December armed uprising: causes and consequences. Who led the October uprising

Lesson for 9 cells. Teacher Natalevich O.V.

Uprising in the Black Sea Fleet. P.P. Schmidt

Repetition:

Describe the situation in Sevastopol in the winter - spring of 1905.
List the reasons for the uprising on the battleship Potemkin.
Who led the uprising?
Follow the uprising.
Evaluate the results of the uprising.
What is Bulyginskaya Duma?
Describe the events of October 1905 in Russia.
What are the main provisions of the Manifesto of October 17th.
What political consequences did the Manifesto lead to? Why?

1905

Lesson plan:

P.P. Schmidt - a realist or a dreamer?
The course of the uprising on the cruiser "Ochakov".
Armed uprising in Sevastopol.
results of the uprising.

Formulate your questions for the lesson.

Sevastopol in October 1905

Read item 1 p.27 - 34.
How did the public of Sevastopol react to the Manifesto on October 17?
What demands were put forward on October 18-20?

Who is P.P. Schmidt?
Why was he arrested?

Rally

1905

Pyotr Petrovich Schmidt

Born in Odessa in 1867.
He graduated from the Naval Corps in 1886 and was assigned to the Baltic Fleet.
He soon left the service due to a reckless marriage.
In 1892 he returned to the Navy and served in the Pacific Ocean.
In 1898 he retired.
In April 1904 he was again called up for military service.
In February 1905 he was appointed commander of destroyer No. 262 of the Black Sea Fleet.
In October 1905, for revolutionary sentiments, he was suspended from service, awaiting resignation.
He led the uprising on the cruiser Ochakov.
Executed on March 6, 1906 by the verdict of the naval court.

Immediately visible nature is impulsive, seeking, not constant. He is not a careerist, but is capable of decisive action and loyalty to his principles.

What does the dictionary tell us?

Dreamer- a person with unrealizable desires, invented, imaginary.

Romantic- not constrained by conditional rules, free, free.

Realist- consistent, requiring a material direction in everything, eliminating abstractions.

Pragmatist- credible, factual.

So what kind of person

was P.P. Schmidt?

P.P. Schmidt acquired the authority and respect of the Sevastopol residents during the turbulent events of October 1905. He showed himself to be convinced supporter of the revolution and a good orator.

He considered himself a socialist, hoped for a democratic republic . I wanted to go to Moscow to participate in the political struggle. He wrote to the revolutionary masses in Odessa, and at the same time , ardently rejected violence as a means of revolutionary struggle.
On November 11, an uprising began on the ships of the Black Sea Fleet and in the land units of the garrison.

The center of the uprising was the cruiser Ochakov. The officers left the ship. The team chose the conductor of the senior battalion as the commander of the cruiser S. P. Chastnik and raised the red flag of the revolution from the mast.

At spontaneous meetings of the lower ranks, it was decided to formulate their general requirements for the authorities, and the sailors wanted to consult with the "revolutionary officer".

Actions are very

pragmatic

Cruiser team

"Ochakov"

They came to his apartment. Schmidt greeted everyone by the hand and seated them at the table in the living room: all these were signs of unprecedented democracy in relations between officers and sailors. Having familiarized himself with the requirements of the Ochakovites, Pyotr Petrovich advised them not to waste their time on trifles (the sailors wanted to improve their living conditions, service conditions, increase payments, etc.). He recommended that they put forward political demands - then they will be seriously listened to, and there will be something to "bargain" about in negotiations with superiors.
Arriving aboard the Ochakov, Schmidt gathered a team on the quarterdeck and announced that, at the request of the general meeting of deputies, he had taken command of the entire Black Sea Fleet, which he ordered to immediately notify the sovereign emperor by urgent telegram. Which was done.

Undoubtedly he is a democrat

and business man

On the morning of 15.11 Schmidt raised the flag signal "Commander of the Fleet" on the Ochakovo.
By noon in the hands of the rebels was 12 ships , whose crews numbered more than 2200 people(battleship "St. Panteleimon", cruiser "Ochakov", mine cruiser "Griden", mine transport "Bug", gunboat "Uralets", destroyers "Zavetny" and "Svirepy", destroyers No. 265, 268, 270, training ships "Dniester" and "Prut").
Red flags were hoisted on the rebel ships.
population rebels on the shore reached 6 thousand people.
A telegram was sent from the Ochakovo to the tsar demanding that the Constituent Assembly be immediately convened and stating that the fleet was no longer obeying the tsarist government.

Schmidt acted like a realist-

pragmatist

Plans of P. P. Schmidt

Requirements and actions

Schmidt demanded that the Cossack units, as well as those army units that remained true to the oath, be withdrawn from Sevastopol and from the Crimea. From a possible attack from the shore, he covered himself by placing a mine transport with a full load of sea mines between the Ochakov and coastal batteries - any hit on this huge floating bomb would cause a catastrophe, the force of the explosion would demolish part of the city adjoining the sea.

According to Schmidt: “The capture of Sevastopol with its arsenals and warehouses is only the first step, after which it was necessary to go to Perekop and build artillery batteries there, block the road to the Crimea with them and thereby separate the peninsula from Russia. Further, he intended to move the entire fleet to Odessa, land troops and take power in Odessa, Nikolaev and Kherson. As a result, a "South Russian Socialist Republic" would be formed, at the head of which Schmidt saw himself.

He is a realist.

He is a dreamer.

Schmidt's plans collapsed the very next day: the fleet did not rise, there was no help from the shore, and the mine transport team opened the kingstones and sank the ship with dangerous cargo, leaving the Ochakov at gunpoint. The gunboat "Terets", commanded by a childhood friend of Schmidt and his classmate at the school, captain of the second rank Stavraki, intercepted and launched several tugboats with the Ochakov landing force to the bottom.

The authorities pulled up to 10 thousand troops to Sevastopol, put the artillery of all ships and batteries of the fortress on alert. The rebels were given an ultimatum to surrender, but the revolutionary ships rejected it and entered into an unequal battle.

“When I stepped onto the deck of the Ochakov ... I understood the helplessness of the cruiser ... But I knew that no later than tomorrow, a massacre would begin, artillery fire would be opened on the barracks, I knew that this terrible atrocity had already been prepared, that trouble would inevitably strike and take away many innocent lives... The team knew from me that the first condition for my participation in the case was not to shed a single drop of blood, and the team itself did not want blood.
I know one law - the law of duty to the motherland, which has been flooded with Russian blood for three years now. A small criminal group of people is flooding, seizing power and separating the sovereign from his people.
P. P. Schmidt

P. P. Schmidt is a noble pragmatist -

realist and dreamer - romantic,

honorably fulfilled his duty.

Results of the uprising

From the fire of naval and fortress artillery, the cruiser "Ochakov" received significant damage, many sailors died.
After 1.5 hours of battle, the survivors left the ship. P.P. Schmidt, with his 16-year-old son and sailors, transferred to the destroyer No. 270 and was arrested upon landing.
The shelling of the barracks of the division continued in the evening and at night, in the morning the punishers stormed the barracks. Over 2 thousand people were arrested.
Lieutenant P. P. Schmidt, sailors A. I. Gladkov, N. G. Antonenko, conductor S. P. Chastnik were sentenced to death (shot on March 6, 1906),
14 people - to indefinite hard labor, 103 people - to hard labor, 151 people were sent to disciplinary units, more than 1000 people were punished without trial.

Homework:

Learn notes in a notebook.
Read paragraph 2.2 "At the turn of the century."

WHO LEAD THE OCTOBER UPRISING?

Boris Ikhlov

The Narodnik Mikhailovsky expounded Marxism to Lev Trotsky. As a result, Trotsky became an opponent of Marx. Nevertheless, Trotsky joined the South Russian Workers' Union and even married, against his father's wishes, an admirer of Marx, Sokolovskaya. And yet, only prison corrected a person: in Butyrka and later in exile, Lev Davidovich first became acquainted with the works of Marx, Plekhanov, and Lenin.
For his extraordinary writing, he was taken to the editorial office of Iskra. And in vain - Trotsky became close to the Menshevik Martov and began to water Lenin with compromising evidence. True, sometimes for the cause. At the same time, Trotsky got Plekhanov with his zeal, and soon he was asked from the editorial office. Then Trotsky became close to Parvus, the one who would then receive German money. The failure of the Petersburg organization of the Mensheviks finally turned Trotsky away from them.
In 1905, Trotsky came up with the "permanent revolution", i.e. the development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one. Lenin, as the main expert on the peasant question and, accordingly, on the backwardness of Russia, resisted this theory for a long time. But he acknowledged that Trotsky deserved his leading role in the Petrograd Soviet. In 1907, Trotsky was already almost a Bolshevik. Since Lev Davidovich did not bend the direct line of the party, but wavered strongly about it, since back in 1913 he wrote letters to Chkheidze and other Mensheviks on how and what could be concocted against Lenin, Lenin dubbed him Yudushka. And also a poseur. And also the "petty bourgeois" - already in April 1917!

Together with his friends Ioffe and Uritsky, Trotsky hung around for a long time in the Interdistrict Organization of the RSDLP. In the spring of 1917, when the Mezhrayontsy reached out like a wedge into Bolshevism, Trotsky stepped on the throat of his own song and sang the song of the Bolsheviks. In July, at the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b), the “mezhraiontsy” united with the Bolsheviks, and Trotsky himself became a member of the party’s Central Committee. Lenin proposed him to the editorial board of Pravda, but the majority did not support him.
When Ilyich was accused of espionage, Trotsky was the first to lend a shoulder to him and publicly dissociated himself from Parvus. Finally, Lenin declared: “Trotsky said long ago that unification [between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks] was impossible. Trotsky understood this, and since then there has not been a better Bolshevik.

Trotsky's role in the October Revolution under Stalin was denied. After 1956, his role was recognized in the history departments of universities until 1991. After the August coup, it began to be sharply emphasized. Finally, Trotsky became the main leader of the revolution, "as a practitioner." Lenin, "as a theoretician", turned out to be the second person in the October events.
A little time has passed, and numerous communist parties that arose on the ruins of the CPSU remembered that Stalin was the main leader of the revolution. "Like a practitioner."

One of the first to talk about this was the fabulist Bushkov. Where are the documents that would speak of Stalin's first role in October? In general, about any of his roles in October, even the smallest one? There are no such.
The Military Revolutionary Committee coordinated the preparation of the October armed uprising, it provided the military side of the performance. The MRC was formed between October 16 and 21, 1917. The MRC included several dozen people: Bolsheviks, Left Social Revolutionaries and anarchists.
In accordance with the Regulations on the Military Revolutionary Committee approved by the Petrograd Soviet on October 12 (25), it included representatives of the Central Committee, and Petrograd and military party organizations of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolshevik parties, delegates of the presidium and the soldiers' section of the Petrograd Soviet, representatives of the headquarters of the Red Guard, Tsentrobalt and Tsentroflot, factory committees and etc. The Regulations on the Military Revolutionary Committee also proclaimed that all representatives of the Bolsheviks and Left Social Revolutionaries, all Red Guards, soldiers of the Petrograd garrison and sailors of the Baltic Fleet were subordinate to this body. As part of the VRC, the Bureau of the VRC was organized, which carried out operational work. The head of the Bureau of the WRC and the WRC itself was formally headed by the Left Socialist-Revolutionary P. E. Lazimir, but often the decisions were made by the Bolsheviks: L. D. Trotsky, N. I. Podvoisky, V. A. Antonov-Ovseenko. The Bureau of the Military Revolutionary Committee included the Left Social Revolutionaries P. E. Lazimir and G. N. Sukharkov, the Bolsheviks Podvoisky and Antonov-Ovseenko. Also, as part of the Military Revolutionary Committee, departments were formed for receiving reports (Lazimir), agitation (V. M. Molotov), weapons (Bolsheviks A. D. Sadovsky and V. V. Fomin), automobile (Left Social Revolutionaries V. M. Yudzentovich, I. V. Balashov), supplies and food (Bolshevik D. G. Evseev - food, and Bolshevik N. A. Skrypnik), an information desk and a department of internal and external communications (F. I. Goloshchekin), subsequently also formed departments of investigative and legal (P. I. Stuchka), press and information (V. A. Avanesov), secretariat (S. I. Gusev), Headquarters of the Military Revolutionary Committee (Podvoisky, Antonov-Ovseenko, Krylenko).
And… Stalin? There is not!

Then Bushkov invents the secret first role of Stalin. If no telegraph poles were found during archaeological excavations, it means that ancient people used wireless telegraph. Who says he doesn't have horns? Their absence does not prove anything - they just disappeared from him!
So Stalin became Bushkov's leader of the uprising. His work was imperceptible, latent, but the most important.

Bushkov's fable about imperceptible latent work was rewritten from and to by the historian Alexander Ostrovsky:
“As a professional revolutionary, I.V. Stalin was mainly occupied with organizational and technical activities. Those involved in it rarely spoke at rallies and meetings, only intermittently engaged in journalistic activities, but they were in charge of revolutionary cadres, in their hands were money, communications, party intelligence and counterintelligence. Remaining obscure and little known to wide circles of the party and the masses around the party, they wielded influence that far exceeded their popularity within the party and beyond. ... In 1917, veterans of the party, to which I.V. Stalin belonged, made up no more than 10% of its members. Even narrower was the circle of professional revolutionaries. It is unlikely that there were more than five of them per hundred members of the party. This means that in 1917, when the Bolshevik Party came out of the underground and there were 24 thousand people in it, the number of professional revolutionaries did not exceed 1000 people, and the circle of professional revolutionaries who had the same party experience as I.V. Stalin , included only a few dozen people. Meeting in prisons, at stages, in hard labor, in exile, in exile, taking part in various party forums, almost all of them knew each other, if not personally, then at least in absentia. Already one party experience and belonging to a cohort of professional revolutionaries had as a consequence that by 1917 I.V. Stalin occupied a special position in the party.
(“Who stood behind Stalin?”, 2002, p.613 - 614)

Let us leave on Ostrovsky's conscience the fantasy about "party intelligence and counterintelligence", which Dzerzhinsky and Peters had to organize from scratch after the victory of the revolution. But this quote by Ostrovsky in a panegyric to Stalin is cited by Vladimir Markov, secretary of the Central Committee of the Union of Communists, as he calls himself, a “veteran of journalism” (“Dispel Ridiculous Myths, Blatant Lies”, “Soviet Patriot” No. 3, 2013).
In general, the article of the "veteran" can be judged by his remark to Trotsky:
“Let's take just one false statement by Trotsky - that Stalin was an “outstanding mediocrity” ...
About Stalin in the pre-revolutionary period, Trotsky's judgments are based only on rumors and conjectures. …
He had personal contact with Trotsky once - during a trip abroad, in Austria-Hungary. Knowing the rotten political position of Trotsky, the vile methods of his war against Lenin, Stalin did not want to get acquainted with him. Trotsky also drew conclusions from this (he describes this meeting in the book “My Life”) that Stalin has a bad character, is ill-bred and intellectually limited.

Apparently, Markov imagines the Bolshevik Party as a collection of lords who do not consider that they know each other if they have not been introduced to each other before. Trotsky and Stalin spent so many years side by side in the capital, and they also sat together in the Central Committee ... However, let us return to the question of leading the revolution.

Apparently, Markov, Bushkov, Ostrovsky forgot that the entire Bolshevik leadership after the defeat in July 1917 did not even think about taking power. including Stalin. Lenin, on the contrary, writes “The Bolsheviks must take power”, demands that preparations for an uprising begin. He sends and sends notes to the Central Committee, and Bukharin recalls: "The Central Committee of the party unanimously decided to burn Lenin's letters."

In early October, Lenin addressed directly, already bypassing the Central Committee, to the Petrograd and Moscow committees of the party: “To delay is a crime, to wait for the Congress of Soviets is a childish game of formality, an absurd game of formality, a betrayal of the revolution.” (PSS, vol. 34, p. 280) Finally. Lenin spits on the danger of arrest, he decides to come and personally convince the members of the Central Committee. On October 10, out of 21 members of the Central Committee, 10 voted in favor of preparing for the uprising. But, in view of the absence of many, the decision to prepare was made.

Almost a similar case was in Perm! Nikolai Tolmachev from St. Petersburg before the uprising of 1905, who arrived in Perm, notes that the leadership of the party organization is sluggish, and the Bolshevik Council is combative ...

Further - worse, Kamenev and Zinoviev in Pravda, which Stalin knows, oppose the uprising. Lenin demands to expel them from the party, while Stalin covers them up.
Publicist Sergei Shramko writes about everything about this. But he still gives wonderful facts.

1) Lenin on the role of Trotsky in October: "After the Petersburg Soviet passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks, Trotsky was elected its chairman, in which capacity he organized and led the uprising on October 25." (Works, XIV vol., notes by the Istpart of the RCP (b) p. 482)
2) “All work on the practical organization of the uprising took place under the direct supervision of the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, comrade. Trotsky. It can be said with certainty that the Party owes the rapid transfer of the garrison to the side of the Soviet and the skillful organization of the work of the Military Revolutionary Committee, first of all, and mainly, to Comrade. Trotsky. Comrades Antonov and Podvoisky were Trotsky's main assistants.
(Stalin I. The role of the most prominent figures of the party. // Pravda, November 6, 1918 (No. 241))
3) “Comrade. Trotsky in the decisive years of the revolution devoted all his strength to the struggle for Soviet power. He courageously stood in a difficult, responsible post. He displayed colossal energy and tremendous pressure to secure victory for the cause of the revolution. The Party does not forget this."
(Krupskaya N. // Pravda, December 16, 1924)

Next - the most interesting:
4) “Stalin, at a meeting of trade union activists, would venture to say: “I must say that no special role in the October uprising of comrade. Trotsky did not play and could not play that, being the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, he only carried out the will of the corresponding party authorities that directed Comrade Trotsky’s every step” ... what “party authorities” could direct Trotsky’s actions in the Petrograd Soviet when passions, preparations were underway for a coup, and he orated to the crowds in the circus "Modern" and shared with Sverdlov the second or third places in the party. In those days - from July 10 to October 7 - Lenin and Zinoviev took refuge first in Razliv, then the leader left for Finland. Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, Kalinin were against the uprising, and Stalin himself wrote editorials, and no one in Petrograd knew anything about him,” writes Shramko.
5) “Comrade Trotsky, a relatively new person to our party during the period of October, did not and could not play any special role either in the party or in the October uprising.”
(Stalin I. Leninism or Trotskyism. Collection of articles and speeches. 2nd ed., additional - Sverdlovsk, 1925, p.68-69)
6) “Comrade Trotsky did not and could not play any special role either in the party or in the October Revolution ...”
(Stalin I. Trotskyism or Leninism. Speech at the Plenum of the Communist faction of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions on November 19, 1924 // Stalin I.V. Works, vol. 6, p. 329)

Let us note that there was still no question that Trotsky was a German spy, etc., and it was not even in Stalin's thoughts to expel Trotsky.
“After the expulsion of Trotsky, his role in organizing the uprising became a mystery in the USSR with seven seals (as well as merits during the years of the civil war). Only in 1957 was the book of John Reed, who admired Trotsky, “Ten Days That Shook the World”, approved by Lenin, and handed over to the special depository by Stalin (his name is not mentioned), was republished,” Shramko notes.

Well, then humanity will find out who was in charge.
7) “Lenin and Stalin are the inspirers and organizers of the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, Stalin is the closest associate of Lenin. He directly supervises all the preparations for the uprising. His leading articles are reprinted by the regional Bolshevik newspapers. Stalin summons representatives of the regional organizations, instructs them and outlines combat missions for individual regions. On October 16, the Central Committee elected the Party Center for the leadership of the uprising, headed by Comrade. Stalin. The party center was the leading core of the Military Revolutionary Committee under the Petrograd Soviet and led almost the entire uprising.
(Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin. Brief biography, 2nd ed. M., 1950, p. 65.)

So, they invent a certain Party center, the Military Revolutionary Center. Allegedly, this center is the main one. Allegedly, it was Stalin who headed it - although there are no documents on this score. This center, indeed, existed in the party documents, but only in the documents. After the creation of the VRC, it was quickly forgotten.

What did Joseph Vissarionovich really do on the night before the uprising? He wrote an editorial for the Rabochy Put newspaper under the heading "What We Need". And that's it.

So, Stalin invented his role in the October events. And after that, Markov, this, pardon the rudeness, veteran of journalism, writes about him as a decent person, and even assures that there was no Stalin’s personality cult, that these are all Khrushchev’s slanders!
When the Pravda newspaper in 1938 published a letter from a worker with a poem: “The sun shines differently on earth, you know, Stalin had it in the Kremlin!” After all, you can’t write this to order, it’s from the heart. To achieve such crap, deliberate manipulation of the mass consciousness must be carried out for many years.
____________

Shramko did an excellent job. But what does he do next? Then he questions - and rightly so! - the role of Lenin, Podvoisky, Antonov-Ovseenko ...
Indeed, the implementation of the uprising plan was reminiscent of a mess at a Soviet construction site with the participation of first-year students. The train with the sailors did not reach Petrograd, because the pipes burst on the locomotive. They could not start an uprising - there was no pole to hoist a signal lamp, the dates of the uprising were postponed ... The storming of the Winter Palace itself resembled some kind of farce (see my book Lessons of the Revolution).
And… what about Shramko? Shramko, pointing out that all the key figures were occupied with "private" issues, puts Adolf Ioffe at the head of the uprising. And he does not provide a single document in support. Not a single receipt signed by Ioffe ...

But! At the same time, he describes in detail what a gigantic work was done in preparation for the uprising! And for some reason, he himself cannot conclude that not a single Ioffe, nor even the collective party leadership, could master such a volume of work.
But Lenin directly pointed out that the revolution is not made by the hands of the conspirators, not by the party, but by the hands of the class. Even in the 1st program of the RSDLP, this was clearly stated: the task of the Social Democrats is to help the working class in its self-organization.
Even Marx said that socialism is the living creativity of the masses, and Lenin repeated his formulation. The masses, not the Marxist party itself! Even 1,000 Marxes could not manage the economy, Lenin argues.
But not only socialism. The October Revolution of 1917 also turned out to be the social creativity of the masses.

WHO LEAD THE OCTOBER UPRISING?

Boris Ikhlov

For his extraordinary writing, he was taken to the editorial office of Iskra. And in vain - Trotsky became close to the Menshevik Martov and began to water Lenin with compromising evidence in the press. True, sometimes for the cause. At the same time, Trotsky got Plekhanov with his zeal, and soon he was asked from the editorial office. Then Trotsky became close to Parvus, the one who would then receive German money. The failure of the Petersburg organization of the Mensheviks finally turned Trotsky away from them.

In 1905, Trotsky came up with the "permanent revolution", i.e. the development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one. Lenin, as the main expert on the peasant question and, accordingly, on the backwardness of Russia, resisted this theory for a long time. But he acknowledged that Trotsky deserved his leading role in the Petrograd Soviet. In 1907, Trotsky was already almost a Bolshevik. Since Lev Davidovich did not bend the direct line of the party, but wavered strongly about it, since back in 1913 he wrote letters to Chkheidze and other Mensheviks on how and what could be concocted against Lenin, Lenin dubbed him Yudushka. And also a poseur. And also the "petty bourgeois" - already in April 1917!

When Ilyich was accused of espionage, Trotsky was the first to lend a shoulder to him and publicly dissociated himself from Parvus. Finally, Lenin declared: “Trotsky said long ago that unification [between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks] was impossible. Trotsky understood this, and since then there has not been a better Bolshevik.

Trotsky's role in the October Revolution was not denied in university history departments until 1991. After the August coup, it began to be sharply emphasized. Finally, Trotsky became the main leader of the revolution, "as a practitioner." Lenin, "as a theoretician", turned out to be the second person in the October events.

A little time has passed, and numerous communist parties that arose on the ruins of the CPSU remembered that Stalin was the main leader of the revolution. "Like a practitioner."

The Military Revolutionary Committee coordinated the preparation of the October armed uprising, it provided the military side of the performance. The MRC was formed between October 16 and 21, 1917. The MRC included several dozen people: Bolsheviks, Left Social Revolutionaries and anarchists.

In accordance with the Regulations on the Military Revolutionary Committee approved by the Petrograd Soviet on October 12 (25), it included representatives of the Central Committee, and Petrograd and military party organizations of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolshevik parties, delegates of the presidium and the soldiers' section of the Petrograd Soviet, representatives of the headquarters of the Red Guard, Tsentrobalt and Tsentroflot, factory committees and etc. The Regulations on the Military Revolutionary Committee also proclaimed that all representatives of the Bolsheviks and Left Social Revolutionaries, all Red Guards, soldiers of the Petrograd garrison and sailors of the Baltic Fleet were subordinate to this body. As part of the VRC, the Bureau of the VRC was organized, which carried out operational work. The head of the Bureau of the WRC and the WRC itself was formally headed by the Left Socialist-Revolutionary P. E. Lazimir, but often the decisions were made by the Bolsheviks: L. D. Trotsky, N. I. Podvoisky, V. A. Antonov-Ovseenko. The Bureau of the Military Revolutionary Committee included the Left Social Revolutionaries P. E. Lazimir and G. N. Sukharkov, the Bolsheviks Podvoisky and Antonov-Ovseenko. Also, as part of the Military Revolutionary Committee, departments were formed for receiving reports (Lazimir), agitation (V. M. Molotov), weapons (Bolsheviks A. D. Sadovsky and V. V. Fomin), automobile (Left Social Revolutionaries V. M. Yudzentovich, I. V. Balashov), supplies and food (Bolshevik D. G. Evseev - food, and Bolshevik N. A. Skrypnik), an information desk and a department of internal and external communications (F. I. Goloshchekin), subsequently also formed departments of investigative and legal (P. I. Stuchka), press and information (V. A. Avanesov), secretariat (S. I. Gusev), Headquarters of the Military Revolutionary Committee (Podvoisky, Antonov-Ovseenko, Krylenko).

And… Stalin? There is not!

So Stalin became Bushkov's leader of the uprising. His work was imperceptible, latent, but the most important.

Bushkov's fable about imperceptible latent work was rewritten from and to by the historian Alexander Ostrovsky:

“As a professional revolutionary, I.V. Stalin was mainly occupied with organizational and technical activities. Those involved in it rarely spoke at rallies and meetings, only intermittently engaged in journalistic activities, but they were in charge of revolutionary cadres, in their hands were money, communications, party intelligence and counterintelligence. Remaining obscure and little known to wide circles of the party and the masses around the party, they wielded influence that far exceeded their popularity within the party and beyond. ... In 1917, veterans of the party, to which I.V. Stalin belonged, made up no more than 10% of its members. Even narrower was the circle of professional revolutionaries. It is unlikely that there were more than five of them per hundred members of the party. This means that in 1917, when the Bolshevik Party came out of the underground and there were 24 thousand people in it, the number of professional revolutionaries did not exceed 1000 people, and the circle of professional revolutionaries who had the same party experience as I.V. Stalin , included only a few dozen people. Meeting in prisons, at stages, in hard labor, in exile, in exile, taking part in various party forums, almost all of them knew each other, if not personally, then at least in absentia. Already one party experience and belonging to a cohort of professional revolutionaries had as a consequence that by 1917 I.V. Stalin occupied a special position in the party.

(“Who stood behind Stalin?”, 2002, p.613 - 614)

In general, the article of the "veteran" can be judged by his remark to Trotsky:

“Let's take just one false statement by Trotsky - that Stalin was an “outstanding mediocrity” ...

About Stalin in the pre-revolutionary period, Trotsky's judgments are based only on rumors and conjectures. …

He had personal contact with Trotsky once - during a trip abroad, in Austria-Hungary. Knowing the rotten political position of Trotsky, the vile methods of his war against Lenin, Stalin did not want to get acquainted with him. Trotsky also drew conclusions from this (he describes this meeting in the book “My Life”) that Stalin has a bad character, is ill-bred and intellectually limited.

Apparently, Markov, Bushkov, Ostrovsky forgot that the entire Bolshevik leadership after the defeat in July 1917 did not even think about taking power. including Stalin. Lenin, on the contrary, writes “The Bolsheviks must take power”, demands that preparations for an uprising begin. He sends and sends notes to the Central Committee, and Bukharin recalls: “ The Central Committee of the party unanimously decided to burn Lenin's letters.»

At the beginning of October, Lenin addressed directly, already bypassing the Central Committee, to the Petrograd and Moscow committees of the party: “To delay is a crime, to wait for the Congress of Soviets is a childish game of formality, an absurd game of formality, a betrayal of the revolution.” (PSS, vol. 34, p. 280) Finally. Lenin spits on the danger of arrest, he decides to come and personally convince the members of the Central Committee. On October 10, out of 21 members of the Central Committee, 10 voted in favor of preparing for the uprising. But, in view of the absence of many, the decision to prepare was made.

Publicist Sergei Shramko writes about everything about this. But he still gives wonderful facts.

1) Lenin on Trotsky's role in October: "After the Petersburg Soviet passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks, Trotsky was elected its chairman, in which capacity he organized and led the October 25 uprising." (Works, XIV vol., notes by the Istpart of the RCP (b) p. 482)

2) " All work on the practical organization of the uprising took place under the direct supervision of the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, comrade. Trotsky. It can be said with certainty that the party owes the rapid transfer of the garrison to the side of the Soviet and the skillful organization of the work of the Military Revolutionary Committee, first of all, and mainly, to Comrade. Trotsky. Comrades Antonov and Podvoisky were Trotsky's main assistants.

(Stalin I. The Role of the Most Outstanding Party Leaders. // True, November 6, 1918 (No. 241))

3) “Comrade. Trotsky in the decisive years of the revolution devoted all his strength to the struggle for Soviet power. He courageously stood in a difficult, responsible post. He displayed colossal energy and tremendous pressure to secure victory for the cause of the revolution. The Party does not forget this."

4) “Stalin, at a meeting of trade union activists, would venture to say: “I must say that no special role in the October uprising of comrade. Trotsky did not play and could not play that, being the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, he only carried out the will of the corresponding party authorities that directed Comrade Trotsky’s every step” ... what “party authorities” could direct Trotsky’s actions in the Petrograd Soviet when passions, preparations were underway for a coup, and he orated to the crowds in the circus "Modern" and shared with Sverdlov the second or third places in the party. In those days - from July 10 to October 7 - Lenin and Zinoviev took refuge first in Razliv, then the leader left for Finland. Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, Kalinin were against the uprising, and Stalin himself wrote editorials, and no one in Petrograd knew anything about him,” writes Shramko.

5) “Comrade Trotsky, a relatively new person to our party during the period of October, did not and could not play any special role either in the party or in the October uprising.”

(Stalin I. Leninism or Trotskyism. Collection of articles and speeches. 2nd ed., additional - Sverdlovsk, 1925, p.68-69)

6) “Comrade Trotsky did not and could not play any special role either in the party or in the October Revolution ...”

(Stalin I. Trotskyism or Leninism. Speech at the Plenum of the Communist faction of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions on November 19, 1924 // Stalin I.V. Works, vol. 6, p. 329)

Let us note that there was still no question that Trotsky was a German spy, etc., and it was not even in Stalin's thoughts to expel Trotsky.

“After the expulsion of Trotsky, his role in organizing the uprising became a mystery in the USSR with seven seals (as well as merits during the years of the civil war). Only in 1957 was the book of John Reed, who admired Trotsky, “Ten Days That Shook the World”, approved by Lenin, and handed over to the special depository by Stalin (his name is not mentioned), was republished,” Shramko notes.

7) “Lenin and Stalin are the inspirers and organizers of the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, Stalin is the closest associate of Lenin. He directly supervises all the preparations for the uprising. His leading articles are reprinted by the regional Bolshevik newspapers. Stalin summons representatives of the regional organizations, instructs them and outlines combat missions for individual regions. On October 16, the Central Committee elected the Party Center for the leadership of the uprising, headed by Comrade. Stalin. The party center was the guiding core of the Military Revolutionary Committee under the Petrograd Soviet and led almost the entire uprising.

(Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin. Brief biography, 2nd ed. M., 1950, p. 65.)

What did Joseph Vissarionovich really do on the night before the uprising? He wrote an editorial for the Rabochy Put newspaper under the heading "What We Need". And that's it.

So, Stalin invented their role in the October events. And after that, Markov, this, pardon the rudeness, veteran of journalism, writes about him as a decent person, and even assures that there was no Stalin’s personality cult, that these are all Khrushchev’s slanders!

When the Pravda newspaper in 1938 published a letter from a worker with a poem: “The sun shines differently on earth, you know, Stalin had it in the Kremlin!” After all, you can’t write this to order, it’s from the heart. To achieve such crap, deliberate manipulation of the mass consciousness must be carried out for many years.

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Shramko did an excellent job. But what does he do next? Then he questions - and rightly so! - the role of Lenin, Podvoisky, Antonov-Ovseenko ...

Indeed, the implementation of the uprising plan was reminiscent of a mess at a Soviet construction site with the participation of first-year students. The train with the sailors did not reach Petrograd, because the pipes burst on the locomotive. They could not start an uprising - there was no pole to hoist a signal lamp, the dates of the uprising were postponed ... The storming of the Winter Palace itself resembled some kind of farce (see my book Lessons of the Revolution).

And… what about Shramko? Shramko, pointing out that all the key figures were occupied with "private" issues, puts Adolf Ioffe at the head of the uprising. And he does not provide a single document in support. Not a single receipt signed by Ioffe ...

But Lenin directly pointed out that the revolution is not made by the hands of the conspirators, not by the party, but by the hands of the class. Even in the 1st program of the RSDLP, this was clearly stated: the task of the Social Democrats is to help the working class in its self-organization.

Even Marx said that socialism is the living creativity of the masses, and Lenin repeated his formulation. The masses, not the Marxist party itself! Even 1,000 Marxes could not manage the economy, Lenin argues.

But not only socialism. The October Revolution of 1917 also turned out to be the social creativity of the masses.

In the history of every state there are uprisings and coups. Russia is no exception. The event on Senate Square, which took place on December 14, 1825, is a bright, dramatic performance by the best representatives of the noble military intelligentsia, who consciously decided to go for a coup, a change in the state system. If almost every person in Russia knows about the events on Senate Square, then little was known about the uprising of the Chernigov regiment, which was a continuation of the performance of the Decembrists.

Prerequisites

Revolutionary trends swept Russia at the beginning of the 19th century. This was facilitated by disappointment in the reign of Emperor Alexander I, as well as the war of 1812, which stirred up the whole of Russia, rallied all the people, from nobles to ordinary peasants. The victorious campaigns in the countries of Western Europe, the acquaintance of the enlightened part of the nobility with the progressive movements of the West evoked a double feeling in society.

On the one hand - pride in the people and the Fatherland, and on the other - a sense of embarrassment for serfdom, for the oppression of compatriots, and awareness of the country's backwardness. The reactionary policy of Alexander I in relation to education in his country, participation in the suppression of revolutions in Europe led the most advanced part of the citizens to the idea of an immediate need for change, since serfdom was considered an insult to national dignity.

Creation of the Northern and Southern Society

What preceded the speech on the Senate Square and the uprising of the Chernigov regiment? The very first political secret society was founded in St. Petersburg in 1816. Its participants were 28 people, including P. Pestel, N. Muravyov and two brothers Muravyov-Apostolov. Two years later, a larger organization, the Union of Welfare, was created in Moscow, which already included 200 people. Its branches were located in different cities of Russia. The union broke up due to internal contradictions.

In St. Petersburg, N. Muravyov created the Northern Society. In Ukraine, a Southern Society is being created, headed by Colonel P. Pestel. The goal of the societies is the elimination of serfdom and the constitutional restriction of the monarchy, up to the assassination of the emperor, the arrest of the royal family and the establishment of the rule of a dictator, who was supposed to appoint Prince Sergei Trubetskoy.

What predetermined the uprising

The main reason for the uprising was the controversial legal situation that arose around the rights to the throne. Emperor Alexander I was childless. Konstantin Pavlovich, who followed Alexander I in seniority, had previously written a renunciation of the throne, which gave the right to his younger brother Nikolai Pavlovich to take the throne. But he was extremely unpopular among the highest nobility, representing the military and bureaucratic elite. Under the influence of the Governor-General of St. Petersburg M. Miloradovich, he writes a rejection of the heritage in favor of his older brother.

On December 9, 1825 (new style), the people swore allegiance to Constantine, that is, in form, the Russian Empire received a new emperor, who did not accept the throne, but did not renounce it either. There was a situation called the interregnum. Later, Nikolai Pavlovich proclaims himself emperor. A new oath is appointed, which should take place on December 14, since Constantine again refused to accept the throne.

On the night of December 14, 1825, the Senate recognized the legitimacy of the transfer of the throne to the future Emperor Nicholas I. The repeated oath was scheduled for the day. The conspirators decide to put their ideas into action. But for a number of reasons this did not come true. The uprising on the Senate Square was crushed. All Decembrists were arrested. In addition, more than 600 soldiers and 62 sailors of the rebel regiments were arrested.

Reasons for the uprising of the Chernigov regiment

Having received news from St. Petersburg about the Decembrist uprising, the commander of the Chernigov regiment ordered the arrest of S. Muravyov-Apostol, the lieutenant colonel of the regiment, because his connection with the conspirators was well known. It was he who promised to act together with the Northern Society, trying to win over other military units by concrete actions.

Four officers of the Chernigov regiment, members of the "Society of United Slavs", previously included in the Southern Society, released him and wounded Colonel Gebel, who ordered his arrest. The question of who would lead the uprising of the Chernigov regiment was not raised. Its leaders were S. Muravyov-Apostol and M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin. They also wrote a proclamation called the Catechism.

Rebellion of the regiment

In the village of Trilesy, where the 5th company of the regiment was located, on December 29, 1825, an uprising of the Chernigov regiment began. On a march, the company moved to the village of Kovalevka to join with another company. Having united, they marched to the city of Vasilkov, where the rest of the regiment was quartered. The city was captured by the rebels, in the hands of the rebels there were weapons and a regimental fund.

Further, the village of Motovilovka was occupied. It happened on December 31st. The purpose of the regiment was a breakthrough in the city of Zhytomyr, where a connection with military units should take place, according to the plan of the rebels, it was they who were supposed to support them, since members of the “Society of United Slavs” served here. But government troops stood in the way, so the rebel regiment had only one thing left to do - turn towards Belaya Tserkov.

Not all employees supported the uprising of the Chernigov regiment. The grenadier company under the command of Captain Kozlov went to the government troops. At the village of Ustimovka on December 3, 1826, the regiment was fired upon from guns and defeated, 6 officers and 895 soldiers were taken prisoner. S. Muravyov-Apostol, wounded in the head, was arrested. His brother is killed by buckshot.

Reasons for the defeat

The date of the uprising of the Chernigov regiment was tentatively set for the summer of 1826. However, the events in St. Petersburg and the arrest of S. Muravyov-Apostol led to the fact that the uprising began earlier than expected.

The uprising of the Chernigov regiment in 1825 was doomed to defeat. The main reason is the complete absence of prerequisites for an uprising. The peasantry, which the rebels were going to liberate, was not ready for changes and did not want them. The military, who dreamed of a constitution only at meetings, could not give up their families, positions and go to the end. The hope that immediately after the uprising, according to the principle of a chain reaction, disturbances would begin in other parts, was a utopia. There were no revolutionary prerequisites. Romantic naivety, political short-sightedness, led to unreasonable victims, repressions, broken destinies.

But nevertheless, pure, honest, noble romantic idealists, the color and conscience of the nation, who the Decembrists really were, changed the consciousness of enlightened people, lit the sparks of that flame, which almost 50 years later led to the abolition of serfdom, and after 90 years demolished the autocracy together with its bureaucratic apparatus.

On July 13, 1826, five conspirators and leaders of the Decembrist uprising were executed on the crown work of the Peter and Paul Fortress: K.F. Ryleev, P. I. Pestel, SI. Muraviev-Apostol, M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin and P.G. Kakhovsky

In the first quarter of the 19th century in Russia, a revolutionary ideology was born, the bearers of which were the Decembrists. Disillusioned with the policy of Alexander 1, a part of the progressive nobility decided to do away with the reasons, as it seemed to them, for the backwardness of Russia.

The attempted coup d'état, which took place in St. Petersburg, the capital of the Russian Empire, on December 14 (26), 1825, was called the Decembrist Uprising. The uprising was organized by a group of like-minded nobles, many of them were guard officers. They tried to use the guards to prevent the accession to the throne of Nicholas I. The goal was the abolition of the autocracy and the abolition of serfdom.

In February 1816, the first secret political society arose in St. Petersburg, the purpose of which was the abolition of serfdom and the adoption of a constitution. It consisted of 28 members (A.N. Muravyov, S.I. and M.I. Muravyov-Apostles, S.P.T. Rubetskoy, I.D. Yakushkin, P.I. Pestel, etc.)

In 1818, the organization " Welfare Union”, which had 200 members and had councils in other cities. The society promoted the idea of abolishing serfdom, preparing a revolutionary coup by the officers. " Welfare Union” fell apart due to disagreements between the radical and moderate members of the union.

In March 1821 in Ukraine arose Southern society headed by P.I. Pestel, who was the author of the program document " Russian Truth».

Petersburg, on the initiative of N.M. Muravyov was created " northern society”, which had a liberal plan of action. Each of these societies had its own program, but the goal was the same - the destruction of autocracy, serfdom, estates, the creation of a republic, the separation of powers, the proclamation of civil liberties.

Preparations began for an armed uprising. The conspirators decided to take advantage of the difficult legal situation that had developed around the rights to the throne after the death of Alexander I. On the one hand, there was a secret document confirming the long-standing renunciation of the throne by the brother Konstantin Pavlovich, who was next to the childless Alexander in seniority, which gave an advantage to the next brother, extremely unpopular among the highest military-bureaucratic elite Nikolai Pavlovich. On the other hand, even before the opening of this document, Nikolai Pavlovich, under pressure from the Governor-General of St. Petersburg, Count M. A. Miloradovich, hastened to renounce his rights to the throne in favor of Konstantin Pavlovich. After the repeated refusal of Konstantin Pavlovich from the throne, the Senate, as a result of a long night meeting on December 13-14, 1825, recognized the legal rights to the throne of Nikolai Pavlovich.

The Decembrists decided to prevent the Senate and the troops from taking the oath to the new tsar.
The conspirators planned to occupy the Peter and Paul Fortress and the Winter Palace, arrest the royal family and, if certain circumstances arise, kill them. Sergei Trubetskoy was elected to lead the uprising. Further, the Decembrists wanted to demand from the Senate the publication of a national manifesto proclaiming the destruction of the old government and the establishment of a provisional government. Admiral Mordvinov and Count Speransky were supposed to be members of the new revolutionary government. The deputies were entrusted with the task of approving the constitution - the new fundamental law. If the Senate refused to announce a nationwide manifesto containing items on the abolition of serfdom, the equality of all before the law, democratic freedoms, the introduction of compulsory military service for all classes, the introduction of a jury trial, the election of officials, the abolition of the poll tax, etc., it was decided to force him do it forcibly. Then it was planned to convene an All-People's Council, which would decide on the choice of a form of government: a republic or a constitutional monarchy. If a republican form had been chosen, the royal family would have had to be expelled from the country. Ryleev at first suggested sending Nikolai Pavlovich to Fort Ross, but then he and Pestel conceived the murder of Nikolai and, perhaps, Tsarevich Alexander.

On the morning of December 14, 1825, the Moscow Life Guards Regiment entered Senate Square. He was joined by the Guards Naval Crew and the Life Guards Grenadier Regiment. In total, about 3 thousand people gathered.

However, Nicholas I, informed of the impending conspiracy, took the oath of the Senate in advance and, having pulled the troops loyal to him, surrounded the rebels. After negotiations, in which Metropolitan Seraphim and the Governor-General of St. Petersburg M.A. Miloradovich (who was mortally wounded) took part on the part of the government, Nicholas I ordered the use of artillery. The uprising in Petersburg was crushed.

But already on January 2, it was suppressed by government troops. Arrests of participants and organizers began all over Russia. In the case of the Decembrists, 579 people were involved. Found guilty 287. Five were sentenced to death and executed (K.F. Ryleev, P.I. Pestel, P.G. Kakhovskiy, M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol). 120 people were exiled to hard labor in Siberia or to a settlement.
About one hundred and seventy officers involved in the case of the Decembrists, out of court, were demoted to soldiers and sent to the Caucasus, where the Caucasian war was going on. Several exiled Decembrists were later sent there. In the Caucasus, some, like M. I. Pushchin, deserved to be promoted to officers by their courage, and some, like A. A. Bestuzhev-Marlinsky, died in battle. Individual members of the Decembrist organizations (such as, for example, V. D. Volkhovsky and I. G. Burtsev) were transferred to the troops without demotion into soldiers, which took part in the Russian-Persian war of 1826-1828 and the Russian-Turkish war of 1828-1829 . In the mid-1830s, a little over thirty Decembrists who had served in the Caucasus returned home.

The verdict of the Supreme Criminal Court on the death penalty for five Decembrists was executed on July 13 (25), 1826 in the kronverk of the Peter and Paul Fortress.

During the execution, Muraviev-Apostol, Kakhovsky and Ryleev fell off the noose and were hanged a second time. There is an erroneous opinion that this was contrary to the tradition of the inadmissibility of the second execution of the death penalty. According to military Article No. 204, it is stated that " Carry out the death penalty before the end result ”, that is, until the death of the convicted person. The procedure for the release of a convict who had fallen, for example, from the gallows, that existed before Peter I, was canceled by the Military Article. On the other hand, the "marriage" was explained by the absence of executions in Russia over the past several decades (the exception was the executions of participants in the Pugachev uprising).

On August 26 (September 7), 1856, on the day of his coronation, Emperor Alexander II pardoned all the Decembrists, but many did not live to see their release. It should be noted that Alexander Muravyov, the founder of the Union of Salvation, who was sentenced to exile in Siberia, was appointed mayor in Irkutsk already in 1828, then held various responsible positions, up to governorships, and participated in the abolition of serfdom in 1861.

For many years, and even today, it is not uncommon for the Decembrists in general and the leaders of the coup attempt to idealize and give them an aura of romanticism. However, it must be admitted that these were ordinary state criminals and traitors to the Motherland. Not for nothing in the Life of St. Seraphim of Sarov, who usually met any person with exclamations " My joy!", there are two episodes that contrast sharply with the love with which Saint Seraphim treated everyone who came to him ...

Go where you came from

Sarov monastery. Elder Seraphim, all imbued with love and kindness, looks sternly at the officer approaching him and refuses to bless him. The seer knows that he is a participant in the conspiracy of the future Decembrists. " Go where you came from ', the reverend resolutely tells him. Then the great elder brings his novice to the well, the water in which was muddy and dirty. " So this man who came here intends to outrage Russia ”, - said the righteous man, jealous of the fate of the Russian monarchy.

Troubles will not end well

Two brothers arrived in Sarov and went to the elder (these were the two Volkonsky brothers); he accepted one of them and blessed, but did not allow the other to approach him, waved his hands and drove away. And he told his brother about him that he was plotting evil, that troubles would not end well, and that many tears and blood would be shed, and advised him to come to his senses in time. And sure enough, the one of the two brothers whom he drove away got into trouble and was exiled.

Note. Major General Prince Sergei Grigoryevich Volkonsky (1788-1865) was a member of the Welfare Union and the Southern Society; convicted in the first category and, upon confirmation, sentenced to hard labor for 20 years (the term was reduced to 15 years). Sent to the Nerchinsk mines, and then transferred to the settlement.

So looking back, we must admit that it was bad, the Decembrists were executed. It's too bad that only five of them were executed...

And in our time, it must be clearly understood that any organization that aims (openly or covertly) to organize unrest in Russia, excite public opinion, organize confrontation actions, as happened in poor Ukraine, the armed overthrow of power, etc. - is subject to immediate closure, and the organizers - to the court, as criminals against Russia.

Lord, deliver our fatherland from disorder and internecine strife!