Progress of the July Revolution (1830). July Revolution Events of the 1830 Revolution in France

Louis XVIII in the Tuileries meets the army returning from Spain. Painting by Louis Ducie. 1824

By 1814, the Napoleonic empire had fallen: Bonaparte himself was sent into exile on the Elbe, and the king returned to France, under the auspices of a coalition of victorious countries. Following Louis XVIII, brother of the beheaded Louis XVI, recent aristocratic emigrants are sent to the country, waiting for the return of their former privileges and hungry for revenge. In 1814, the king adopted a relatively mild constitution - the Charter, which guaranteed freedom of speech and religion, gave full executive power to the king, and divided the legislative power between the king and the bicameral parliament. The chamber of peers was appointed by the king, the chamber of deputies was elected by the citizens. However, in general, the era of the Bourbon Restoration was a time of gradually thickening reaction and revanchism.

Carl H. Miniature of Henry Bon from a painting by François Gérard. 1829 The Metropolitan Museum of Art

In 1824, Charles X, the oldest of the French kings, ascended the throne (at the time of his coronation he was 66 years old), once a close friend of Marie Antoinette, a supporter of the old absolutist order. Jacobins, liberals, Bonapartists form secret societies, most of the newspapers are in opposition. The air finally becomes electrified when, in 1829, the king appoints the ultra-royalist prince Polignac as prime minister. Everyone understands that a decisive turn in domestic policy is being prepared, they are waiting for the abolition of the Charter. Parliament tries to oppose Polignac's cabinet, but the king ignores him: in response to a message from 221 disgruntled deputies, he postpones the parliament session for six months, and then dissolves the chamber. In the summer, all deputies will be re-elected. Charles starts a small victorious war in Algeria, but the tension does not subside. For the third year in the country, low yields. "Unhappy France, unfortunate king!" - write in one of the newspapers.

Reading of the ordinances in the newspaper Moniteur in the garden of the Palais Royal on July 26, 1830. Lithograph by Hippolyte Bellanger. 1831

On the morning of July 26, an issue of the state newspaper Moniteur Universel is published, containing five ordinances ordinance- a royal decree having the force of state law.. From now on, all periodicals are subject to censorship, the Chamber of Deputies, which has not yet had time to meet, is dissolved, new elections are scheduled for the fall, the right to vote is reserved only for landowners - thus, three-quarters of the former electorate remains out of work. That afternoon, the publishers of the newspaper Le Constitutionnel hold a meeting in their lawyer's apartment, and 40 journalists draw up a manifesto: “The rule of law ... has been interrupted, the rule of force has begun. In the situation in which we have been placed, obedience is no longer a duty.... We intend to publish our leaflets without asking permission that has been imposed on us.”

Excited citizens gather in the streets and read out ordinances, tension builds, the first cobblestones from the pavement fly into Polignac's carriage.

Withdrawal of circulation by the editors of Le Constitutionnel. Lithograph by Victor Adam. Around 1830 Bibliothèque nationale de France

July 27 is the first of the Three Glorious Days of 1830. Liberal newspapers go to press in the morning without the permission of the censors. The gendarmes break into the editorial offices and printing houses, but everywhere they meet resistance. The crowd, still unarmed, gathers around the Palais-Royal, Saint-Honoré, and the surrounding streets. Mounted gendarmes try to disperse people, open fire - in response, onlookers and indignant townspeople turn into rioters: gunsmiths distribute their goods, the uprising spreads, and Minister Polignac, as they say, dine quietly in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the protection of a cannon.

Battle of the Porte Saint-Denis, July 28, 1830. Painting by Hippolyte Lecomte. 19th century Musee Carnavalet

The next day, Paris is lit up with tricolors (at the time of the Restoration, they were replaced by a white royalist flag with golden lilies). Barricades are growing in the center and east of the city, fierce street battles have been going on since the very morning. The troops of the line opposing the crowd are few in number: a military expedition to Algeria was recently equipped. Many desert and go over to the side of the uprising. By evening, Charles X sends an order from the country palace of Saint-Cloud to declare a state of siege in Paris.

Capture of the Paris City Hall. Painting by Joseph Bohm. 1831 Musée national des châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon

The main battle on July 28 takes place for the Hotel de Ville - the Parisian town hall: several times during the day it passes from one side to the other. By noon, the tricolor hovers over the city hall, the crowd greets him with jubilation. From the bell towers of the captured Notre Dame, the alarm is heard; upon hearing him, Talleyrand, a highly experienced diplomat and master of political intrigue, says to his secretary: "A few more minutes, and Charles X will no longer be king of France."

Capture of the Louvre 29 July 1830: Assassination of the Swiss Guard. Painting by Jean Louis Bezar. Around 1830 Bridgeman Images/Fotodom

On July 29, the whole city was engulfed in an uprising, the town hall was in the hands of the townspeople. The troops are concentrated around the palaces of the Louvre and the Tuileries, where Polignac is hiding with his associates. Suddenly, two regiments go over to the side of the uprising, the rest are forced to give up their positions and practically flee along the Champs Elysees. Later, a crowd of students, workers and bourgeois captures and sets fire to the barracks of the Swiss mercenaries - the most skilled in combat and therefore hated part of the state troops. By evening, it becomes clear that the revolution has finally won.

Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette. Painting by Joseph Desire Cour. 1791 Musée national des châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon

Now the question arises as to what the revolution will lead France to. The most cautious option would have been the withdrawal of the ordinances and the resignation of Polignac, but the stubbornness and slowness of the king and ministers had already made it impossible. The most cardinal decision is the establishment of a republic, but in this case, France would find itself in a most difficult foreign policy situation, perhaps even in the face of a military invasion by the states of the Holy Alliance, who are afraid of the republican spirit like a plague. The face of the Republicans was General Lafayette, a hero of the Revolution and the American Revolutionary War. In 1830, he was an elderly man and realized that he was no longer able to bear the burden of power.

Reading the proclamation deputies in the Paris City Hall. Painting by Francois Gerard. 1836 Musée national des châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon

The compromise between the republicans and the royalists was embodied by the cousin of Charles X, the Duke of Orleans, Louis Philippe, who at one time joined the Jacobin club and fought for the revolution. Throughout the Three Glorious Days, he stayed above the fray, realizing that if the crown eventually goes to him, it is important to save face and enter the circle of European monarchs in the most legitimate way. On July 31, the Duke of Orleans arrives at the Palais-Royal, where the deputies read to him the proclamation they have drawn up and declare him viceroy of the kingdom.

Louis Philippe I, King of France. Painting by Franz Xavier Winterhalter. 1839 Musée national des châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon

On August 2, Charles X abdicates the throne, and on August 7, the coronation of the "citizen king" Louis Philippe I takes place. A new, more liberal charter will soon be adopted. In the ceremonial portrait, the king is depicted against the backdrop of the Saint-Cloud park, his right hand lies on the binding of the Charter, behind which is the crown and scepter. France begins 18 years of the July Monarchy, an era of checks and balances that will end with a new revolution and the Second Republic. Nevertheless, this is the golden age of the bourgeoisie, which led
Louis Philippe to power. In Europe, the events of July echoed with a number of national revolutions, including the victorious Belgian revolution and the unsuccessful Polish uprising. This wave, however, was only a rehearsal for the storm that swept France, and then Europe in 1848.

THE JULY REVOLUTION OF 1830 IN FRANCE AND THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT

THE JULY REVOLUTION OF 1830 IN FRANCE AND THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT

N. P. Bautina

The article is devoted to the reaction of the British Parliament to the July Revolution of 1830 in France. The author considers the opinion of the leading British politicians, representing the interests of various political parties in Parliament, about the July events in France and their consequences for Europe in general and the UK in particular.

Key words: July Revolution of 1830, British parliament, parliamentary reform.

The article is dedicated to the reaction of the British Parliament to the July Revolution of 1830 in France. The author examines the views of the leading British politicians representing the interests of various political parties on the July events in France and their consequences for Europe in general and Great Britain in particular.

Keywords: July Revolution of 1830, British Parliament, Parliamentary reform.

Early 1830s. all of Europe was engulfed in a series of revolutionary upheavals, the impetus for which was the July Revolution of 1830 in France. During this revolution, the French defended their democratic rights, rebelling against the monarch, who issued ordinances to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, tighten the suffrage and restrict freedom of speech; and during the "three glorious days" in Paris, the liberal politician Louis Philippe d'Orléans was enthroned to replace the reactionary King Charles X. With such decisive actions, the French set an example for other European countries, in which liberal currents gained confidence. On August 25, 1830, a revolution broke out in Belgium; a month later, riots engulfed some states of the German Confederation. Polish uprising 1830-1831 and unrest in the Italian duchies of Parma, Modena and Romagna, which broke out in February 1831, were also a consequence of the July events in France. Great Britain also experienced the consequences of this revolution, which were expressed in the strengthening of the movement for parliamentary reform, but the UK managed to avoid revolutionary upheavals, largely due to the conclusions made by politicians in the process of discussing the consequences of the July events in France in Parliament.

Despite the fact that the Parliament in the UK is the highest legislative body, its real role is determined not so much by its formal powers, but by its real position as a forum in which key foreign policy issues, as well as important public and political affairs, are publicly and publicly discussed. disturbing the people of the country. At the opening of the autumn session of Parliament on October 26, 1830, an event that attracted particular attention of the British public

Indeed, there was the July Revolution of 1830 in France.

King William IV of Great Britain, in his address to Parliament, commenting on the changes that had taken place in France, said that "the senior branch of the Bourbon dynasty no longer rules in France, and the Duke of Orleans has been called to the throne as king." “Having received assurances from the new ruler about his serious intention to improve mutual understanding and maintain unchanged all agreements ... I did not hesitate to continue diplomatic and friendly relations with the French court,” he added. As is known, on September 1, 1830, the Wellington Ministry officially recognized Louis Philippe of Orleans and the political regime he headed.

The statement of William IV caused a heated discussion in Parliament. The majority in parliament were Tories, whose party principles did not allow them to recognize any kind of revolution. The general mood that prevailed in the party about the July Revolution of 1830 in France was expressed by the head of the government, the Duke of Wellington, in a letter to the Prince of Orange. “The assessment of the state of affairs is not very comforting,” he stated. Of particular concern to Tory members was the "pervasive sense of enthusiasm among the people" and the fact that "the authorities cannot control the actions and behavior of the National Guard", "which armed and dispersed throughout the country" . The preservation of the monarchical form of government and the proclamation of Louis Philippe d'Orleans as king on August 9 somewhat calmed the Tory leaders, but the revolution that broke out in Belgium and the uprisings in the states of the German Confederation resurrected the old fears. Therefore, the responses of members of the Tory party about the July Revolution of 1830 in France at the opening of the autumn session of Parliament were predominantly negative.

Mr. York "mourned what had happened." Lord Grimstone said that "it is impossible to look

without regret for the events in France. R. A. Dandes and the Marquis of Londonderry also mourned the July events in France. According to the Torian politicians, the consequences of this revolution were of great danger to the whole of Europe. They believed that "that this revolution was only the beginning, and that all of Europe might soon be flooded with blood." Mr. York noted that "there is not a single member of the family of European kings who will not soon suffer the same fate as the last king of France." Lord Farnham feared above all for the security of Great Britain. “The illustrious prince who occupied the throne of France was inclined to continue relations of peace and friendship with this country, but who knows if things in that country (France. - N.B.) will not take such a turn that the ruler will be forced to take measures in regarding this country (Great Britain. - N. B.), which he himself will not be able to approve, ”he said.

The Tories believed that reliance on such allies as Austria, Prussia and Russia could be the guarantor of maintaining peace in Europe. “The policy of this country (Great Britain. - N. B.) should be to maintain undoubted and cordial unity with those allies who have been with us in our struggle for twenty years in order to achieve peace,” said the Marquis Londonderry, expressing the general opinion. At the same time, the Tory leaders associated great hopes for the preservation of the existing order in Europe with the accession to the throne on August 9, 1830 of "liberal in principles, good in character" Louis Philippe of Orleans, who hastened to give assurances of support for the treatises of 1815 and accepted all territorial changes made by them. Lord Farnham, the Duke of Wellington, R. A. Dundes, Lord Grimstone, and others of the Tory party spoke favorably of the new King of France, believing "that the Duke of Orleans, his ministers, and the party... are sincerely desirous at this moment to pursue a policy of peace. ..and destroy any cause for concern on the part of the border states.

However, it should be noted that after the July Revolution of 1830 in France, which served as a catalyst for the movement for parliamentary reform in Great Britain, some members of the Tory party realized that the country was primarily threatened not from outside, but from within. This danger was the movement for parliamentary reform, which, according to the Russian historian M. P. Aizenshtat, "took on a threatening character: unrest, arson, clashes with the authorities took place everywhere." Looking at the example of France, where the government did not take into account public sentiment and was overthrown, some members of the Tory party realized that public opinion had become a powerful force that must be taken into account. Therefore, in order to prevent upheavals within the country, according to the opinion of the Tory Earl of Shrewsbury, "their

the lordships need to cordially unite among themselves and promote the great cause of reform.

The ultra-Tories also spoke negatively of the revolutionary upheavals in France and deplored the loss of the crown to Charles X. Considering Great Britain a role model in Europe, the Marquess of Blandford believed that "the attempt to destroy freedom of speech and freedom of election in France ... would never have been made if the last session of the House of Commons had had common sense and honesty to restore freedom of election in England » . Thus, this politician announced the need for an early parliamentary reform in order to prevent such revolutionary upheavals both in Great Britain and abroad. The Duke of Richmond also spoke out in support of parliamentary reform, noting that "in the present state of affairs, some changes are necessary." Thus, part of the ultratory also realized the need for parliamentary reform. The break with the Duke of Wellington, who in 1829 supported the Catholic Emancipation Bill, regardless of Tory party principles and the opinions of these politicians, also prompted ultra-Tories to come out in support of electoral reform in order to take revenge on the Duke, for whom "reform means the beginning of a revolution » [cit. according to: 4, p. 225]. D. H. Lieven, wife of the Russian Ambassador to Great Britain, H. A. Lieven, reported that this party had been trying to come to an understanding with the Whigs over the past twelve months, since it considered itself a personal enemy of Wellington.

Whigs and radical politicians were united in their assessment of the July Revolution of 1830 in France, which they received with great enthusiasm. The loudest voice in Parliament was the voice of Lord Broome, who declared that this revolution was "the most glorious in the annals of mankind." Lord Althorpe, Lord Grey, Lord Lansdowne, Hume, O'Connell and other politicians reacted with "respect for the recent changes in France." Such a unanimous positive assessment of the coup by politicians with liberal and radical views was due to several reasons. The catchphrase of Ch. Fox that "Restoration is the most pernicious of all revolutions" became the motto for the Whigs for many years - until the final expulsion of the restored dynasty ", - noted the Soviet historian A. V. Dubrovsky. Politicians with radical views since 1815 also strongly opposed the restored Bourbon dynasty.

Representatives of the opposition parties were also outraged by the fact that the Bourbon dynasty, “restored on the French throne with the help of British bayonets”, pursued a foreign policy course that ran counter to the interests of Great Britain. Of particular indignation was the policy of France in Algeria, which began

Xia rapprochement with Russia, plans for the annexation of the Belgian provinces of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the transformation of the Rhine regions of Prussia into a state allied with it. The protectionist policy of France, which caused tangible damage to British industry and trade, was also criticized in Parliament. Henry Broom, speaking in Parliament, angrily asked: “Did the markets of the continent open after the war? On the contrary, they have become even more inaccessible to us. The continental system, which Bonaparte could not complete, was completed by the Bourbons. according to: 6, p. 75].

The situation that developed in France on the eve of the revolution also influenced the positive assessment of these events by opposition politicians. By publishing ordinances on the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, tightening the suffrage and restricting freedom of speech, Charles X grossly violated the rights of his subjects, enshrined in the constitutional charter of 1814, for which he was loudly criticized in the British Parliament in the speeches of Lord Althorp and O "Connell. Count Gray, expressing the general opinion of the opposition, noted that the justification of the revolution "may be ... an unjust encroachment on the freedoms of people"... It should be especially noted that both the Whigs and the radicals were impressed by the moderation of the coup carried out in France. They were pleased to learn that "in no blood was shed during the revolution." Even Tory Lord Grimstone remarked that "the revolution in France was accompanied by less misfortune than usually attends such a turning point."

Realizing that one of the consequences of the July Revolution of 1830 was the strengthening of the movement for parliamentary reform in Great Britain, many Whigs came to understand the need for an early reform of parliament in order to prevent revolutionary upheavals in the country. During the parliamentary session of 1830, Earl Gray made a proposal for parliamentary reform. "The reason for my reform is to prevent the need for a revolution," he declared. Sir John Newport and Mr. Macaulay also noted that reform was necessary to avoid revolutionary upheavals. According to Sir J. Sebright, the reform was "a necessary measure for the establishment of tranquility in the country." Lord Althorp also argued that "without parliamentary reform, any government in this country will not be secure." Describing the changes in the outlook of Whig politicians, Russian historian M. V. Zholudov wrote: “Fear of popular unrest, intensified under the influence of the French Revolution, forced even the most cautious part of the Whigs to join the liberal reformist movement.” Politicians with radical views shared exactly

view of the need for parliamentary reform. Expressing the opinion of the radicals, Hume declared that a timely reform "is a means of preventing ... a revolution."

So, in the early 1830s. The English Parliament was the center of heated political discussions, which were caused by the consequences of the July Revolution of 1830 in France. Representatives of the British political elite assessed the July events in France in different ways, but they could not deny the fact that this revolution had a huge impact on Europe in general and on the UK in particular, becoming a catalyst for a movement for parliamentary reform, which was supported by all sections society. Ignoring this movement could lead to powerful revolutionary upheavals within the country, so the most far-sighted politicians recognized the need for reforms in the country in order to avoid the threat of revolution, and Whigs, radicals, some ultra-Tory representatives and even some Tories were united under the slogan of parliamentary reform. The progressive members of these parties have concentrated their efforts on a political campaign to change the British parliamentary system. In June 1832 they succeeded in getting the Parliamentary Reform Bill passed; thus, the way was opened in the country for further transformations and the threat of revolutionary upheavals was averted.

LIST OF SOURCES AND LITERATURE

1. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates: Forming a Continuation of "The Parliamentary History of England" from the Earliest Period to the Year 1803, Third series. - London, 1831. - Vol. I.

2. Dispatches, Correspondence, and Memoranda of Field Marshall Arthur, Duke of Wellington, K.G. - Vol. VII. - London, 1877.

3. Aizenshtat MP British parliament and society in the 30-40s. 19th century - M., 1997.

4. Kuriev M. M. Duke of Wellington. - M., 1995.

5. Liven D. C. Letters of Dorothea princess Lieven, during her residence in London. 1812-1834. -London, 1902.

6. Dubrovsky A. V. English bourgeois public opinion and the restoration of the Bourbons in France (1814-1830). - M., 1981.

7. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates: Forming a Continuation of "The Parliamentary History of England" from the Earliest Period to the Year 1803, Third series. - London, 1831. - Vol. II.

8. Zholudov M. V. Political parties in Great Britain and the July Revolution of 1830 in France // Problems of modern and recent history. - Ryazan, 1996.

The July Revolution of 1830 in France was the liberal revolution that ended the Bourbon Restoration (1814-1815, 1815-1830).

The revolution was the result of a crisis in relations between the semi-absolutist regime and the liberal republican opposition. This crisis escalated after the accession to the throne of Charles X, who relied on former emigrant aristocrats and the top of the Catholic clergy. In April 1825, a law was passed on the payment of monetary compensation to former emigrants for a total amount of approx. 1 billion francs for land confiscated and sold during the revolution. In the same year, the “blasphemy law” was issued, providing for severe punishment for offenses against religion and the church. The “Law on Substitutions”, adopted in 1826, introduced the principle of indivisibility (“majority”) of noble land ownership and estates from their fragmentation among heirs, which led to the dispersal of property and the ruin of the nobility. These measures caused widespread public discontent in the country, which resulted in street unrest in November 1828 in Paris, where barricades were erected. Then the government managed to restore order, but, as it turned out, not for long.

The political situation in the country began to heat up again since Aug. 1829, when the far-right cabinet of J. Polignac was called to power. In order to switch the attention of French society from internal to external problems, in early May 1830, the king authorized a military expedition to the shores of Algeria, starting the conquest of this country. At the same time, Charles X dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, which demanded the resignation of the unpopular government. The elections that followed brought a landslide victory for the opposition, which again demanded the resignation of Polignac and his ministry. The political crisis has entered its final stage. July 26, 1830 Charles X signed six decrees (ordinances).

"Freedom on the barricades" Artist E. Delacroix. 1830

The newly elected House was dissolved; new elections were scheduled for September 1830 on the basis of a new law, sharply limiting the number of voters by introducing a higher property qualification; stricter rules were introduced for the publication of newspapers and magazines, etc. Royal ordinances were perceived in society as a gross violation of the Constitutional Charter of 1814. An attempt to put them into practice ran into resolute resistance from the liberal opposition. As early as July 26, opposition journalists refused to comply with the decrees. On July 27, an uprising broke out in Paris. The Royal Tuileries Palace and other government buildings were taken by storm. Part of the troops arbitrarily left the capital, others went over to the side of the rebels. Real power passed to the "Municipal Commission", composed of the leaders of the liberal opposition (generals Labo and Lafayette, banker J. Laffite, C. Perrier, and others).

On July 31, the Chambers of Deputies and Peers appointed Duke Louis-Philippe of Orleans "viceroy of the kingdom, who, after the abdication of Charles X (August 2), was proclaimed on August 7 "King of the French." A new constitution was adopted (“The Charter of 1830 significantly expanded freedoms and voting rights (the number of voters increased from 90 to 200 thousand), introduced local and regional self-government, etc. In France, where the liberal-constitutional July Monarchy was established, a redistribution took place power from large landowners to financial oligarchy.The July Revolution was the impetus for the Belgian Revolution of 1830 and the uprising in Poland of 1830-1831. It dealt a tangible blow to the system of the Holy Alliance.

liberal journalists. One of them, Thiers, on behalf of everyone, made an energetic protest: “the legal order has been violated, and the reign of power has begun, and in such a situation, obedience ceases to be an obligation”; With their protest, the journalists set "an example of resistance to the government, which has deprived itself of the character of the law." The proclamation was posted in the streets, and on the night of July 27, barricades were already being built in Paris, and by evening a street battle began, in which members of the former secret societies, Napoleonic soldiers, students, workers, and the national guard dissolved three years earlier took part; even government detachments began to go over to the side of the rebels.

Freedom leading the people. Painting (1830) by E. Delacroix in honor of the July Revolution

On July 28, the people took possession of many important points, and on the 29th, the Tuileries Palace, on which a white flag Bourbon was replaced by a tricolor, red-blue-white banner revolution and empires. CharlesX, who remained in Saint-Cloud, took back his ordinances and appointed a new ministry, but a kind of provisional government had already formed in the Paris city hall, which included several deputies, and the hero of the first revolution, Lafayette, was appointed chief of the armed forces. The next day, an appeal to the people was published, compiled by Thiers and his friend Mignet. “Charles X,” it said, “cannot return to Paris: he shed the blood of the people. The republic would cause discord between us and quarrel us with Europe. Duke of Orleans, here is a prince devoted to the cause of the revolution ... but he is still silent, waiting for your call. Let's express our desire, and he will accept the charter, as we have always understood it and as we have always wanted it. He will owe his crown to the French people."

France of the Bourbons and Orleans: from the revolution of 1830 to the political crisis. Video lesson

At that time, there were also republicans in Paris who took a particularly active part in the popular uprising, but they were few and could not prevent the elevation of the Duke of Orleans to the throne. On July 31, the duke accepted from the deputies who managed to gather in Paris the title of viceroy of the kingdom and went out to the people on the balcony of the town hall with a tricolor banner in his hand; Lafayette, who was standing near him, kissed him at the loud cries of the people who greeted this scene. Charles X fled to Rambouillet, where he signed an ordinance appointing the Duke of Orleans as viceroy of the kingdom, and 2 abdicated in favor of his ten-year-old grandson the Duke of Bordeaux, when Lafayette, in order to scare Charles X, organized a campaign of the Parisian population on Rambouillet, the fallen king hastened to leave France and left for England.

Meanwhile, on August 3, the chamber met and hastily remade constitutional charter of 1814, throwing out the introduction from it, which talked about granting it to the king, and changing Article 14, as well as making other changes in it. Finally, on August 9, the Duke of Orleans was enthroned under the name of Louis-Philippe I and with the title of "King of the French" (and not of France, as the Bourbons were titled).

July Revolution of 1830

The coming to power of extreme monarchists led by Polignac led to a sharp aggravation of the political situation in the country. The rate of state rent on the stock exchange fell. The withdrawal of deposits from banks began. Liberal newspapers recalled the counter-revolutionary past of the new ministers and warned the government against encroaching on the charter. Rejecting revolutionary methods of struggle, representatives of the moderate wing of the bourgeois opposition argued that the best means of combating the reactionary plans of the ruling circles was to refuse to pay taxes. Taxpayer associations began to spring up in a number of departments, preparing to rebuff the government if it violated the constitution.

Public discontent was fueled by an industrial depression, rising unemployment, and rising bread prices. On January 1, 1830, there were more than 1.5 million people in France who were eligible for poverty benefits. In the city of Nantes alone, there were 14,000 unemployed (1/6 of the population). The wages of local workers, compared with 1800, decreased by 22%. During the same time, the prices of basic necessities rose by an average of 60%.

The plight of the working masses led to the growth of revolutionary sentiment in the country. Anti-government speeches intensified in the opposition press. At the beginning of 1830, a new liberal newspaper, the National, was founded, which entered into a sharp controversy with the reactionary press organs. The editorial staff of the newspaper, which included publicist Armand Carrel, historians Thiers and Mignet, set itself the task of defending the charter and spoke in favor of a constitutional monarchy, in which "the king reigns, but does not rule." Gradually, the tone of the newspaper became openly threatening to the Bourbon dynasty. At the same time, the newspaper did not hide its fear of a new revolution.

Unlike constitutional royalists and moderate liberals, who continued to hope for a peaceful outcome of the conflict between the ministry and the opposition, the Democrats and Republicans were preparing for a decisive struggle with the government. In January 1830, a secret Patriotic Association arose in Paris, headed by the editor of a left-liberal newspaper, Auguste Fabre. Members of the association, mostly students and journalists, were stocking up on weapons and preparing for armed resistance against the government's attempt to revoke the charter. Some members of the Patriotic Association kept in touch with the workers. Along with this association, at the end of 1829 a group of republicans created secret revolutionary committees ("municipalities"), headed by the Central Commune. This organization, which consisted mainly of representatives of the republican intelligentsia (student Godefroy Cavaignac, Dr. Trela, and others), dates back to the Carbonari venti.

The political situation in the country became more and more tense. The excitement was further intensified by the news of the fires that devastated the villages of Normandy. The opposition press accused the government of being inactive and even condoning the arsonists. The peasants armed themselves to guard their farms. The fires stopped only after the troops arrived on the scene. These arsons, which were apparently the work of agents of insurance companies, provided new food for anti-government agitation.

Serious unrest broke out in the spring of 1829 in the rural areas of the departments of Ariège and Haute-Garonne. These unrest were caused by the new forest code, adopted in 1827. The code forbade clearing the forest without the permission of the authorities, unauthorized felling was punishable by heavy fines; peasants were forbidden to graze goats and sheep even near their homes. These harsh rules threatened the peasants with heavy material damage and violated the ancient rights of rural communities restored during the revolution.

The first unrest on this ground occurred in the autumn of 1828. The rebellious peasants were called "demoiselles" (girls), due to the fact that they dressed in long white shirts, smeared yellow and red stripes on their faces, and put on masks in the form of pieces of canvas with holes for the eyes. From the autumn of 1829, and especially from the beginning of 1830, the movement took on broad dimensions. Judicial reprisal against a group of its participants did not intimidate the peasants. Detachments of "demoiselles" continued to sack the estates of landlords and farmers, seize forest lands, and after their trial in March 1830

On March 2, 1830, the session of both chambers opened. Charles X, in his throne speech, attacked the liberal opposition, accusing them of "criminal designs" against the government. On March 16, the Chamber of Deputies adopted a reply address that contained a direct attack on Polignac's ministry. In response to this, the sessions of the chamber were adjourned until 1 September.

On May 16, the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved; new elections were scheduled for 23 June and 3 July. Preparations for the elections were accompanied by a sharp struggle in the press on the question of the rights of both chambers, the limits of royal power, and the powers of ministers. Ultra-royalist newspapers propagated the theory of the unlimited power of the monarch. The liberal press demanded the resignation of the Polignac cabinet, the restoration of the National Guard, the introduction of regional and local self-government, the fight against clerical domination, the softening of the regime for the press, the reduction of taxes, and the protection of the rights of buyers of national property.

In order to divert the attention of French society from internal difficulties, to curb liberal opposition, to raise its prestige in the army and to secure the favor of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, which had long sought to consolidate French influence in the Mediterranean and on the North African coast, the government of Charles X undertook the conquest of Algiers. The pretext for this expedition was an insult inflicted by the Algerian bey Hussein on the French consul Deval. Starting a campaign, France could count on the moral support of Russia. Diplomatic intrigues of England, which tried to negate the fruits of Russian victories in the war of 1828–1829. with Turkey, prompted Nicholas I to take a position favorable to France. The British government incited the Bey of Algiers to resist France. It sought a written commitment from the French government that France did not claim to conquer Algeria, threatened to send its fleet to its shores.

On May 25, a squadron of 103 warships sailed from Toulon with 37,639 men and 183 siege guns on board. On June 14, the landing of French troops on the Algerian coast began. On July 5 they occupied the city of Algiers. Turkish pashalik Algeria was declared a French colony.

Attack on Algiers from the sea. A. L. Morrel-Fatio

This success of the policy of conquest gave Charles X and the Polignac ministry confidence in the victory over the liberal opposition. However, events overturned the calculations of the extreme monarchists. The elections brought victory to the opposition: the liberals and constitutionalists won 274 seats (out of 428), and the supporters of the ministry - only 143. In government circles, a discussion began on the question of what to do to get out of this situation. Various projects were put forward, one more reactionary than the other. All of them were aimed at ensuring the predominance of representatives of the landed aristocracy in the Chamber of Deputies. According to one draft, out of 650 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, 550 were allotted to large landowners.

On July 26, six royal decrees were published in the government newspaper Moniteur, which went down in history under the name of Polignac's ordinances. They imposed severe restrictions on the publication of newspapers and magazines, making it impossible for the liberal press to publish. The newly elected Chamber of Deputies was dissolved. New elections were scheduled for 6 and 13 September. They were to take place on the basis of a new electoral system in which the right to vote was granted almost exclusively to large landowners. The number of members of the Chamber of Deputies decreased from 428 to 258; her rights were further curtailed.

The publication of the ordinances, which constituted an open violation of the charter, an attempted coup d'état, made a stunning impression in Paris. In the evening of the same day, at a meeting of liberal journalists in the editorial office of the National newspaper, a declaration was adopted protesting against the government's measures, proving their illegality and calling on the population to resist the actions of the authorities. At the same time, at a meeting of the owners of Parisian printing houses, it was decided to close them in protest against the ordinances.

The next day, July 27, an armed uprising broke out in Paris. Workers, artisans, trade employees, small entrepreneurs and merchants, students, retired soldiers and officers took an active part in it. The leadership of the armed struggle was carried out by former officers, students of the Polytechnic School, and journalists. Particularly significant was the role of members of the Patriotic Association. Representatives of the big bourgeoisie, for the most part, adhered to a passive wait-and-see tactic.

On July 28, the uprising took on a massive character. Its participants were not only the French, but also immigrants from other countries: Italian, Spanish, Portuguese revolutionary emigrants, Poles, Greeks, Germans, British, progressive people of Russia. Some of the Russian eyewitnesses of these events (M. A. Kologrivov, M. M. Kiryakov, S. D. Poltoratsky, L. L. Khodzko and others) took a direct part in street battles, fought in the ranks of the rebellious Parisians.

"Freedom Leading the People to the Barricades". E. Delacroix.

On July 29, the insurgent people took possession of the Tuileries Palace with a fight and raised over it the tricolor banner of the revolution of 1789-1794. The defeated troops retreated to the country residence of the king of Saint-Cloud. Several regiments joined the uprising. Power in Paris passed into the hands of a municipal commission headed by the liberal-minded banker Lafitte.

In the face of the complete victory of the popular uprising in the capital, Charles X agreed to cancel the ordinances on July 25 and to resign Polignac's ministry. The Duke of Mortemar, who had a reputation as a supporter of the charter, was placed at the head of the new cabinet. But the attempt to save the Bourbon monarchy was a complete failure. The revolution, which broke out under the slogans of defending the charter and overthrowing the Polignac ministry, won under the slogans: “Down with Charles X! Down with the Bourbons!"

On July 30, a meeting of deputies of the dissolved chamber declared Duke Louis-Philippe of Orleans, close to bourgeois circles, "viceroy of the kingdom" (temporary ruler). On August 2, Charles X abdicated in favor of his grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux. A few days later, the deposed king had to flee abroad with his family under pressure from the masses.

In some large cities (Marseille, Nimes, Lille, etc.), as well as in some rural areas, the ultra-royalists tried to raise the backward sections of the population, which were under the influence of the Catholic clergy, to defend the Bourbon monarchy. This led to bloody clashes, especially violent in the south and west, where the positions of the nobility were relatively stronger. However, the open actions of adherents of the old dynasty (“Carlists”) against the new government were quickly suppressed.

On August 9, Louis Philippe was proclaimed "King of the French". Soon the whole country recognized the coup that had taken place.

The weakness of the Republican Party and the lack of organization of the working class made it possible for the big bourgeoisie to seize power and prevent the deepening of the revolution and the establishment of a republic. On August 14, a new charter was adopted, more liberal than the charter of 1814. The rights of the Chamber of Deputies were somewhat expanded, the heredity of peerage was abolished, the property qualification for voters was slightly reduced, as a result of which their number increased from 100 thousand to 240 thousand. The rights of the Catholic clergy were limited (he was forbidden to own land property). The payment of monetary compensation to former emigrants under the law of 1825 continued for some time (until 1832), but the creation of new majorates was stopped. Censorship was temporarily abolished. Local and regional self-government was introduced, the national guard was restored (both on the basis of a property qualification, that is, exclusively for the propertied strata of the population). But the police-bureaucratic state apparatus remained untouched. Severe laws against the labor movement also remained in force.

The advanced public of England, Germany, Russia, Belgium. Italy, the USA and many other countries warmly welcomed the revolution in France as a serious blow to the reactionary system of the Holy Alliance. Heine especially vividly expressed his joy at this event. “Sunbeams wrapped in paper,” this is how the great German poet described newspaper reports about the revolution in France in his diary on August 6.

Ludwig Burns, a prominent German publicist of the radical trend, also enthusiastically met the revolutionary upheaval in France.

A. S. Pushkin showed a keen interest in the July Revolution, who believed that the former ministers of Charles X should be executed as state criminals, and who argued on this issue with P. A. Vyazemsky. M. Yu. Lermontov responded to these events with a poem in which he called Charles X a tyrant and glorified the “banner of liberty” raised by the Parisian people. The July revolution met with warm sympathy from A. I. Herzen and his friends, members of the revolutionary circles that existed at Moscow University. “It was a glorious time, events moved quickly,” Herzen later wrote, recalling this period. - ... We followed step by step every word, every event, bold questions and sharp answers ... We not only knew in detail, but passionately loved all the then leaders, of course radical ones, and kept their portraits ... ". The revolutionary events in France made a strong impression on the opposition-minded circles of the raznochintsy population of St. Petersburg and some provincial cities, and partly on the peasantry. “The general voice in Russia cried out against Charles X,” we read in one document of the III section. - From an enlightened person to a shopkeeper, everyone kept saying the same thing: it’s good for him, rightly so. I didn’t keep the law, I broke my oath, and I deserved what I got.” Agents of the III Section anxiously reported to their boss, Count Benckendorff, that "the simplest craftsman" condemns the behavior of Charles X, that all those "who have nothing to lose" met the news of the revolution in France "with some kind of joy, as if in anticipation of something better."

The revolution of 1830 in France hastened the explosion of the revolution in Belgium, which had risen against the rule of Holland and now formed an independent bourgeois state. The July Revolution gave impetus to revolutionary actions in Saxony, Braunschweig, Hesse-Kassel and some other parts of Germany, the introduction of liberal constitutions in them, and the growth of aspirations for the unification of the country (Hambach holiday 1832). The revolution in France contributed to the rise of the revolutionary and national liberation movement against Austrian domination in Italy (uprisings in Parma, Modena and Romagna), the uprising in Poland against the oppression of tsarism. The overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy in France led to an intensification of the struggle for parliamentary reform in England, to the actions of the masses under the slogan of democratizing the political system in Switzerland. In this situation, the plans of Nicholas I, who, together with the Prussian and Austrian courts, prepared military intervention against France with the aim of restoring the old dynasty and the rule of the nobility in it, turned out to be unrealistic.

The revolution of 1830 in France is an example of an unfinished bourgeois revolution. According to Lenin, it was one of those "waves" "which beats the old regime, but does not finish it off, does not remove the ground for the next bourgeois revolutions." And yet this revolution had no small progressive significance. The attempts of the most reactionary sections of the landed aristocracy to restore the dominance of the nobility both in the central government and in the local government suffered a complete and final defeat. French monarchy, which was in 1814–1830. "a step towards transformation into a bourgeois monarchy", turned after the revolution of 1830 into a bourgeois monarchy. Bringing France's political superstructure more in line with its economic basis, the July Revolution helped accelerate the industrial revolution in the country. A new chapter has opened in the history of the class struggle in that country: henceforth, the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie came to the fore more and more openly.

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