The abyss of the Kazan province. Peasant unrest and uprisings

It is difficult to find a watchman at the school in Antonovka, in the Spassky district. Few hunters sit in it at night. They say there are ghosts there. The current security guard, Viktor Ivanovich Korovushkin, says that someone's voices are constantly heard in the attic, incomprehensible rustles are heard. Horror takes!

The school is located in the former estate of Count Musin-Pushkin, the trustee of the Kazan educational district. The building is almost two centuries old, and its walls keep many secrets. What didn't happen here! From magnificent count balls to meetings of revolutionary tribunals.

From the underground of the estate a secret manhole was laid. Where it leads, one can only guess. It is believed that the underground passage passes under the river Abyss and connects the count's mansion with the church, which is 700 meters from the school. The former military instructor tried to somehow verify this conjecture. But even he did not have the courage: he walked a few meters and stood up as if rooted to the spot - all the devilry began to seem.

History reference

The exact date of the emergence of the village of Bezdna has not been established. The Church of the Mother of God, now restored, was built here in 1778. But the settlement arose earlier, there are suggestions that as early as the 17th century.

According to Professor G. Wolfson, in the middle of the 19th century there were 1300 male souls in the Abyss. Count Musin-Pushkin sold the estate to his manager Vladimir Rodionov, who died during the First World War. After him, Mikhail Zemtsov became the owner.

In the early 20s of the 20th century, the village of Bezdna was renamed Antonovka, and the count's estate was given over to a school. The first chairman of the Antonovsky village council was a fair and reasonable, as the few old-timers who remember him say, the peasant Efim Stepanov (by the way, the great-great-grandfather of the current chairman Valery Osokin). On the basis of the estate, two farms were created: the Anton collective farm and the Antonovsky state farm. In the 50s, instead of a collective farm, stud farm No. 106 appeared, which was later transferred to the village of Nikolskoye.

Last year, SHP "Antonovsky" broke up into seven independent farms, the largest of them is the farm named after Anton.

They also say that in the old days, robbers played pranks in the surrounding areas, controlling a narrow forest road. Now it is overgrown and no longer used. And once from the Abyss (as Antonovka used to be called) to the Spassky district center could only be reached through the forest. It was then that the daring thugs were waiting for their victims. True, they did not rob everyone in a row, but only the rich, releasing serfs in peace. A sort of Robin Hoods of the abyssal bottling ...

The abyss is generally famous for its truth seekers. One Anton Petrov is worth something! They say that once he stood up for serf women, whom the manager of the estate forced to breast-feed greyhound puppies. The truth-lover was mercilessly beaten with rods and put in a "punishment cell" - in the basement of the count's annex, which has now been adapted for a school warehouse. It is difficult to judge whether it was really so or popular rumor added. But the fact that Anton Petrov did sit in that "punishment cell" is known for certain. True, much later and for completely different things.

Recall the story: in February 1861, Alexander II issued a manifesto on the abolition of serfdom in Russia. He reached the Spassky outback only in the spring. Many peasants lived in settlements in Kiselevka, Balkhovka, Dubrovka, Mikhailovka in 15-20 households, were illiterate and could not read the imperial document themselves. They were all gathered in the Abyss and asked Anton Petrov, who knew the slightest bit about literacy, to bring royal mercy to the peasants. He interpreted that manifesto in his own way: it turns out that the “good tsar-father” set the serfs free two years ago, and the “evil landowners” hid this from the people. About Anton Petrov, the peasants who traded in the market in Bazarny Mataki visited, and they threw them into the Abyss in a wave. Here the peasant upheaval began! They say that up to 5 thousand people have accumulated.

However, historians are still in doubt, what was it after all: an uprising or just a “rally”? But the Spassky zemstvo police officer Shishkin had no time to understand the definitions. Unable to convince the stubborn Anton and the peasants who believed him, he scribbled a report to his immediate superior, Colonel Popov, who, in turn, reported to the Kazan governor Kozlyaninov, who, in turn, reported the peasant revolt in the village of Bezdna to the Minister of Internal Affairs Lansky. In the same way, a coded telegram arrived from St. Petersburg to Spassk with a demand to detain and bring to court-martial "the leader of the peasant uprising, Anton Petrov." Troops from Chistopol and Tetyush were urgently brought into the Abyss. In the process of pacification, 91 people died.

A manifestation was held at the Kazan Imperial University, at which Professor Shchapov made a diatribe against the tsarist authorities, describing the Kurtin memorial service for the innocently killed as "a funeral memorial service for old Russia."

In Antonovka there is a museum dedicated to the Bezdnensky uprising, where unique documents are kept. But today they are of no interest to anyone, the topic has become irrelevant. The inhabitants of today's Antonovka also have a cool attitude towards those long-standing events: they say that the peasant was not very literate, so he stirred up the peasants ...

All life in the Abyss, and later in Antonovka, was built around the landowner's estate. Count Musin-Pushkin was a great lover of horses and kept his own stud farm, which, unlike the current one, brought a decent income. The count raised Oryol trotters, which were then in incredible demand in both capitals and in Europe. Horses went for 3 thousand rubles - a lot of money at that time, only wealthy people could afford such an expensive purchase. By the way, Musin-Pushkin did not trust his serfs to take care of horses, for this he invited Tatars from neighboring villages - excellent riders and experts in horse breeding. They lived in an annex specially designated for them. Now there is an elementary school, which, according to old memory, is called “Tatar”, although mainly Russian children study there.

During the years of Soviet power, a hospital was placed in the former stables. These are the grimaces of history: where horses were cared for, people began to be treated. But the residents of Antonovka have recently lost this opportunity as well. Ministerial officials arrived, saw this "disgrace" and ordered: "Immediately close!" To be honest, the hospital would have been slammed anyway, the policy has now gone like this: to close schools, clubs, libraries, health centers in small villages ... There is no money in the treasury for their maintenance. In Antonovka, they quickly rebuilt and converted the old stables into a day clinic and an ambulance station. At least there will be some medical care for people. But they still cannot find the head physician, although there is both a vacancy and housing for him.

The main estate of the count was given over to the school. You probably won't find another one like it in the republic. Children every day go to study in a real castle, where everything breathes with unfading antiquity. The two-story mansion, built in the magnificent Baroque style, has retained its characteristic features - it was erected by visiting craftsmen. The building has two entrances ending in twisted oak staircases. One staircase - the front one - was intended for guests and hosts, now students use it. The second was called “black”, it is narrower, almost without decorations, servants climbed to the second floor, and today teachers. A few years ago, in preparation for the anniversary of the school, they decided to patch up the stairs. They looked like nothing, but the surface of the boards seemed badly worn. Nothing came of this venture! They were able to dismantle only half of the stairs, and the other was so tightly seized by oak tongues that they could not tear it off. Yes, they built it in good conscience, for centuries.

On the top floor, in the living room, there are still two antique mirrors in a wooden frame, entwined with intricate carvings. Students indifferently pass by, a rare girl will straighten her hair on the go, throwing a fleeting glance at an antique rarity - for her it has long been a household item. And in the old days, local beauties preened themselves in front of these mirrors, preparing for the next ball. The count rarely visited his estate: as a senator, he spent most of his time in St. Petersburg. But when he broke out into the Abyss, he threw a feast for the whole world. Once, passing by, Lobachevsky, a mathematician already famous at that time, looked in on Musin-Pushkin, who was also the trustee of the Kazan educational district. And stuck here for a week. The hospitable owner did not want to let go for anything, having arranged a real festivity with horse races and choral singing. True, there were no gypsies, they could rest when the serf choir from Kutyrka, 30 miles from the Abyss, got down to business. The inhabitants of this village - the Old Believers - were distinguished by unusually melodious voices. They are still like this.

The main provisions of the peasant reform of 1861. The uprising of the peasants in the village of Bezdna, Kazan province. Analysis of the industrial revolution in Russia. The essence of foreign capital and concessions. Populism as a revolutionary movement of the raznochintsy intelligentsia.

Send your good work in the knowledge base is simple. Use the form below

Students, graduate students, young scientists who use the knowledge base in their studies and work will be very grateful to you.

Posted on http://www.allbest.ru/

Distance

Khukhrina Anna.

1. What were the main provisions of the peasant reform of 1861 and why did these conditions suit the state, but did not suit the peasants?

The peasants, who previously belonged to the landowners, were declared free and given civil rights.

Upon liberation, the peasants received land, but in a limited amount and for redemption on special conditions.

The size of the land allotment could not exceed the norm established by law.

The peasants had to buy their land from the landowners.

The state did not settle accounts with every peasant, but with the peasant community. Therefore, the land became not the personal property of the peasant. And the property of the peasant community. The size of peasant allotments, as well as dues and corvée of those temporarily obliged, were determined by an agreement between the landowner and the peasants - Charters.

The implementation of the reform on the ground was monitored by conciliators.

The state was satisfied with all these conditions, since conditions were created for the establishment of the capitalist structure in the country's economy; free working hands appeared, hired labor increased;

And the peasants were not satisfied with the conditions, because the main contradiction in the countryside between large landownership and small land ownership of the peasants remained, which prevented the peasants from reorganizing their economy in a new way.

2. Write about the peasant uprising in 1861. in the village of Bezdna, Kazan province and about Curtinpanikhida

Bezdnensky unrest - the unrest of the peasants of the village of Bezdna, Spassky district (Kazan province and surrounding villages and villages in April 1861 in response to the peasant reform (the abolition of serfdom).

In the village of Bezdna, the peasant Anton Petrov interpreted some articles of the “Regulations on Peasants Coming Out of Serfdom” in the interests of the peasants. In particular, he interpreted one of the points of the charter sample, in which it was said “after the 10th revision, so much was set free,” he interpreted in such a way that the tsar gave his freedom already in 1858, the landowners hid this, therefore all the land belongs peasants and the grain collected and sold in the course of 2 years must be recovered from the landowners.

News of this quickly spread, and peasants began to flock to the Abyss, the number of which reached 10 thousand people. The unrest swept over 75 villages and villages of the Spassky, Chistopol and Laishsky districts of the Kazan province, a number of districts of the Simbirsk and Samara provinces - the peasants refused to work on corvee, divided the landowners' bread, refused to obey the local administration, elected officials from among themselves. peasant reform concession populism

On April 12, two companies of the Tarutinsky regiment entered the Abyss under the command of Major General Count A. S. Apraksin. A crowd of up to 5,000 people gathered near Anton Petrov's house. Apraksin demanded to extradite Petrov, but they shouted to him: “We don’t need someone sent from the king, but give us the king himself; shoot, but you will not shoot at us, but at Alexander Nikolayevich.” After that, on the orders of Apraksin, six volleys were fired at the crowd, as a result of which, according to Apraksin's report, 51 people were killed and 77 were wounded (according to other sources - 87). Only then did the crowd disperse, and Anton Petrov left the house, carrying the Regulations on the Peasants above his head, and was arrested.

On the report of Apraksin, Alexander II wrote: “I cannot but approve of the actions of Count. Apraksina; no matter how sad it is, but there was nothing else to do. According to the verdict of the court-martial, established by order of the emperor, Anton Petrov was publicly shot on April 19, 1861. Of the 16 peasants brought to the military court, 5 were sentenced to flogging and imprisonment for various terms. A large number of peasants were punished with rods and exiled.

Peasant unrest in 1861-1863 caused an upsurge of anti-government protests by students. In 1861, Kazan students, immediately after the execution of peasants in the village of Bezdna, defiantly organized a memorial service for Anton Petrov and his fallen associates, at which the democrat historian A. Shchapov delivered a speech. He expressed confidence that the bloody sacrifice in the village of Bezdna "will call the people to rebellion and freedom" and expressed the idea of introducing a constitutional system in Russia. The first street demonstrations of students were observed in St. Petersburg and Moscow.

At the same time, the activities of the nobility in opposition to the tsarist government, the core of which were revolutionary democrats headed by N. Chernyshevsky, intensified. From July 1861, the illegal printed leaflet Velikorus and other proclamations began to circulate. They demanded the liberation of the peasants with land, the introduction of a democratic system in the country and the provision of complete freedom and independence to the peoples of Russia. In September of the same year, the proclamation of Shelgunov and Mikhailov "To the Young Generation" printed in Herzen's London printing house appeared in Russia. She called on the youth to organize revolutionary circles and put forward a broad program of struggle for the overthrow of the autocratic system and the establishment of a democratic order. In the first half of 1862, the organizer of the revolutionary students in Moscow, Zaichnevsky, wrote a proclamation "Young Russia", in which the slogan of creating a "democratic Russian republic" was put forward.

At the end of 1861, a secret society "Land and Freedom" arose in Russia, the ideological leader of which was the generally recognized head of the revolutionary-democratic camp, N. G. Chernyshevsky. The Land and Freedom Society was associated with the emigrants Herzen and Ogarev.

3. Name the main reforms in 1860-1879years and describe them

By the middle of the XIX century. the mood in favor of reforms intensified in the country. On February 19, 1861, the Manifesto on the Abolition of Serfdom (Peasant Reform) was published. The central problem of the peasant reform is the new position of the landlord serfs. They received personal freedom. Formally, the peasants did not pay a ransom for their freedom. The reform was based on the principle according to which all land in the noble estates was considered the property of the landowners.

Together with other reforms of the 60-70s. (land, financial, etc.) the peasant reform determined the new course of the country's development - the bourgeois one. Zemstvo reform was carried out. Elected bodies of local self-government (zemstvo assemblies, zemstvo councils) were created in counties and provinces. The sphere of activity of zemstvos was limited exclusively to economic issues of local importance. Within this competence, the zemstvos were under the control of local and central authorities.

The zemstvo reform was followed by the city reform (1870). In accordance with it, new self-government bodies were introduced in 509 cities of Russia - city dumas. The activities of the Duma were limited to health issues, public education, and economic problems. One of the most consistent bourgeois reforms was the judicial reform (1864).

The new judicial statutes approved the relative independence of the courts, introduced the transparency of legal proceedings and the adversarial nature of the trial, the irremovability of judges and judicial investigators. The highest achievement of judicial reform was the introduction of jury trials. The university reform (1863) expanded administrative and economic independence, approved the right of teachers and students to solve academic problems.

The press reform (1865) abolished preliminary censorship for a significant part of books and "thick" magazines and retained it for small periodicals.

The school reform (1864) provided for the construction of zemstvo schools, public schools, an increase in the number of students, the availability of basic knowledge for the general population.

In 1861, the last of the liberal reforms, the military one, began. In 1874, instead of many years of recruitment, universal military service was introduced, which applied to all young men who had reached the age of 20, without distinction of class.

4. Define economic terms: industrial revolution (write when it endedin Russia); post-reform period; modernization,concession; foreign capital

Define economic terms: industrial revolution (write when it ended in Russia); post-reform period; modernization, concession; foreign capital.

The industrial revolution is a qualitative change in the technique of production, consisting in the transition from the manufacturing stage of capitalism to the factory system of capitalist production, based on machine technology. The industrial revolution ended in the 60-80s of the 19th century.

Post-reform period - The evolution of the social structure of Russian society after the abolition of serfdom. Completion of the industrial revolution in the country in the second half of the XIX century.

Modernization is a change in accordance with the requirements of modernity: giving a modern character to something, adapting to modern views, ideas, needs. Modernization provides for the intensification of the process of economic reproduction, which is achieved through the growth of differentiation of labor, power equipment of production, the transformation of science into a production (economic) force and the development of rational production management.

A concession is a form of an agreement on the transfer for use of a complex of exclusive rights belonging to the right holder.

Foreign capital is a type of property and intellectual values invested by foreign investors in business and other types of activities for the purpose of making a profit.

5 . Write about populismve in Russia in the 70-80s of the 19th century

Populism is the main ideological direction in the liberation movement of post-reform Russia, the revolutionary movement of the raznochintsy intelligentsia.

It was based on a system of views about a special path for Russia's development towards socialism, bypassing capitalism.

The foundations of this “Russian socialism” were formulated at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s. 19th century A. Herzen, was developed by N.G. Chernyshevsky. Russian populism represented a wide range of different trends. In the 1970s, revolutionary populism was predominant.

The first major section of revolutionary populism was the mass "going to the people" in 1874 - the movement of young people to the village with the aim of agitating for an uprising. The failure of this action brought forward the need to create a centralized revolution. Such an organization was created in 1876 - "Land and Freedom".

There were political demonstrations. There was a split into two "people's will" and "Black redistribution". "Narodnaya Volya" was defeated after the assassination of Emperor Alexander III, "Black Limit" soon broke up into small groups. This completed the stage of the "effective" coup.

Hosted on Allbest.ru

...

Unrest

In the village of Bezdna, the peasant Anton Petrov interpreted some articles of the “Regulations on Peasants Coming Out of Serfdom” in the interests of the peasants. In particular, he interpreted one of the paragraphs of the sample of the charter, in which it was said “after the 10th revision, so much was set free,” he interpreted in such a way that the tsar gave his freedom already in 1858, and the landowners concealed this, therefore all the land belongs to the peasants and the grain harvested and sold over the course of 2 years must be recovered from the landlords.

News of this quickly spread and peasants began to flock to the Abyss, the number of which reached 10 thousand. The unrest swept over 75 villages and villages of the Spassky, Chistopol and Laishevsky districts of the Kazan province, a number of districts of the Simbirsk and Samara provinces - the peasants refused to work on the corvée, divided the landowners' bread, refused to obey the local administration, elected officials from their midst.

suppression

On April 12, two companies of the Tarutinsky regiment entered the village under the command of Major General Count A. S. Apraksin. A crowd of up to 5,000 people gathered near Anton Petrov's house. Apraksin demanded to extradite Petrov, but they shouted to him: “We don’t need someone sent from the king, but give us the king himself; shoot, but you will not shoot at us, but at Alexander Nikolaevich.” After that, on the orders of Apraksin, six volleys were fired at the crowd, as a result of which, according to Apraksin's report, 51 people were killed and 77 were wounded (according to other sources - 87). Only then did the crowd disperse, and Anton Petrov left the house, carrying the Regulations on the Peasants above his head, and was arrested.

On Apraksin’s report, Alexander II wrote: “I cannot but approve of the actions of Count. Apraksina; no matter how sad it is, but there was nothing else to do. According to the verdict of the court-martial, established by order of the emperor, Anton Petrov was publicly shot on April 19, 1861. Of the 16 peasants brought to the military court, 5 were sentenced to flogging and imprisonment for various periods, a large number of peasants were punished by organizing a demonstrative memorial service for the victims of the Abyssal execution, at which A.P. Shchapov made a speech. The Bell by A. I. Herzen devoted several articles to the events of the abyss (June 1 and 15, July 1, 1861; February 15, March 1 and 15, 1862).

The Kazan nobility stormily expressed their admiration for the actions of Apraksin. “Their joy,” wrote the adjutant of the Kazan governor Polovtsev in a letter, “when they received news of the shooting, there was no end; many publicly drank champagne and congratulated each other on their success; Moreover, weak women even showed their joy and regretted only that there were too few killed.

I've been planning to make this post for a long time, but here it somehow bizarrely overlapped in my mind with the last elections... probably, this form of civic activism. So to speak, the government and the people.

After the announcement of the Manifesto on February 19, a wave of peasant protests swept through the country - it turned out that the conditions for liberation, this belated attempt at compromise, really did not suit almost any of the interested classes. Many peasants were convinced that the "real" will was hidden by nobles and priests, or that when the Manifesto was announced, it was "not interpreted that way."
The so-called execution in the village of Bezdna in the Spassky district of the Kazan province received the most gloomy fame.
(what a name! Much more expressive. Perhaps, it will be necessary to make a village in the game with the name "Abyss" or how it will be in Belarusian ... but in general, in the context of the game, it is curious that the western provinces - Vilna, Kovno, Grodno - on the eve and after the reform, they are literally "ahead of the rest of the planet", that is, ahead of the entire Russian Empire in terms of the number of peasant uprisings, these are official statistics from the Ministry of Internal Affairs ...).

In early April 1861 (about a month after reading the Manifesto), one of the local residents, Anton Petrov, began to interpret the Manifet and the "Regulations" in the spirit of peasant aspirations. According to Petrov, according to the "Regulations", the peasants immediately received their will and did not have to perform any duties in relation to the landowners. Almost all the landlords' land should also belong to the peasantry - “the landowner of the land - only mountains and valleys, ravines and roads and sand and reeds, they have no twigs in the forest. If he crosses a step from his land - drive with a kind word, if he didn’t obey - chop his head, you will receive a reward from the king.

The agitation of Anton Petrov was a huge success and was widely disseminated. Peasants from various villages flocked to the Abyss to hear about the "true will". In the abyssal unrest they took
participation of peasants from 75 settlements of the Spassky district. Among the peasants there were massive refusals to perform corvée, and talk spread about the need to deal with the nobles.

The events in the Abyss caused concern and confusion among the local authorities.
Major-General Count Apraksin went to the Abyss with troops to suppress the unrest.
The Kazan military governor Kozlyaninov, in his report to the Minister of Internal Affairs, reported that, on the orders of Apraksin, 12 companies of infantry with two three-pound guns were moved to the Abyss.

On April 11, Count Apraksin arrived in the Abyss and demanded the extradition of Anton Petrov. However, his admonitions did not bring any results. The next day, April 12, Count Apraksin again returned to the Abyss with two additional companies of the reserve battalion of the Tarutino Infantry Regiment and repeated his demand. As Apraksin pointed out in his report to the tsar, by this time about 4 thousand peasants had gathered in the Abyss, among whom were those who had come from the Samara and Simbirsk provinces (according to Kozlyaninov in the above report, the crowd reached 8 thousand people). Not having reached his goal, Apraksin gave the order to shoot the unarmed crowd. The peasants held firm, and only after a few volleys the crowd trembled, and Anton Petrov went out to the army, carrying the "Regulations" on his head. According to the Spassky police officer, the total number of those killed was 61, the dead from wounds - 41 and the wounded - 71 people.

As lieutenant Polovtsov, adjutant of the Kazan military governor, says in his memoirs, “according to the account of the doctor who arrived the next day from Kazan and treated the victims for more than two months, there were more than 350 victims.” However, the number of victims could not be accurately determined even by the attending physician, since, having gone home, not all peasants turned to medical help, fearing that they would be accused of involvement in the abyssal events.

The massacre perpetrated by Apraksin met with censure from the governor Kozlyaninov. In his report of April 22 to the Minister of Internal Affairs Lansky, he, condemning Apraksin's act, wrote: what’s more, besides their inexorable persistence in misinterpreting and not handing over Petrov, the peasants did not rage, they did not manage to harm anyone, and on the 12th they were completely unarmed.

Meanwhile, the Kazan nobility stormily expressed their admiration for the actions of Apraksin, who "courageously" and "decisively" dealt with the worried peasants. “... Their joy,” Polovtsov, the adjutant of Governor Kozlyaninov, wrote in a letter, “when they received news of the shooting, there was no end — those who were smarter tried to hide it, and the stupid ones did not; many publicly drank champagne and congratulated each other on their success; moreover, weak women even showed their joy and regretted only that there were too few killed. Apraksin - a fool, a man without a heart, incapable of anything - is proclaimed the pacifier and savior of the region.

“April 13,” one of his correspondents wrote to Herzen, “Voskresenskaya Street (the main street of Kazan) at 1 o’clock in the morning presented an unusual view. Carriages, droshkys and chariots with the merry faces of landowners on their way to the governor rolled along it. The news "of the count's victory" had just been received.

According to the verdict of the military court, Anton Petrov was shot, and a large number of peasants were punished with rods and exiled.

In the meantime, on April 16, democratically inclined students of Kazan University and the Kazan Theological Academy organized a panikhida in the Cemetery Church for the peasants of the village of Bezdny who were “killed in dismay for freedom”. The memorial service was preceded by the collection of subscription money by students in favor of orphaned peasant families. Up to 150 students attended the memorial service, which was an open demonstration of protest, and, in addition to the cemetery clergy, two monks, students of the Kazan Theological Academy, served it. A.P. Shchapov, a professor of history at Kazan University, delivered an exciting speech. I quote this speech almost completely below, it is typical: Shchapov himself, a former graduate of the Kazan Theological Academy, the son of a provincial sexton and a peasant woman, was a sincere and honest man, but from today's point of view, it is interesting what a fantastic mess could be going on in the heads of those sincere and honest people.

Others, killed for the people! The Democrat-Christ, hitherto mythical, - idolized by European humanity, whose sufferings people will worship in the upcoming Holy Week - proclaimed communal democratic freedom to the world, in the time of the yoke of the Roman Empire and the slavery of peoples - and for this he was nailed by the military-Pilatian court was to the Cross and appeared as a world-expiatory sacrifice for freedom. In Russia, for a hundred and fifty years, democratic conspirators began to appear among the bitterly-suffering dark masses of the people, among you - the peasants, their Christs - democratic conspirators. From the middle of the last century they began to be called prophets, and the people believed in them as their redeemers-liberators. Here again such a prophet appeared - and you, the others, the first ones according to his appeal, fell as expiatory victims of despotism for the freedom long awaited by all the people. You were the first to disturb our sleep, by your initiative you destroyed our unfair doubt that our people are incapable of initiating political movements. You, louder than a king and more noble than a nobleman, said to the People: now you release your servant ... The land that you cultivated, the fruits of which you fed us, which you now wanted to acquire as your property and which accepted you as martyrs into its bowels - this land will call the people to rebellion and freedom... Peace be upon you and eternal historical memory of your selfless feat. Long live the democratic constitution!”

For his speech, Shchapov was fired from teaching at the University. He went to St. Petersburg to deal with the reasons for his dismissal. On the way to the capital, he was arrested on the personal orders of Alexander II. Already under investigation, Shchapov turned to Alexander II with two letters in which he proposed a program of all-Russian reforms based on the idea of developing regional authorities - regional zemstvo councils.
The investigation into Shchapov's case ended with the decision of the Synod to exile him to the Solovetsky Monastery, but Shchapov's explanatory note was liked by the Minister of Internal Affairs Valuev, who took him on bail. The verdict was annulled, and Shchapov was appointed to serve as an official in the Ministry of the Interior and the opportunity to work with archival documents on the schism.
But soon clerical work disgusted him, and he left the service for literary activities. Shchapov's articles were published in the capital's journals Otechestvennye Zapiski, Delo, Vek, and others.
From 1862 Shchapov was put under secret supervision in connection with the available information about his relations with "London propagandists". In 1864 he was exiled "for unreliability" to his homeland, to the village of Anga, from where he was transferred to Irkutsk.
Later he was on the board of the Siberian Department of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, participated as an ethnographer in expeditions to the Turukhansk region in 1866, to the Verkholensky and Balagansky districts of the Irkutsk province in 1874.
Shchapov died in dire poverty and was buried at the Znamenskoye cemetery in Irkutsk. A monument was erected on his grave with the inscription: "Motherland - to the writer."

Alexey Shchapov:

On April 18, a peasant uprising was shot down in the village of Kandeevka, Penza province. 8 peasants were killed, 27 were wounded, most of whom also soon died. More than a hundred peasants were punished with gauntlets, many were exiled to hard labor. The local priest Fyodor Pomerantsev, who supported the peasants, was imprisoned for life in the Solovetsky Monastery.
In the Disna district of the Vilna province, a crowd of six thousand peasants was shot with the help of five military companies, according to statistics - about 30 wounded.
In the Kovno, Smolensk, Chernigov provinces, at the Perm mining plants and in other regions, they also ... shot. In total, according to the official statistics of the Ministry of the Interior, from January to June 1861, there were 1340 peasant uprisings, and in 718 cases of unrest were eliminated with the help of the army.

In the same 1861, the troops fired not only on naive illiterate peasants. City demonstrations in Warsaw ended with executions: on February 27, 5 people were killed, and exactly a month later, shooting at exalted Warsaw ladies had already harvested about a hundred victims.

* * *

In fact, it's not surprising that this all happened at all. It is surprising that, firstly, all this happened under, perhaps, the MOST decent power in Russia over the past ... two hundred or three hundred years of commercials. And secondly, that for some reason it turned out surprisingly every time that the central government had nothing to do with it at all: anyone was to blame, local governors, local military authorities, malicious landlords, who in turn joyfully blamed each other. The Warsaw tragedy generally ended in an "American duel" between the governor and the military governor-general, as a result of which the governor-general shot himself, and the governor resigned. And our left hand never knows what the right hand is doing, and that our subjects accidentally died somewhere - well, it’s a pity, you never know tragic accidents.

The reform of 1861, carried out by the feudal lords, had, as can be seen from its analysis given in the previous chapter, nothing in common with the interests of the peasantry and completely deceived its expectations. The “minute of disappointment”, which Alexander II and other “leaders” of the reform foresaw during the preparation of the reform, inevitably came. The dissatisfaction of the peasants was found almost everywhere.

The sharp contradiction between the nature of the reform and the ideas of the peasant masses about the real “will” led to the fact that the peasants often did not even believe in the authenticity of the “Regulations of February 19”, or at least resolutely rejected the interpretation of the “Regulations” given by the authorities. The peasants sought and found their interpreters, who "read" from the "Regulations" exactly what met the peasant aspirations and requirements. Since the cruel reality convinced of the reality of the feudal reform, the opinion began to spread widely among the peasants that the reform was not final, that it was necessary to expect a “second will”, a “real will” after the two-year period established for the implementation of the “Regulations of February 19” . This was largely due to such a mass form of peasant protest as the refusal to sign the "statutory charters". It was widely believed that an agreement with the landowner led to the deprivation of the right to that new, "true" will, which was expected by 1863.

From the very beginning of the implementation of the reform, the peasants in many places began to carry out a complete or partial renunciation of the performance of duties in favor of the landowners. It happened that the peasants decided to go out on corvée no more than one or two days a week. Deliberately negligent performance of corvée work has become a household phenomenon. The situation in this regard was at one time so tense that Chernyshevsky in Letters Without an Address could assert (at the beginning of 1862): "The prescribed continuation of compulsory labor turned out to be impossible."

In a number of cases, peasant protests took the form of open indignations. This mainly applies to the first months after the publication of the “Regulations of February 19”. The authorities, by their brutal violence against the "liberated" people, increased the irritation and indignation of the masses. By the time the “freedom” was announced, major generals and adjutant wing of the royal retinue were sent to the places with the broadest powers to stop any “disturbance, disobedience or disobedience”. With rods, bayonets and bullets, the tsar's envoys suppressed all attempts by the peasants to evade the implementation of the "Regulations of February 19". The largest clashes occurred in the Penza and Kazan provinces.

In the Penza province, unrest engulfed mainly the counties of Kerensky and Chembarsky, from where the movement also spread to the neighboring counties of the Tambov province - Kirsanovsky and Morshansky. The centers of unrest were the villages of Kandeevka and Chernogay. From the surrounding villages, up to 10 thousand peasants gathered in Kandeevka, and up to 3-4 thousand peasants in Chernogay. With a red banner, with shouts of "Will, will!" peasants moved from village to village and announced: “The land is all ours. We don’t want to pay quitrent, and we won’t work for the landowner.” A prominent role in these unrest was played by the peasant Leonty Yegortsev, who “explained” the February 19 manifesto in the spirit of peasant demands, urging not to trust the authorities and threatening death to both the suppressors and the “disobedient” peasants. When a company of soldiers was brought into Chernogay, the peasants, armed with stakes, attacked the troops. During the clash (April 10, 1861) among the peasants were killed and wounded. Peasants in Kandeevka showed exceptional perseverance and fearlessness. Troops were sent here, and on April 18 they opened fire on the peasants. Despite this, the peasants continued to stand their ground: "We will all die, but we will not submit." Only after the arrest of more than 400 people and the punishment of many with gauntlets, the resistance was broken, although some of the punished still continued to repeat: “For the life of us, we won’t go to work and don’t want to pay dues.” In Kandeevka, 8 people were killed and 27 wounded. Over 100 participants in the unrest in the Penza province were exiled to Siberia for hard labor and settlement.

Simultaneously with the events in the Penza province, the well-known Bezdninskaya tragedy broke out. The village of Bezdna, Spassky district, Kazan province, became the center of peasant unrest that engulfed three districts of this province (Spassky, Chistopolsky and Laishevsky) and adjacent areas of Samara and Simbirsk provinces. Here, the Bezdninsky peasant Anton Petrov turned out to be a particularly vivid spokesman for the people's aspirations. Convinced that freedom was declared by the tsar during the tenth revision (census) of the population, in 1858, but was hidden for a long time by the landowners, Petrov explained to the peasants that they should not obey the landowners and the authorities, should not pay dues and go to corvée, that they can sort out bread from the barns of the lords, etc. According to one of the observers of the events, Petrov, in his interpretation of the “Regulations”, went even further, telling the peasants: “The landed lands are mountains and valleys, ravines and roads, sand and reeds , the forest does not care for them. If he crosses a step from his land - drive with a kind word, if he didn’t listen - chop his head, you will receive a reward from the king. From all sides, crowds flocked to Petrov to listen to the "true will." On April 12, 1861, the retinue general Count Apraksin arrived in the Abyss. An obedient executor of the instructions not only of the tsar, but also directly of the Kazan nobility, who was extremely frightened by the unrest of the peasants and demanded their speedy suppression, Apraksin ordered the peasants to immediately extradite Anton Petrov, and after the refusal of the peasants he ordered to open fire on the crowd. According to official data, during the execution in Abyss, 91 people were killed (with those who died from wounds), 87 were injured. According to the calculation of the doctor who treated the peasants, more than 350 people were injured. Alexander II ordered by telegraph: “Anton Petrov should be judged according to the field criminal situation and the sentence should be carried out immediately”, in other words, the death sentence was completely a foregone conclusion. Anton Petrov was shot on April 19, 1861. Characteristically, the members of the court-martial admitted that Anton Petrov "reinterpreted the meaning of the Regulations, in accordance with the general mood of the peasants who dreamed of perfect freedom."

The brutal pacification of popular unrest in Kandeevka and Bezdna caused deep indignation in progressive social circles and contributed to the aggravation of the mood of active struggle and protest among the democratic intelligentsia.

Unrest in response to the reform of February 19 seized the peasants both in the Great Russian provinces and in Ukraine, in Belarus, Lithuania and other national regions. In one of the Ukrainian provinces - Podolsk - during April - May 1861, unrest swept about 160 villages with a peasant population of 80,000. In the spring of 1861, in the Chernigov province, the peasantry of 6 counties was drawn into the movement, of which the Nezhinsky county stood out in particular. With great acuteness, the peasant movement, caused by the reform, manifested itself in Grodno (Belarus), Kovno and Vilna (Lithuania) provinces, in Latgale, etc.

The largest number of unrest occurs in March - July 1861. In total, in 1861, the central government bodies took into account the "disobedience" of the peasants in 1,176 estates (more than 2 thousand villages). In 337 estates, military teams were introduced to pacify the peasants. In 1862-1863. there were already fewer open peasant unrest than in 1861. Nevertheless, the wave of the peasant movement in these years continues to remain relatively high: in 1862, according to the data of the III department, unrest occurred in 400 estates (military teams were introduced into 193 of these estates ); in 1863, the number of estates engulfed in unrest amounted to 386. It was from the beginning of 1862 that the form of peasant protest, which was mentioned above, became widespread: evasion from signing "charter letters". Therefore, “charter letters” were intensively put into effect in addition to the consent of the peasants: by the end of 1862, for 36.4 thousand letters signed by the peasants (in many cases the signatures were forced), there were the same (even somewhat more) letters, from the signing of which the peasants refused (36.7 thousand).

The peasant movement of 1861-1863, which, as we have seen, gained wide scope, was, however, spontaneous and unorganized; it was devoid of any political consciousness; the peasant masses were imbued with monarchist, tsarist illusions; the peasants still hoped to find in the person of the tsar support and protection against the landlords and officials. This predetermined the failure of the peasant struggle. Already in 1864, the unrest of the peasants was taken into account only in 75 estates.

A peculiar stream of the mass movement of the early 1960s and an integral part of this main factor that determined the revolutionary situation (discontent and struggle of the oppressed masses) were unrest and strikes at industrial enterprises, not yet particularly significant in size, but important in their symptomatic significance. In the spring of 1861, shortly after the announcement of the "freedom", unrest broke out at Maltsov's Lyudinovsky and Sukremensky factories in the Kaluga province, then at the Lysvensky factory in the Perm province and in other places. The comparison of the deceitful “will” with the aspirations of the people also played the role of a stimulus for mass demonstrations among the former serf workers. The struggle for better working conditions, against exorbitantly low wages, began to manifest itself clearly in a number of labor uprisings in the 1960s.

The abyss of the Kazan province. Peasant unrest and uprisings

The main provisions of the peasant reform of 1861. The uprising of the peasants in the village of Bezdna, Kazan province. Analysis of the industrial revolution in Russia. The essence of foreign capital and concessions. Populism as a revolutionary movement of the raznochintsy intelligentsia.

Send your good work in the knowledge base is simple. Use the form below

Similar Documents

Unrest

suppression