Fedor Uspensky History of the Byzantine Empire. History of the Byzantine Empire

"Grandfather, read Uspensky to me!" - "Well, granddaughters! "Similarities and differences in the historical development of the West and East ..." - "No, grandfather, I wanted to talk about Prostokvashino!" - "Damn you, worthless! Give him Uspensky! Here you are, with a tome - yes on the top of your head!".

.. However, I digress. And the book that is before us, of course, belongs to the category of scientific classics. For well-known historical and cultural reasons, Byzantium turned out to be close to domestic researchers, but for a long time its path did not find comprehensive coverage in a truly extensive work. I think this was not least due to the heirs of the Empire, the Turks, who occupied its lands and were not interested in studying the former enemy by the current enemy. Academician Uspensky, who lived in Istanbul-Constantinople before the First World War, did a great job of finding sources and systematizing fragmentary information about the events of a thousand years ago. The result of his research was a reference work for all subsequent Byzantinists. The first volume tells about the period from the founding of the city by Constantine the Great in the 4th century to the overthrow of the bloody tyrant Phocas in 610: there are barbarian invasions, an attempt by Emperor Justinian to revive the Roman Empire, disputes over the creed and persecution of heretics, the growth of the capital and the establishment of laws. The next period covers the 7th-9th centuries: the reader is waiting for the treacherous Arabs, the mighty Slavs, the furious Lombards, the cunning Bulgarians, the stubborn Franks; The empire fights back on all borders, but even this is not enough for it, and a massacre begins within its own country: iconoclasts against iconodules; in the capital, bloody despots are overthrown and blinded, on the throne - oh, horror! - a woman, Patriarch Photius splits the church and becomes a figure of the century, overshadowing the king - Troubles as it is! Naturally, everyone missed stability, and the Macedonian dynasty reigned for almost 200 years, first emperors to which the third volume is devoted.

For those who are not in the subject: This is not science fiction at all. On the contrary, it is a serious historical study. I wish I could see the daredevil who took on a 1,000-page volume out of curiosity. The author lays many traps for the one who dares: a titanic preface in the spirit of geopolitical views on the East-West of the late 19th century, a brick style almost completely devoid of lightness, extensive quotations from sources written in archaic language, a detailed analysis of church disputes of the era, constant digressions for a story about destinies Slavdom. In general, reading is not recommended for a person without special training. Sometimes the author, as if on purpose, does not notice the winning places in his narration, connected primarily with the personal characteristics of one or another of her characters. No, he is stubbornly interested in the carrion of "historical processes", not even trying to color the story with characteristic cases and paint a more vivid portrait of the era.

For those in the know: Those who experience an unhealthy attraction to the dawns and dusks of Empires and bold books, they will find something interesting. As mentioned above, the author rightly considers Byzantine history in close interweaving with religion. Sometimes religious strife even becomes decisive for the internal policy of the Empire, such as during the iconoclastic period (726-843). Of course, all those interested in Orthodoxy will find a lot of important information here. The book will not disappoint researchers of the early past of the Slavic peoples: although Uspensky stipulates the absence of reliable sources, he manages to consider this ethnic group in the darkest centuries of its history. The above accents will almost certainly disappoint the modern history buff, who usually has no interest in either Orthodoxy or Slavism (bad form!). As an enthusiastic amateur, it was interesting for me to read about the early history of Italy, the gradual weakening of the ties between the two Churches, Franco-Greek diplomacy. Unfortunately, these questions occupy a far from leading position on the pages of the book.

Introduction. Similarities and differences in the historical development of the West and East Period 1. (until 527). Elements of Byzantine education Chapter 1. Byzantinism and its cultural significance in history Chapter 2. Cultural and religious crisis in the Roman Empire. Barbarian immigration. Transfer of the capital to Constantinople Chapter 3. Formation of the Christian Empire. Church policy of Constantine. Orthodoxy and Arianism Chapter 4. Paganism and Christianity in the middle of the 4th century. Julian the Apostate. Description of his reign Chapter 5. Church and state policy at the end of the 4th century. Theodosius the Great. The Case of the Altar of Victory. Barbarian immigration. Accepting them into the service of the empire Chapter 6 Fall of the Western Empire Chapter 7. Emperor Theodosius II. Augusta Pulcheria and Athenais-Evdosh. Augustine on the City of God. Ephesus Cathedral. Monophysites Chapter 8. Constantinople. The world significance of the capital of the Eastern Empire. Bishop of the city. Craft estates. Dima. Educational institutions Chapter 9. Marcian and Pulcheria. Chalcedon Cathedral. The general historical significance of the 28th canon. Leo I. Federates. Aspar and Ardavuriy. Expedition to Africa Chapter 10. Christian culture and Hellenism. Patriarchate of Constantinople. Monasticism. local shrines Chapter 11. Leo I and Zenon. Consequences of the Council of Chalcedon. Founding of Ostrogothic rule in Italy Chapter 12. Anastasius (491-518). The state of affairs on the Danube frontier. Vitalian. Persian War Chapter 13 Period 2. (518-610). From Justinian I to Heraclius Chapter 1. Characteristics of the period. Justinian and Theodora. Historian Procopius Chapter 2. Wars with the Germans: Vandals and Ostrogoths. trip to spain Chapter 3. The northwestern border of the empire. The appearance of the Slavs on the Danube. Establishment of Avars in Pannonia and Hungary Chapter 4. Southeastern and southern borders of the empire. Persian Wars. Spheres of influence in Arabia. Egypt and the Christian mission on the borders of Abyssinia Chapter 5 Riot "Nika". Religious politics in Syria. Simeon the Stylite and his monastery Chapter 6 Sofia and other buildings in the capital. Line of border fortifications Chapter 7. Trade. Silk products. Customs department. Kosma Indikoplov Chapter 8. Legislative and administrative activity of Justinian. Church politics Chapter 9 Land registry under Justinian. Final Conclusions Chapter 10. The immediate successors of Justinian. Slavic immigration within the empire. War with Persia Chapter 11 Rebellion of Exarch Heraclius

Foreword

I very much regret that I started late in printing a work that I conceived at least 25 years ago. Often there is a doubt whether it will be possible to bring the matter to the end, as I am approaching the limit of life. In the course of forty years of study of different departments of Byzantium, I had the opportunity to dwell on many issues, and many departments were processed at different times and for different purposes. But when the time came to sum up what had been prepared so far, the difference in mood and the dissimilarity of the general idea made itself felt in different departments. Does this come from the conditions of age, or from the conditions of gradual broadening of one's horizons? Unfortunately, I do not dare to answer this question; I'm afraid to err against the case. Undoubtedly, 20 years ago I spoke more boldly, made more generalizations and conclusions, was not so careful in sentences: now I often had to soften expressions, smooth out the sharpness of thoughts, redo entire chapters to fit them to a new mood. Is it good for business? Again, I can't speak positively. There are, however, some details which should be usefully reflected in the fact that my work has been too slow to appear in print.

Since 1895, living in Constantinople, I had the opportunity to study the people whose ancestors created the history of Byzantium, directly get acquainted with the monuments and delve into the psychology of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which is largely responsible for the fact that most of the peoples subject to the cultural influence of Byzantium are still in such miserable position. Since the clergy and monasticism have always occupied a leading place in the history of Byzantium, then, of course, the circumstance in which the coverage of church affairs is presented is of no small importance. Perhaps, without living so much time among the Greeks and not directly studying the life of the patriarchy, it would be impossible for me to renounce the theoretical constructions and fictions with which we are so abundantly endowed in school. Meanwhile, a real look at the ecumenical patriarchy, throwing excommunications on the Slavic peoples, violating its phyletic policy, is highly timely to establish for us both for Russian church policy and for our national self-determination, if only in view of the consideration that that moment is not far off. when, by the political course of things and the successes of Catholic and Protestant propaganda, he will be brought to the position of the Alexandrian or Jerusalem Patriarchate, i.e. when it loses almost the entire Balkan Peninsula and a significant part of the eastern sees. Then only a long sojourn in the East and travels in Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine connected with it could clarify for me the historical destinies of the Byzantine Empire, which for its existence is connected more with the East than with the West. I mean not only that both the Empire of Constantinople and the Turkish Empire that replaced it owe their main material forces (military people and income) to the East and have always depended on the loyalty of the eastern provinces, but also real traditions and historical facts. Not one of the Slavic sovereigns could cope with the tempting idea of ​​founding an empire in Europe in place of the Greco-Byzantine one; none of the European principalities founded in Europe after the IV crusade - whether it was led by the Franks or local Greeks - had a long history and did not attract popular sympathy, but meanwhile the idea of ​​restoring the Byzantine Empire in the XIII in. The lesson of history must be strictly tested and weighed by those who are currently awaiting the division of the inheritance after the "dangerously ill" on the Bosphorus.

Since this publication cannot be regarded as a commercial enterprise and is not caused by either official or career goals, I find it appropriate to explain here that the Brockhaus-Efron firm, by its consent to publish the History of the Byzantine Empire, in the form in which it appears in front of the public at the present time, influenced my final decision to start preparing the text for publication, i.e. to decide on an enterprise, for the implementation of which there were always intractable difficulties.

The book that comes into the hands of the reader is not intended to replace the existing old and new histories of Byzantium. This is not an exhaustive account of all the events that make up the circle of more than a thousand years of empire - it therefore does not contain six or seven volumes, but three. Not competing and not trying to replace the published histories of Byzantium, however, I have a cherished idea to give our compatriots an integral system in such an area, which I consider the most important after national history for the national self-consciousness of a cultural Russian layman. For this purpose, and in the desire to be publicly available, I did not consider it necessary to give a large scientific apparatus either in footnotes or at the end of chapters. References to manuals and citations of sources were allowed to the extent that it was considered necessary so that the inquisitive reader was not deprived of the opportunity, if desired, to master the material that was at the author's disposal: sources are indicated where original conclusions are given based on their special study; manuals are shown guides, for which it is easy to find references to the literature of the subject. Not to give large footnotes - this was a condition on the part of the publisher, which I found justified. Maybe I have cited many passages in Russian translation from documents and literary works of the time described, but it always seemed to me that this is the best introduction to the era and conveys the mood of society.

The author tried to make every effort so that this work, the result of a long, persistent and - let it be allowed to add - not unsuccessful scientific activity of a Russian professor, was worthy of its goal and subject. I was born in 1845 and can complete this last scientific enterprise by the age of seventy, when it is natural for a person to sum up everything experienced and summarize the results of his activities. It is easy to understand that I wanted to put such a reading into the hands of the Russian reader, which, on the one hand, with its rigor and seriousness, would give him the idea of ​​a well-thought-out and carefully balanced system, and on the other, would leave a good memory of the author, who, deciding to publish in the light of the history of Byzantium compiled by him, obeyed an inner attraction, proceeding from the conviction that the assertion of knowledge about Byzantium and the clarification of our relations with it is extremely necessary for the Russian scientist and no less useful both for education and for directing the Russian to the right path. political and national identity. Let the reader ponder over the content of the chapters devoted to the southern Slavs and look for illustrations there for the sad events now going through on the Balkan Peninsula!

F. Uspensky Constantinople. October 1912

Current page: 1 (total book has 42 pages) [accessible reading excerpt: 10 pages]

Fyodor Ivanovich Uspensky
History of the Byzantine Empire VI-IX centuries. Volume 2. Period III (610–716) Heraclius and his successors. Iconoclastic period (717–867)
(History of the Byzantine Empire - 2)

PERIOD III (610–716) Heraclius and his successors

Chapter I
General characteristics. military preparations,
Origin of the Fem Device

With the beginning of the 7th c. in the history of Byzantium, one can outline not only certain facts that serve as an indicator of the final break with Roman traditions and ideals, but at the same time, in the character and mood of statesmen and society, one can meet new features brought by new people and new views. The reign of Heraclius opens a new era in the history of Byzantium, which marks the boundary between the old and the newly born historical movement. But it is extremely difficult to present in proper coverage the nature of Heraclius's activities both by the scarcity of information that has come down to us about his internal activities, and by the fact that the new elements of statehood, gradually entering life from that time, have not found either a proper assessment or a specific place in historical presentations.

The Byzantium of the time of Heraclius is not like the empire of the time of Justinian. The extraordinary tension of forces under Justinian aimed to resurrect the idea of ​​the Roman Empire and bind the various nationalities that make up the empire with the unity of faith and law; this idea was practically realized thanks to the extraordinary energy of Justinian, as well as his art to evaluate people and give them assignments according to their abilities. But there was no vitality in the very idea of ​​a world empire, and the creation of Justinian was not politically durable. On the contrary, the task of Heraclius was definite and concrete, it was not about new conquests, but about the means to preserve what could be saved from destruction. The previous era of military indignation, as a result of which on the throne of emperors there were often random people who reached the highest power by the whim of fate, was accompanied by an extreme breakdown of economic means, a decline in prosperity, a reduction in the army and the extermination of an enormous number of people, especially from the sufficient and ruling classes. There is news that Heraclius, making a census of his army, found that only two of the total available number served under Fock, and the entire composition belonged to a new set. This observation applies to other states as well. The first time after his accession, Heraclius is in doubt. The government does not take decisive measures, does not dare to enter into a decisive struggle with the enemies of the empire, and negotiates for peace and alliance, which, however, did not have success. Only in 622, when Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine and Egypt were already under the rule of the Persians, Heraclius comes up with a certain foreign policy and becomes the head of the newly organized and trained by himself army. So, for us, the preliminary period of preparation for military activity remains poorly understood.

About where Heraclius got the funds for the war and how he prepared an army capable of enduring the incredible hardships of service in the war with the Persians, the best page is given by the writer Theophanes: “In 622, April 4, having celebrated Easter, on Monday evening Heraclius spoke in campaign against the Persians. Being in dire need, he borrowed money from churches and monasteries, from the Great Church he ordered the chandeliers and other church vessels to be taken away and minted gold and small change from them. To manage affairs in his absence, he appointed a regency, which included, in addition to his son, Patriarch Sergius and Patrician Vaughn, a man of subtle mind and wise in reason and experience. Having sent a letter to the Avar kagan, he asked him to pay attention to the Romani kingdom, with which he concluded an alliance of friendship, and appointed him the guardian of his son. From the capital, Heraclius made his way by sea to a place called Pyla 1
Bithynian city in the Gulf of Astakos near Nicomedia.

Where did you come from to the areas that received the Fem device 2
έντεϋ9εν δε επί τάς των δεμάτων χώρας άφικόμενος. To what extent ideas about that time are vague, the Latin translation of this place proves. Illinc vero per ceteras regiones sibi subiectas profectus.

Gathered the army in the camp and began to teach him military service according to the new system, exercising him in gymnastics and in the art of war. Dividing the detachment into two parts, he ordered them to make exemplary bloodless skirmishes among themselves and accustomed them to military cries, and paeans, and exclamations, and movements, with the goal that when wartime comes, they would not seem like beginners, but boldly, as it were. jokingly, went to the enemy. Finding the army brought to a state of great licentiousness and cowardice, a decline in discipline and order, and dispersed in different places, he soon united everyone together. The writer once again returns to the description of military exercises in two formations with exemplary battles with the sounds of trumpets and blows with shields, from which it can be concluded that he had at his disposal significant material for this side of Heraclius's activity. But in the above excerpt, the most interesting passage is about themes, a term that first appears in historiography and denotes a major reform relating to civil and military administration. The division of the empire into themes is, under Heraclius, already a well-defined fact and operating in practice. It is also very curious that the reforms in military science, with which Feofan acquaints us, are put in relation to the themes. This is a completely correct view, since the organization of the themes achieved primarily military goals, and the reorganization of the army was conditioned by the special structure of the civilian population in those administrative-military districts that were called the themes. So, we outline here one of the important moments of the preparatory activity of Heraclius, to which the first ten years of his reign were devoted; this is a military and civil reform, expressed in the structure of fem. Regardless, Theophanes has a hint of a number of other activities by which Heraclius tried to ensure success in the military enterprises that constituted the goal of his life. Such, by the way, is the question of the regency and, in particular, of the succession to the throne.

Not only a natural feeling of affection for relatives led Heraclius in the distribution of higher titles and positions, but also a lack of people, since most of the well-born and wealthy people were either destroyed or weakened by torture, confiscation of property, imprisonment and murder. So, around the throne we see the relatives of Heraclius. The dignity of a curopalate was granted to his brother Theodore, his cousin Nikita was the main support of the kingdom. Only Priscus, the son-in-law of Phocas, remained in favor with Heraclius from outsiders, and even then for a short time. With special attention, he attended to the arrangement of the fate of his family. He appointed his daughter Epiphany, born of his first wife, August, in the same way he crowned the kingdom in the first years after the accession of his young son Constantine. Perhaps the same motive for strengthening his own dynasty explains his marriage to his own niece Marina, the daughter of Mary's sister, which made a big noise. Queen Marina, however, was not at the height of the situation. In a difficult moment in the life of Heraclius, she far from supported him, as before Theodore Justinian, but, on the contrary, according to her suggestions, Heraclius made a cowardly decision to transfer his capital to Carthage in 618, when circumstances in Constantinople were extremely unfavorable, and only perseverance Patriarch Sergius prevented the implementation of this decision.

When Heraclius came to the throne, the political situation of the empire was desperate. The northern provinces of the empire were overrun by Slavs and Avars. Heraclius immediately assessed the situation here and took a number of measures that were of capital importance for the coming centuries on the Balkan Peninsula. First of all, he realized that the empire should not waste its strength on fighting Slavic immigration; abandoning the areas occupied by the Slavs, Heraclius found in himself enough statesmanship to leave the Slavs alone until the time when the empire gathered its strength and could begin a cultural and political struggle with them.

The main attention was paid to the East, where, under the rule of Chosroes II, the Persian Empire revealed enormous tension and conquering power, having taken Syria, Palestine and Egypt from Byzantium over the course of several years and inflicting an incredible moral defeat on the Christian empire by the fact that the fire-worshippers took possession of the Life-Giving Tree of the Cross of Christ. In the period from 622 to 628, Heraclius, in several campaigns to the East, achieved such success that the Persians abandoned their conquests in Egypt, Syria and Palestine and received such a blow from which they never recovered. Among the successors of Justinian, Heraclius stands above all.

Even at the end of the 4th century, when the imperial army was overrun by barbarian detachments, and when the Germanic Goths threatened to flood the capital itself, patriotic voices began to rise in favor of the nationalization of the army. “War for the defense of the state,” Bishop Sinesius of Ptolemaida said in his speech to Arcadius, “cannot be successfully waged by foreign troops. Take the defenders of the fatherland from their own fields and from subject cities, for in them you will find the real protection of that state order and those laws in which they themselves were born and brought up. Is it not seen as an extreme danger that those alien military people who are entrusted with the defense of our country may want to impose their power on an unarmed population? Try to multiply your own regiments, along with this the national spirit will rise, which will successfully withstand the struggle against the barbarian invasion.

However, the Byzantine government failed to move from a system of hiring foreign troops to a national army either in the 5th or 6th centuries. Under Justinian, when the empire developed its military strength to its extreme limits, brilliant military deeds were carried out under the leadership of Belisarius, Narses and other commanders not by a national army, but by mercenaries from eye peoples who entered into a special treaty with the empire and bore the name of federates. Almost every leader of the Justinian time had his own squad of hired foreigners, who, as a personal retinue, as squires, served as the core of the army. The last case of hiring a large foreign detachment into military service refers to the reign of Tiberius (578-582), who made up a special corps of 15,000 people, which he entrusted to Mauritius, a committee of federates, subsequently proclaimed king.

Consciousness of the unsatisfactoriness of this system and the enormous danger to the empire from the Persians and Slavs prompted the government to make attempts to change the military system. This issue was resolved, however, not immediately. On the path along which the military reform was being prepared, the Byzantine government had to take into account two circumstances: the lack of population, especially on the borders threatened by enemy invasions, and the abundance of empty, unoccupied and uncultivated lands. In administrative terms, the central government had to abandon the system of separation of civil and military power that had prevailed since the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine and strengthen its organs in the provinces by combining in one person the military command over local military people and civil power over the population of a certain territory. In this regard, it is very interesting to trace the preparatory measures for the new system, noted even before the time of Heraclius.

Signs of new views are found partly in the isolated attempts of Justinian I to reform military affairs. Such a conclusion is led by consideration of his measures for the organization of the province of Armenia, which are reported by the historians Malala, Feofan and Kedrin 3 . Comparing with each other the three versions of the named writers about the orders of Justinian in Armenia, we can imagine the matter in the following form.

In the province of Armenia, which was of particular importance for the sake of neighboring Persia, Justinian concentrated military power in one person with the title of stratilate. But as there were few settled population in the province, I who would participate in military service, because the Armenians "differed in vagrancy and inconstancy" 4 , the composition of the military units was strengthened by four regiments called from Anatolik. The most significant, however, must be recognized as those measures that provided for the involvement of local elements in military service, the importance of which was determined by knowledge of the means of communication in Armenia. In addition, civil officials of the region were included in the military service or on the military lists. No matter how dry the news about the military organization of Armenia, the following conclusions can be drawn from it: Justinian or, perhaps, his successors made an attempt to concentrate military power in one hand, the native population was involved in serving military service, civil power partly became subordinate to the military, part some civilian ranks were renamed into military ones. The same goal of strengthening provincial power in case of exceptional circumstances dictated to the Byzantine government another measure, which unusually strengthened civil power by imposing military powers on it. This measure was carried out in Egypt by strengthening the power of the governor of Alexandria with the title of Augustal, who was granted military power "for the sake of the large population of Alexandria" with the subordination of all military forces both in the city of Alexandria and in two Egypt 5 to him.

At the very end of the sixth century, precisely under Mauritius (582-602), the noted tendency to depart from the Roman system spreads in a different direction with more consistency than in the Justinian era. It was in two provinces, distant from the center and placed in an exceptional position due to the fact that the population of these provinces was completely alien to Byzantine culture, that governorships were organized with the name of exarchates. Such administrative reform was carried out in Italy and Africa. On the occasion of the invasion of Italy by the Lombards, almost two-thirds of the Italian territory withdrew from the empire, and the remaining garrisons in large cities could hardly keep under the protection of the walls. In order to strengthen and centralize military power in Italy, an exarchate was created with its capital at Ravenna to replace the former magister militum. With the same motives and almost at the same time, an exarchate was formed in Africa with a central administration in Carthage. The military resources that Heraclius had at his disposal in 610 during his campaign in Constantinople sufficiently explain to what extent the power of the exarch was independent and independent 6 . It must be admitted that the establishment of the exarchate was influenced by the great practicality and administrative experience of the government, which managed to put civil and military power in the exarchate within the proper limits, giving the military power a decisive role, but without depriving civil ranks of proper competence. In the organization of the exarchate, it is important to note the excellent experience of creating an independent and self-sufficient administrative unit in which all parts are subordinate and which performs military and civil functions at the expense of material resources extracted in a given province. Before proceeding with the indicated observations to the time of Heraclius, let us recall that the initial role of Phocas in the military camp on the Danube was apparently also aimed at the formation of an exarchate, unless Theophanes, speaking about his election by the army as exarchs, did not make a mistake 7.

When Heraclius undertook a campaign in Persia in 622, he stopped for quite a long time in the regions that had already received a thematic device, and trained recruits here in a new system of military art. Here for the first time we meet the term "theme" with a very special technical meaning in relation to the civil and military administration of the Byzantine state. It is thought that the thematic organization owes its beginnings to the reforms of Justinian, and that in the organization of the exarchates one can find some elements of the same thematic order, although this opinion can hardly be defended in all details. Unfortunately, positive evidence of writers in relation to the theme device, so characteristic of Byzantium, has not been preserved. When Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenous (911-947) began to collect information on the issue of the thematic structure in the archives of the empire, he found very little accurate and reliable and therefore limited himself to designating the contemporary administrative division of the empire into themes. To what extent the information found by Constantine was insufficient is evident from the uncertainty and extreme caution with which he supposedly raises this institution to the name of Heraclius. Thus, he expresses himself about the Armenian theme as follows: “It seems that one can think that it received such a name during the reign of King Heraclius and in the near future after him” 8 . In the same way, in the preface to the essay on themes, he brings with greater certainty to the time of Heraclius and his successors a new system of thematic organization 9 .

Although the question of themes from the point of view of their origin has most recently been carefully studied by Professors Diehl and Geltzer, 10 still there are still quite a few obscure sides to it. Researchers of the Byzantine thematic structure proceeded from the idea that a theme means a military detachment-division or corps stationed in a certain territory and consisting in a certain military organization and subordination of units under the command of a military leader with the rank of strategos. Meanwhile, with a closer study of the sources, one cannot help but conclude that although the theme denotes a corps or division in a narrow sense, but, on the other hand, this term has never lost its original broader meaning. The original meaning of the theme denotes a civil administrative district, which includes residents of cities and villages, governed by civil officials and serving a variety of state duties, including military tax. The relationship of the theme as a military term to the theme - the administrative district with its administrative, judicial and financial system - remained little affected, which is why the study of the theme structure itself lost a significant share of its general historical interest. In the sense of an institution that arose in the 7th century. and developed under the Isaurians, the theme device denotes a special organization of the civilian population of the province, adapted specifically for serving military service. Thus, to reveal the history of the theme system means to find out the government's measures in relation to land ownership and to the land organization of the peasant population, since the military tax system, in the end, was based on the organization of military tax land 11 .

Without going into details here, we confine ourselves to analyzing one passage [from the work] of Constantine Porphyrogenous, which introduces the very essence of the thematic device: “Protospafarius Theodore Pankrati takes a contract to recruit in an Anatolian theme in the village of Plataniaty and in the nearest villages 500 warriors capable of shooting and fit for horse service. If the warriors turn out to be in possession of a full allotment of land, they are obliged to make cavalry equipment at their own expense; if their allotment is insufficient, then they have the right to receive horses from state horse bases or take them from loners - fellow Anatolian themes” 12 . This passage, in which there are several technical expressions, reveals a phenomenon, hitherto unnoticed, that the essence of the theme system lies not in military detachments located in cities and villages, but in the very nature of the economic and land structure of the rural population. So, the protospafarius named above was to carry out a property census in a certain area and make a military recruitment of 500 warriors. If it turned out that, due to its property status, the village of Plataniaty was not in a position to put up the required number of recruits, then other villages should have been censused. Further, since the task was to enroll some warriors in the infantry, others in the cavalry regiments, then here arose some special conditions that had to be accommodating.

Service in the infantry was cheaper; consequently, a more modest property position was required for an infantryman; service in the cavalry was more expensive, and therefore the one who had the most land allotment was appointed to the cavalry. Thus, if a recruit had a full allotment, corresponding to the equestrian service, he was obliged to prepare cavalry equipment at his own expense; otherwise, the horse was given to him from a state-owned horse setup or from single co-payers, by which one should mean singles by marital status, serving military service according to the clubbing system - one warrior from several peasants.

The main merit of the Byzantine government was that with the introduction of the theme organization, it made military service dependent on land ownership, which determined the stability and vitality of the theme organization. The service was laid from the ground, and the inhabitant served in such a department of the army, which corresponded to the land plot that was in his use. Accordingly, there were areas for infantry service, for cavalry and naval service. These are the main features of the theme device, which dates back to the time of Heraclius with its rudiments.

It is impossible for us to judge in what locality the theme device was first of all used. One thing is certain, that in 622, when he set out on the first Persian campaign, Heraclius from Nicomedia went to the regions with a thematic device and trained recruits here. Subsequently, there was the Opsiky Theme, which served as the guard of the capital and adjacent areas, and therefore it would be possible with some reason to attribute the first orders in relation to the thematic organization to the region closest to the capital on the Asian side. But later, under the closest successors of Heraclius, the theme of Anatolicus acquired special significance. About the organization and origin of this theme, moreover, more extensive information has been preserved. Already under Mauritius we find here the first measures to strengthen military power. The strategist of Anatolia, in what rank we see Philippicus, married to the sister of Mauritius Gordia, were subordinate to the provinces of Asia and Lydia and parts of Caria, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Pisidia, Cappadocia and Isauria. This was the most important theme, and its strategos in the rank of patrician occupied one of the highest places in the table of ranks ... The military corps subordinate to him, according to an approximate calculation of 10 thousand people, often played a role in the political fate of Constantinople.

Another theme, also formed before Heraclius, is the theme of Armenian. The military organization of these themes gradually grew in the 7th century. under the pressure of circumstances, since Anatolika and Armeniak were in a permanent state of war due to the increase in the power of the Arabs and their raids on Byzantium. As for the European provinces, Thrace was first of all organized into the theme, which included the Diocletian provinces: Europe, Rhodopes, Thrace, Emimont, Scythia and Mysia. Although under Heraclius great changes took place on the Balkan Peninsula as a result of the weakening of the Avars and the establishment of peaceful relations with the Slavs, to whom the territories occupied by them were ceded under certain conditions, nevertheless, the strategist of the theme of Thrace with military forces subordinate to him was of great importance, because in place of the Avars in the 7th century the power and influence of the Bulgarian Khan begins to grow on the Balkan Peninsula. With the full development of the theme system in the empire, there were 26 military districts with the same device.

Introduction. Similarities and differences in the historical development of the West and East Period 1. (until 527). Elements of Byzantine education Chapter 1. Byzantinism and its cultural significance in history Chapter 2. Cultural and religious crisis in the Roman Empire. Barbarian immigration. Transfer of the capital to Constantinople Chapter 3. Formation of the Christian Empire. Church policy of Constantine. Orthodoxy and Arianism Chapter 4. Paganism and Christianity in the middle of the 4th century. Julian the Apostate. Description of his reign Chapter 5. Church and state policy at the end of the 4th century. Theodosius the Great. The Case of the Altar of Victory. Barbarian immigration. Accepting them into the service of the empire Chapter 6 Fall of the Western Empire Chapter 7. Emperor Theodosius II. Augusta Pulcheria and Athenais-Evdosh. Augustine on the City of God. Ephesus Cathedral. Monophysites Chapter 8. Constantinople. The world significance of the capital of the Eastern Empire. Bishop of the city. Craft estates. Dima. Educational institutions Chapter 9. Marcian and Pulcheria. Chalcedon Cathedral. The general historical significance of the 28th canon. Leo I. Federates. Aspar and Ardavuriy. Expedition to Africa Chapter 10. Christian culture and Hellenism. Patriarchate of Constantinople. Monasticism. local shrines Chapter 11. Leo I and Zenon. Consequences of the Council of Chalcedon. Founding of Ostrogothic rule in Italy Chapter 12. Anastasius (491-518). The state of affairs on the Danube frontier. Vitalian. Persian War Chapter 13 Period 2. (518-610). From Justinian I to Heraclius Chapter 1. Characteristics of the period. Justinian and Theodora. Historian Procopius Chapter 2. Wars with the Germans: Vandals and Ostrogoths. trip to spain Chapter 3. The northwestern border of the empire. The appearance of the Slavs on the Danube. Establishment of Avars in Pannonia and Hungary Chapter 4. Southeastern and southern borders of the empire. Persian Wars. Spheres of influence in Arabia. Egypt and the Christian mission on the borders of Abyssinia Chapter 5 Riot "Nika". Religious politics in Syria. Simeon the Stylite and his monastery Chapter 6 Sofia and other buildings in the capital. Line of border fortifications Chapter 7. Trade. Silk products. Customs department. Kosma Indikoplov Chapter 8. Legislative and administrative activity of Justinian. Church politics Chapter 9 Land registry under Justinian. Final Conclusions Chapter 10. The immediate successors of Justinian. Slavic immigration within the empire. War with Persia Chapter 11 Rebellion of Exarch Heraclius

Foreword

I very much regret that I started late in printing a work that I conceived at least 25 years ago. Often there is a doubt whether it will be possible to bring the matter to the end, as I am approaching the limit of life. In the course of forty years of study of different departments of Byzantium, I had the opportunity to dwell on many issues, and many departments were processed at different times and for different purposes. But when the time came to sum up what had been prepared so far, the difference in mood and the dissimilarity of the general idea made itself felt in different departments. Does this come from the conditions of age, or from the conditions of gradual broadening of one's horizons? Unfortunately, I do not dare to answer this question; I'm afraid to err against the case. Undoubtedly, 20 years ago I spoke more boldly, made more generalizations and conclusions, was not so careful in sentences: now I often had to soften expressions, smooth out the sharpness of thoughts, redo entire chapters to fit them to a new mood. Is it good for business? Again, I can't speak positively. There are, however, some details which should be usefully reflected in the fact that my work has been too slow to appear in print.

Since 1895, living in Constantinople, I had the opportunity to study the people whose ancestors created the history of Byzantium, directly get acquainted with the monuments and delve into the psychology of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which is largely responsible for the fact that most of the peoples subject to the cultural influence of Byzantium are still in such miserable position. Since the clergy and monasticism have always occupied a leading place in the history of Byzantium, then, of course, the circumstance in which the coverage of church affairs is presented is of no small importance. Perhaps, without living so much time among the Greeks and not directly studying the life of the patriarchy, it would be impossible for me to renounce the theoretical constructions and fictions with which we are so abundantly endowed in school. Meanwhile, a real look at the ecumenical patriarchy, throwing excommunications on the Slavic peoples, violating its phyletic policy, is highly timely to establish for us both for Russian church policy and for our national self-determination, if only in view of the consideration that that moment is not far off. when, by the political course of things and the successes of Catholic and Protestant propaganda, he will be brought to the position of the Alexandrian or Jerusalem Patriarchate, i.e. when it loses almost the entire Balkan Peninsula and a significant part of the eastern sees. Then only a long sojourn in the East and travels in Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine connected with it could clarify for me the historical destinies of the Byzantine Empire, which for its existence is connected more with the East than with the West. I mean not only that both the Empire of Constantinople and the Turkish Empire that replaced it owe their main material forces (military people and income) to the East and have always depended on the loyalty of the eastern provinces, but also real traditions and historical facts. Not one of the Slavic sovereigns could cope with the tempting idea of ​​founding an empire in Europe in place of the Greco-Byzantine one; none of the European principalities founded in Europe after the IV crusade - whether it was led by the Franks or local Greeks - had a long history and did not attract popular sympathy, but meanwhile the idea of ​​restoring the Byzantine Empire in the XIII in. The lesson of history must be strictly tested and weighed by those who are currently awaiting the division of the inheritance after the "dangerously ill" on the Bosphorus.

Since this publication cannot be regarded as a commercial enterprise and is not caused by either official or career goals, I find it appropriate to explain here that the Brockhaus-Efron firm, by its consent to publish the History of the Byzantine Empire, in the form in which it appears in front of the public at the present time, influenced my final decision to start preparing the text for publication, i.e. to decide on an enterprise, for the implementation of which there were always intractable difficulties.

The book that comes into the hands of the reader is not intended to replace the existing old and new histories of Byzantium. This is not an exhaustive account of all the events that make up the circle of more than a thousand years of empire - it therefore does not contain six or seven volumes, but three. Not competing and not trying to replace the published histories of Byzantium, however, I have a cherished idea to give our compatriots an integral system in such an area, which I consider the most important after national history for the national self-consciousness of a cultural Russian layman. For this purpose, and in the desire to be publicly available, I did not consider it necessary to give a large scientific apparatus either in footnotes or at the end of chapters. References to manuals and citations of sources were allowed to the extent that it was considered necessary so that the inquisitive reader was not deprived of the opportunity, if desired, to master the material that was at the author's disposal: sources are indicated where original conclusions are given based on their special study; manuals are shown guides, for which it is easy to find references to the literature of the subject. Not to give large footnotes - this was a condition on the part of the publisher, which I found justified. Maybe I have cited many passages in Russian translation from documents and literary works of the time described, but it always seemed to me that this is the best introduction to the era and conveys the mood of society.

The author tried to make every effort so that this work, the result of a long, persistent and - let it be allowed to add - not unsuccessful scientific activity of a Russian professor, was worthy of its goal and subject. I was born in 1845 and can complete this last scientific enterprise by the age of seventy, when it is natural for a person to sum up everything experienced and summarize the results of his activities. It is easy to understand that I wanted to put such a reading into the hands of the Russian reader, which, on the one hand, with its rigor and seriousness, would give him the idea of ​​a well-thought-out and carefully balanced system, and on the other, would leave a good memory of the author, who, deciding to publish in the light of the history of Byzantium compiled by him, obeyed an inner attraction, proceeding from the conviction that the assertion of knowledge about Byzantium and the clarification of our relations with it is extremely necessary for the Russian scientist and no less useful both for education and for directing the Russian to the right path. political and national identity. Let the reader ponder over the content of the chapters devoted to the southern Slavs and look for illustrations there for the sad events now going through on the Balkan Peninsula!

F. Uspensky Constantinople. October 1912

(The above photo is from the 2002 edition and the downloads are from slightly earlier editions.)

M.: Thought, 1996. - 827 p. (this includes the first 2 volumes of the history of Byzantium of the Assumption)

M.: Thought, 1997. - 527 p. (vol. 3. Period of the Macedonian dynasty 867-1057)

M.: Thought, 1997. - 829s. (the final sections of the history of Byzantium: VI-VIII, as well as the "Eastern Question")

"History of the Byzantine Empire" - the main work of the outstanding Russian scientist, the largest Byzantine scholar of world renown, Academician Fyodor Ivanovich Uspensky (1845-1928). Ouspensky's research is distinguished by the author's point of view on the causes and course of historical events, which is supported by an excellent knowledge of the sources and possession of historical material. The narrative goes on a broad historical background and in close connection with the history of Russia, special attention is paid to the spiritual and secular influence of Byzantium on the Slavs of the Balkan Peninsula and Russia.

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PERIOD I (until 527) Elements of the formation of Byzantineism

Chapter I Byzantinism and its cultural significance in history 35
Chapter II Cultural and Religious Crisis in the Roman Empire. Barbarian immigration. Transfer of the capital to Constantinople 43
Chapter III Formation of the Christian Empire. Church policy of Constantine. Orthodoxy and Arianism 53
Chapter IV Paganism and Christianity in the middle of the GU century. Julian the Apostate. Characteristics of his reign 72
Chapter V Church and state policy at the end of the GU c. Theodosius the Great. The Case of the Altar of Victory. Barbarian immigration. Accepting them into the service of the empire 95
Chapter VI The Great Movement of Nations. Fall of the Western Empire 116
Chapter VII Emperor Theodosius II. Augusta Pulcheria and Athenaida-Eudokia. Augustine on the City of God. Ephesus Cathedral. Monophysites 128
Chapter VIII Constantinople. The world significance of the capital of the Eastern Empire. Bishop of the city. Craft estates. Dima. Educational institutions 148
Chapter IX Marcian and Pulcheria. Chalcedon Cathedral. The general historical significance of the 28th canon. Leo I. Federates. Aspar and Ardavuriy. Expedition to Africa 176
Chapter X Christian Culture and Hellenism. Patriarchate of Constantinople. Monasticism. Local shrines 192
Chapter XI Leo G and Zinon. Consequences of the Council of Chalcedon. Founding of Ostrogothic rule in Italy 207
Chapter XII Anastasius (491-518). The state of affairs on the Danube frontier. Vitalian. Persian War 220
Chapter XIII The Appearance of the Slavs within the Empire 243

PERIOD II (518-610) From Justinian I to Heraclius

Chapter I Characteristics of the period. Justinian and Theodora. Historian Procopius 259
Chapter II Wars with the Germans: Vandals and Ostrogoths. Trip to Spain 268
Chapter III The North-Western Frontier of the Empire. The appearance of the Slavs on the Danube. Establishment of Avars in Pannonia and Hungary 291
Chapter I V South-Eastern and Southern Borders of the Empire. Persian Wars. Spheres of influence in Arabia. Egypt and the Christian mission on the borders of Abyssinia 304
Chapter V Internal activities of Justinian. Riot "Nika". Religious politics in Syria. Simeon the Stylite and his monastery 315
Chapter VI Construction of St. Sofia and other buildings in the capital. Line of border fortifications 333
Chapter VII Trade Silk products Customs department. Kosma Indikoplov 339
Chapter VIII Legislative and administrative activity of Justinian. Church Politics 348
Chapter I X Taxation of the land with taxes. Land registry under Justinian. Final conclusions 364
Chapter X Immediate successors of Justinian Slavic immigration within the empire. War with Persia 379
CHAPTER XI The overthrow of Mauritius and the proclamation of Phocas. Rebellion of Exarch Heraclius 394

PERIOD III (610-716) Heraclius and his successors

Chapter I General characteristics. Military preparations. Origin of the Fem Device 405
Chapter II Completion of the Slavic immigration. The legend of the settlements of the Croats-Serbs. Of course. General scheme of the ancient history of the Slavs 413
Chapter III Capture of Jerusalem by the Persians. Invasion of Persia in 623 and a series of defeats inflicted on the Persian king Siege of Constantinople by the Avars and Persians. The World-Historical Significance of the Persian War 426
Chapter IV Successors of Heraclius 444
Chapter V Western Frontiers of the Empire. Lombards until the end of the 7th century. 462
Chapter VI Slavs in the 7th and at the beginning of the 8th centuries. The assertion of the Bulgarians on the Balkan Peninsula 483
Chapter VII Foundations of the Theme Device 497
Chapter VIII Arabs. Mohammed 512
Chapter IX Islam and Byzantium 530

ICONOCTAL PERIOD (717-867)

Chapter I Characteristics of the period Leo the Isaurian. Repulse of the Arab invasion 553
Chapter II Iconoclastic Edict 567
Chapter III Consequences of the iconoclastic policy of Leo the Isaurian in Italy 579
Chapter IV Internal activities of Leo the Isaurian. Administrative and judicial reforms. Legislation 589
Chapter V Constantine Copronymus. Eastern border - Arabs. Western border - Bulgarians 597
Chapter VI The Iconoclastic Movement Under Constantine Copronymus 614
Chapter VII Southwestern Outskirts. Loss of the exarchate. Revolutionary movement in Rome. Carolingians. Sicily and Calabria 628
Chapter VIII The Family of Constantine V. Leo IV. Irina and Konstantin 646
Chapter IX Church policy under the successors of Constantine. Ecumenical Council 660
Chapter X Queen Irina and Charlemagne. Two empires 672
Chapter XI Slavic settlements in Greece. Hellenism in the history of Byzantium 691
Chapter XII Tsar Nicephorus I. Disputes between two empires over Venice. Internal activity. Rev. Theodore Studite 701
Chapter XIII Bolgar in the first half of the IX century. Krum and Omortag. Thirty Years Peace 722
Chapter XIV Iconoclasts and iconodules in the first half of the ninth century. Arab conquest of Crete and Sicily 735
Chapter XV King Theophilus. Eastern border of the empire. Loss of Amorius 756
Chapter XVI Queen Theodora. Restoration of Orthodoxy. Michael III 766
SOURCES AND LITERATURE 794

DIVISION V Period of the Macedonian dynasty (867-1057)

Chapter I New historical content in the history of Byzantium and new figures: Tsar Basil 1 and Patriarch Photius
Chapter II Cyril and Methodius
Chapter III Church and political mission among the Slavs. The beginning of the Cyrillo-Methodius question in history
Chapter IV Church affairs. Patriarch Photius. Conversion of Bulgaria to Christianity
Chapter V Wars with the Arabs in Southern Italy and Sicily
Chapter VI Organization of the Archdiocese of St. Methodius. The World-Historical Significance of the Cyril and Methodius Question
Chapter VII Church affairs. Second Patriarchy of Photius
Chapter VIII Family relations in the house of Tsar Basil. Leo VI. Deposition of Patriarch Photius
Chapter IX Wars with the Arabs on the Eastern Frontier and at Sea. Thessalonica. Sea trips Imeriya
Chapter X Legislation of the kings of the Macedonian dynasty. Novels. Peasant community
Chapter XI The Northern Frontier of the Empire. Plans of Simeon of Bulgaria regarding the empire. Serbs and Croats
Piva XII Moravia. Ugric pogrom. Educational activity of Bulgaria by the disciples of Cyril and Methodius. Cyrillic and Glagolitic
Chapter XIII Family relations. Patriarch Nicholas Mystic and the question of the fourth marriage. Characteristics of Leo VI
Chapter XIV Byzantium and Russia. Contracts. Journey of St. Olga in Constantinople
Chapter XV Constantine VII Porphyrogenic. period characteristic. Eastern and Western border
Chapter XVI Northern border. Bulgaria and the Ugric. Campaigns of Russian princes. Slavs in Lakonika
Chapter XVII The Literary Activity of Constantine
Chapter XVIII Roman II. Reign of Nikephoros Phocas. The state of affairs on the eastern and western borders.
Chapter XIX Significance of Svyatoslav's campaigns in Bulgaria. Foca's domestic policy
Chapter XX John Tzimisces. External wars. First Athonite charter
Chapter XXI The first years of the reign of Basil. Rebellion of Varda Skliros. The beginning of the war with Bulgaria
Chapter XXII Russia and Byzantium at the end of the 10th century.
Chapter XXIII Greco-Bulgarian War. Subjugation of Bulgaria
Chapter XXIV Campaigns in Syria and Armenia. Western border of the empire. The last representatives of the dynasty
SOURCES AND LITERATURE (given by F. I. Uspensky)
APPENDIX
From the editor
Table of contents handwritten
Additional material for chapter XVIII
Additional material for chapter XIX
Chapter XXIII History of Byzantine Institutions
Chapter XXIX Patriarchy and Papacy. Church division

SECTION VI Comneni (pp. 9-236)

SECTION VII Dismemberment of the Empire(p.237-304)

SECTION VIII Laskari and Palaiologoi(p.305-642)

EASTERN QUESTION(pp. 643 - 823)

Russia's Middle East policy since the half of the 15th century, since the fall of Constantinople
The Eastern Question and the Great European War

SOURCES AND LITERATURE (given by F. I. Uspensky)