - to the eldest in the family, with a strict hierarchy of the importance of territories)

3rd period: second half of the 11th – beginning of the 12th century; transition to territorial and political fragmentation (infighting due to personal conflicts of princes, ambitions, the growth of the power of individual principalities; 1097 ᴦ. - Lyubech Congress - ʼʼLet everyone keep his fatherland; under Vladimir Monomakh - temporary strengthening and unity, ʼʼCharter of Vladimir Monomakhʼʼ - new part ʼʼRussian Truthʼʼ, ʼʼThe Tale of Bygone Yearsʼʼ by Nestor; after 1132 - disintegration into separate principalities)

Main institutions of governance (early feudal monarchy):

Grand Duke of Kiev (supreme owner of the land)

Druzhina (professional warriors; the eldest were the boyars, the younger were the gridi; they were the state apparatus)

Local (appanage) princes (from the Kyiv princely dynasty), posadniks

Local squad

Pogosts (administrative tax centers and points where trade was carried out), camps, volosts (rural areas subordinate to the city)

Veche - it is not known exactly what role they played in terms of importance. In general, influence remained only in Novgorod.

*Early feudal monarchy- a form of government when, in a military democracy, the prince, relying on his squad, becomes not an elected military leader, but a hereditary head of state. In certain territories there are princely governors.

Basics:

1. The main functions of power in Ancient Rus' were the prince, the squad and the veche. It should be noted that there is no clear division of powers between these subjects of power. The main part of the population - the peasants - apparently were not yet formally separated from the authorities, but in fact they did not directly participate in the activities of government institutions (in particular, the veche).

2. The relationship between the prince and the squad was built on personal connections, secured by a system of donations and joint feasts. The prince in his decisions largely depended on the squad. At the same time, the squad was largely guided by the prince. The princely power gradually strengthened, which was expressed, among other things, in the decline in the authority of the “senior” squad.

3. Relations between the prince, who headed the squad, and the cities with adjacent rural settlements were built on regular payments of polyud and (or) tribute. The distribution of the funds received was the prerogative of the prince. At the same time, he acted as a kind of personification of the collective owner of the funds collected by the squad in the form of tributes and polyudya.

4. The service of the prince and the squad was carried out by a “service organization”, in the depths of which new social relations were formed, comparable to the Western European ministeriality (ministerials - in medieval Europe, representatives of small knighthood, owning small fiefs and obliging military service to the monarch or a large feudal lord).

5. During a certain period, all of the listed power “bodies” were in a state of unstable balance. Over time, however, the balance of power began to change, and in each land in its own way.

Prince:

1. highest institution of power

2. legislator

3. supreme military leader

4. judicial and administrative functions (supreme judge; sets the amount and timing of payment of tribute)

5. could have personal (private) inherited lands

Squad:

1. professional warriors

2. the prince’s closest advisers

3. performed administrative functions (collection of court fees - ʼʼvirsʼʼ, collection of tribute and land management)

4. they received a set salary for their service, military spoils were divided between them, the boyars received land in their possession

Veche:

1. older than princely power

2. representative body of cities

3. solution to a wide range of issues: from raising funds for the city militia and hiring military detachments to the expulsion or election of a prince (it is not clear whether the veche has always dealt with such problems or whether sources have recorded exceptional cases associated, as a rule, with serious social crises and disasters)

4. Apparently, in the early stages of the development of the state, city veche meetings existed everywhere, but later they flourished by the 12th century. in the North-West, and in other lands practically ceased to exist

5. legal – convened by decision of the prince; illegal - against the will of the prince

6. the value of the veche decreased with a strong prince and increased with a weak one

7. under the strong power of the prince, the veche deals not with political issues, but with issues of urban life

8. local veche meetings began to strengthen in individual principalities during the period of fragmentation

Detailed response:

The political structure of the Kyiv principality was unstable. Composed of many tribal and urban worlds, this principality could not form into a single state in our sense of the word even in the 12th century. fell apart. For this reason, it would be more accurate to define Kievan Rus as a collection of many reigns united by one dynasty, the unity of religion, tribe, language and national identity. This self-awareness reliably existed: from its height the people condemned their political disorder, condemned the princes for the fact that they “carried the land separately” with their “discord”, i.e. infighting, and convinced them to be in unity for the sake of a single “Russian land”.

The political connection of Kievan society was weaker than all its other connections, which was one of the most prominent reasons for the fall of Kievan Rus.

The first political form that arose in Rus' was urban or regional life. When regional and city life had already taken shape, a princely dynasty appeared in the cities and regions, uniting all these regions into one principality. Next to the city authorities, princely power became. This explains the fact that in the XI-XII centuries. There are two political authorities in Rus': 1) princely and 2) city, or veche. The veche is older than the prince, but the prince is often more visible than the veche; the latter sometimes temporarily cedes its meaning to it.

Princes Kievan Rus, senior or junior, were all politically independent from each other, they had only moral responsibilities: the princes of the volost had to honor the eldest, the great prince, “a place in the father”, together with him they had to protect “from the filthy” their volost, together think and wonder with him about the Russian land and solve important issues of Russian life. We distinguish three main functions of the activities of the ancient Kiev princes. First of all, the prince legislated, and the ancient law, “Russian Truth,” directly confirms this with several of its articles. In Pravda we read, for example, that the sons of Yaroslav, Izyaslav, Svyatoslav and Vsevolod, jointly decided to replace revenge for murder with a fine. The titles of some articles of Pravda indicate that these articles were a “princely court,” that is, they were established by the princes.

Τᴀᴋᴎᴍ ᴏϬᴩᴀᴈᴏᴍ, legislative function princes is attested by an ancient monument. The second function of their power is military. The princes appeared for the first time in the Russian land as defenders of its borders, and in this respect, subsequent princes did not differ from the first. Let us remember that Vladimir Monomakh considered his main task to be the defense of the borders from the Polovtsians; He persuaded other princes to fight the Polovtsians at congresses and, together with them, undertook general campaigns against the nomads. There is a third function judicial and administrative function. “Russian Truth” testifies that the princes themselves judged criminal cases. According to “Russian Truth,” a fine of 80 hryvnia was levied for the murder of the prince’s equerry, “as Izyaslav set in his horse, he was killed by Dorogobuzhtsi.” Here “Pravda” indicates an actual court case. Regarding the administrative activities of the princes, we can say that for a long time they bore the responsibilities of administration, established “cemeteries and tributes”. Even on the very first pages of the chronicle, we read how Olga “established dues and tributes in the Place of the graveyard and in Luza.” (Pogosts were administrative districts.) These are the main responsibilities of the prince of the Kyiv era: he legislates, he is a military leader, he is the supreme judge and supreme administrator.
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These signs always characterize the highest political power. In accordance with the nature of their activities, princes also have servants, the so-called squad, their closest advisers, with the help of whom they govern the country. In the chronicle one can find much evidence, even of a poetic nature, about the close relationship of the squad to the prince. Vladimir the Saint, according to chronicle legend, expressed the idea that a squad cannot be purchased with silver and gold, but with a squad one can get both gold and silver. This view of the squad, as something incorruptible, standing to the prince in a moral relationship, runs through the entire chronicle. The squad in ancient Rus' enjoyed great influence on affairs; she demanded that the prince do nothing without her, and when one young Kiev prince decided to go on a campaign without consulting her, she refused to help him, and the prince’s allies did not go with him without her. The prince’s solidarity with his squad flowed from the most real life conditions, although it was not determined by any law. The squad was hiding behind princely authority, but it supported him; the prince with a large retinue was strong, with a small one he was weak. The squad was divided into senior and junior.

The eldest was called “husbands” and “boyars” (the origin of this word is interpreted differently, by the way, there is an assumption that it came from the word “boliy”, greater). The boyars were influential advisers to the prince; they undoubtedly constituted the highest stratum in the squad and often had their own squad. They were followed by the so-called “men” or “princes” - warriors and princely officials. The junior squad is usually called “gridy”; sometimes they are called “youths,” and this word should be understood only as a term of social life, which could probably also refer to a very old person. This is how the squad was divided. All of her, with the exception of the prince's slaves - serfs, treats the prince equally; she came to the latter and entered into “rows” with him, in which she designated her duties and rights. The prince had to treat the warrior and the “husband” as a completely independent person, because the warrior could always leave the prince and look for another service.

From the squad the prince took his administrators, with the help of whom he governs the land and protects it. These assistants were called ʼʼvirniksʼʼ and "tiuns; their duty was in court and the collection of vira, i.e., judicial fees, in the management of the land and in the collection of tribute. The tribute and vira fed the prince and the squad. The prince collected tribute sometimes with the help of officials, and sometimes and personally. Tribute was collected in kind and in money, and in the same way, not only in kind, but also in money, was given to the squad. One chronicler of the beginning of the 13th century writes about an earlier time that the prince “already awakened the rights of the vira, and that is possible - giving squad for weapons. And his squad... not zhadakhu: the prince has 200 hryvnia in small amounts, I don’t put gold hoops on my wives, but for their wives in silver. The salary of 200 hryvnia for each warrior is very high according to the concepts of that time and undoubtedly testifies about the wealth of the Kiev princes (if we count 1/2 pound of silver in a hryvnia, then its weight value is about 10 rubles). Where did this wealth come from, what sources of income did the princes use? First of all, the princes received funds from their judicial activities. Secondly , the princes received tribute, which has already been mentioned. Thirdly, military spoils went in favor of the princes. Finally, the last type of princely income is private income. Taking advantage of their privileged position, the princes acquire private lands (villages), which they strictly distinguish from political possessions. The prince cannot bequeath political property to a woman, but only to his son or brother, and yet we see that he gives his private lands to his wife or daughter, or to monasteries.

Veche was older than the prince. We read from the chronicler: “From the beginning, the Novgorodians and the Smolnyans and the Kiyans, and the Polotsk residents and all the authorities converge on the Duma at the veche, and what the elders think about, that’s what the suburbs will be like.” The meaning of these words is this: from the beginning, cities and volosts (ʼʼslastiʼʼ) were governed by veches, and the veche of the older city ruled not only the city, but also its entire volost. Next to these veches, at which all heads of families enjoyed the right to vote, the power of the princes appeared, but the princes did not abolish the vecha, but ruled the land sometimes with the assistance, and sometimes with the opposition of the latter. Many historians tried to define the relationship of the prince to the veche and, on the contrary, the veche to the prince from the point of view of our political concepts, but this only led to stretches. The facts of veche activities collected in V.I. Sergeevich’s book “The Prince and the Veche”, first of all, do not allow us to establish the very form of the veche, which is very easy to confuse with simple folk gatherings, and the uncertainty of the form often forced researchers to distinguish between legal and illegal.

A veche convened by the prince was called legal; a veche, gathered against the will of the prince, rebelliously, was considered illegal. The consequence of the legal uncertainty of the position of the veche was that the latter was highly dependent on purely local or temporary conditions: its political significance decreased under a strong prince who had a large squad, and, on the contrary, increased under a weak one; in addition, in large cities it had greater political significance than in small ones. The study of this issue makes us convinced that the relationship between the prince and the veche is constantly fluctuating. Thus, under Yaroslav and his sons, the veche did not have the same power as under his grandchildren and great-grandsons. When the power of the princes strengthened and was defined, the veche moved from political activities to economic ones - it began to deal with the affairs of the internal life of the city. But when the Rurik family multiplied and hereditary accounts became confused, the city councils sought to regain political significance. Taking advantage of the turmoil, they themselves summoned the prince they wanted and formed “ranks” with him. Little by little, the veche felt so strong that it decided to argue with the prince: it happened that the prince stood for one thing, and the veche for another, and then the veche often “shows the prince the way,” that is, expels him.