The main result of the February Revolution of 1917. The February Revolution
In 1917, the autocratic system that had existed for several centuries collapsed in Russia. This event had a huge impact on the fate of Russia and the whole world.
Russia and World War
In the summer of 1914, Russia was drawn into a world war with Germany and its allies.
The Fourth State Duma unconditionally supported the government. She called on the people to rally around Nicholas II - "their sovereign leader." All political parties, with the exception of the Bolsheviks, put forward the slogan of defending their fatherland. The liberals, led by Miliukov, abandoned their opposition to tsarism for the duration of the war and put forward the slogan: “Everything for the war! All for victory!
The people initially supported the war. However, gradually failures at the fronts began to cause anti-war sentiments.
Growing crisis
Civil peace, called for by all parties except the Bolsheviks, did not last long. The deterioration of the economic situation of the people, which is inevitable in any war, caused open discontent. A wave of demonstrations swept across the country demanding to improve their financial situation. During the dispersal of demonstrations, the troops used weapons (in Kostroma, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, and others). Protests against the executions caused new mass repressions of the authorities.
The opposition actions of the Duma in August 1915 aroused the tsar's displeasure. The Duma was dissolved early for the holidays. A political crisis began in the country.
In 1915, an economic crisis was also brewing in Russia. Oil and coal production fell, a number of industries reduced production. Railways due to lack of fuel, wagons and locomotives could not cope with transportation. In the country, especially in large cities, cases of shortage of bread and food have become more frequent.
47% of able-bodied men from the village were drafted into the army. The government requisitioned 2.5 million horses for military needs. As a result, the area under crops was sharply reduced, and the yield decreased. The lack of transport made it difficult to bring food to the cities in a timely manner. Prices for all types of goods grew rapidly in the country. Rising prices quickly overtook wage increases.
Tensions grew both in the city and in the countryside. The strike movement revived. The ruin of the village awakened the peasant movement.
signs of collapse
The domestic political situation in the country was characterized by instability. Only six months before the February Revolution of 1917. - three chairmen of the Council of Ministers, two ministers of internal affairs were replaced. The adventurer, "friend" of the royal family, "holy old man" Grigory Rasputin enjoyed unquestioned authority at the top.
Rasputin (real name - Novykh) appeared in St. Petersburg in 1905, where he made acquaintances in high society. Possessing the gift of hypnosis, knowing the properties of healing herbs, Rasputin, thanks to his ability to stop bleeding in a patient with hemophilia (blood incoagulability), the heir to the throne Alexei, gained a huge influence on the king and queen.
In 1915-1916. Rasputin achieved enormous influence on state affairs. "Rasputinism" was an expression of the extreme decay and decline of the morals of the ruling elite. In order to save the monarchy, a conspiracy arose in the highest state circles against Rasputin. In December 1916 he was killed.
By the beginning of 1917, Russia was in a state of revolutionary crisis.
Uprising in Petrograd
The February revolution broke out unexpectedly for all political parties. It began on February 23, when about 130 thousand workers took to the streets of Petrograd with exclamations: "Bread!", "Down with the war!" Over the next two days, the number of strikers rose to 300,000 (30% of all Petrograd workers). On February 25, the political strike became general. Demonstrators with red banners and revolutionary slogans from all parts of the city marched towards the center. Cossacks sent to disperse the processions began to cross over to their side.
On Sunday, February 26, the workers, as on previous days, moved from the outskirts to the center of the city, but were met by volleys of rifles and machine-gun fire. The decisive day of the revolution was February 27, when the Volyn regiment, and then other military units, went over to the side of the workers. The workers, together with the soldiers, seized railway stations, freed political prisoners from prisons, took possession of the Main Artillery Directorate, the arsenal, and began to arm themselves.
At this time, Nicholas II was at Headquarters in Mogilev.
To suppress the uprising, he sent troops loyal to him to the capital, but on the outskirts of Petrograd they were stopped and disarmed. The king left Mogilev, intending to return to the capital. However, having heard that revolutionary detachments appeared on the railways, he ordered to turn to Pskov, to the headquarters of the Northern Front. Here, at the Dno station, on March 2, Nicholas II signed the Manifesto on abdication in favor of his brother Mikhail. But Michael also abdicated the next day.
Thus, in a matter of days, the 300-year-old autocracy of the Romanov dynasty collapsed.
Establishment of dual power
Even before the overthrow of tsarism, on February 25-26, the workers of a number of factories in Petrograd, on their own initiative, began the election of Soviets of Workers' Deputies. On February 27, the Petrograd Soviet (Petrosoviet) was created, which immediately refused any compromises with the autocracy.
He appealed to the population of Russia with a request to support the labor movement, to form local power cells and take matters into their own hands. The Petrograd Soviet adopted a number of important decisions that strengthened revolutionary power: on the creation of a workers' militia at enterprises; about sending commissars to the districts of the city to organize Soviets there; on control over state institutions; on the publication of the official printed organ Izvestia of the Petrograd Soviet.
Along with the Petrograd Soviet, another power arose in the country - the Provisional Government, which consisted of Cadets and Octobrists. In the first weeks, the Provisional Government carried out a broad democratization of society: political rights and freedoms were proclaimed, national and religious restrictions were abolished, an amnesty was announced, the police were abolished, and the arrest of Nicholas II was sanctioned. Immediate preparations began for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, which was supposed to establish "the form of government and the constitution of the country." Therefore, the Provisional Government initially enjoyed the support of the population.
Thus, as a result of the February Revolution, a dual power was formed in the country: the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. At the same time, it was an interweaving of two political directions. The provisional government was the power of the bourgeoisie, the Petrograd Soviet was the power of the proletariat and the peasantry. The real power was in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet, which was dominated by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The dual power manifested itself especially clearly in the army, the bulwark of power: the commanding staff recognized the power of the Provisional Government, and the vast majority of the soldiers recognized the power of the Soviets.
Meanwhile, the war continued, the economic situation in the country worsened more and more. The delay in reforms and elections to the Constituent Assembly, the indecision of the Provisional Government - all this made popular the slogan of the transfer of power to the Soviets. In addition, the masses of the people, because of their inexperience in political activity, gravitated not to parliamentary, but to "power" methods of struggle.
On the way to the October Revolution
The victory of the February Revolution made it possible for the revolutionaries who were in exile or exile to return to Petrograd. In early April, Lenin, Zinoviev and others returned to Russia. Lenin delivered a speech to the Bolsheviks known as the April Theses. The main propositions that he put forward boiled down to the following: the imperialist, predatory war waged by the Provisional Government cannot be ended peacefully without the overthrow of capital. Therefore, it is necessary to move from the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie, to the second stage, which will give power to the workers and the poorest peasants. Hence - no support for the Provisional Government. The Soviets of Workers' Deputies are the only possible form of revolutionary government. Not a parliamentary republic, but a Republic of Soviets. It is necessary to nationalize (transfer to the state ownership) all lands, and merge all banks into one nationwide one. Thus, the Bolsheviks set a course for the implementation of the socialist revolution.
In August 1917, the Soviets crushed an attempt by the right-wing forces to establish a military dictatorship with the help of General L. Kornilov. This further strengthened the authority of the Bolsheviks among the masses. The re-elections to the Soviets, which took place in September, consolidated the advantage of the Bolsheviks. The desire of the broad masses of the people, the majority of workers and peasants for democracy in the communal form of the Soviets that they understand (electivity, collective decision-making, transfer of powers from lower to higher bodies, etc.) coincided with the main slogan of the Bolsheviks - "All power to the Soviets!". However, for the Bolsheviks, the Soviets are organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The people, inexperienced in politics, did not understand this. Lenin's supporters were able to use the mood of the masses, their impatience, thirst for egalitarian justice for their coming to power. In October 1917, the Bolsheviks won not under socialist, but under democratic slogans understandable to the masses.
THIS IS INTERESTING TO KNOW
In the first days of the February Revolution, the Bolsheviks numbered only 24 thousand people, in April - 80 thousand, in July - 240 thousand, at the beginning of October - about 400 thousand people, that is, in 7 months the number of the Bolshevik party increased by more than 16.5 times. Workers made up the majority in it - over 60%.
It was different in the countryside. There, at the end of 1917, there were only 203 Bolshevik cells, which included a little over 4 thousand people.
By October 1917, the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) numbered about 1 million people.
References:
V. S. Koshelev, I. V. Orzhehovsky, V. I. Sinitsa / World History of the Modern Times XIX - early. XX century., 1998.
Causes of the February Revolution
- The unfortunate participation of Russia in the First World War, accompanied by defeats on the fronts, the disorganization of life in the rear
- The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which degenerated into unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
- Corruption at all levels of government
- Economic difficulties
- Ideological decomposition of the masses, who ceased to believe in the king, and the church, and local leaders
- Dissatisfaction with the policy of the tsar by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives
“... For several days now we have been living on a volcano ... There was no bread in Petrograd - the transport was very disordered due to unusual snows, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the tension of the war ... There were street riots ... But it was, of course, not in bread… That was the last straw… The fact was that in this whole huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities… And not even that… The fact is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves… There was no , in fact, not a single minister who would believe in himself and in what he is doing ... The class of former rulers came to naught .. "
(Vas. Shulgin "Days")
The course of the February Revolution
- February 21 - Bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds smashed bakery shops
- February 23 - the beginning of the general strike of the workers of Petrograd. Mass demonstrations with the slogans "Down with the war!", "Down with the autocracy!", "Bread!"
- February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises went on strike, students
- February 25 - Already 305 thousand people were on strike, 421 factories were standing. Employees and artisans joined the workers. The troops refused to disperse the protesters
- February 26 - Continued riots. Decomposition in the troops. The inability of the police to restore calm. Nicholas II
postponed the start of meetings of the State Duma from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution - February 27 - armed uprising. The reserve battalions of Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky refused to obey the commanders and joined the people. In the afternoon, the Semyonovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the reserve armored division revolted. The Kronverk Arsenal, the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, railway stations, and bridges were occupied. The State Duma
appointed a Provisional Committee "to restore order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and persons." - On February 28, at night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
- On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, sailors of the 2nd Baltic Naval Crew and the cruiser Aurora revolted. The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd
- March 1 - Kronstadt and Moscow revolted, the tsar's close associates offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called "responsible ministries" - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant turning the Emperor into an "English queen".
- March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late. The public demanded renunciation.
"The Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief," General Alekseev, requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability under the circumstances of the abdication of the emperor from the throne in favor of his son. By one in the afternoon on March 2, all the answers of the commanders-in-chief were received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian front (the king of Romania was actually commander-in-chief, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front. All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (gen. Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Sovereign) spoke in favor of the abdication of the Sovereign Emperor from the throne. (Vas. Shulgin "Days")
- On March 2, at about 3 p.m., Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, under the regency of the younger brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. During the day, the king decided to abdicate also for the heir.
- March 4 - The Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich were published in the newspapers.
Causes and character of the February Revolution.“The man rushed to us - Darlings! - He shouted and grabbed my hand - Did you hear? There is no king! Only Russia remained.
He kissed everyone warmly and rushed to run on, sobbing and muttering something ... It was already one in the morning when Efremov usually slept soundly.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, there was a booming and short strike of the cathedral bell. Then the second blow, the third.
The blows became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. Doors in many houses stood wide open. Strangers, crying, hugged each other. From the side of the station, a solemn and jubilant cry of steam locomotives flew (K. Paustovsky "Restless Youth")
Uprising in Petrograd February 27, 1917
The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same tasks and had the same balance of opposing forces as the revolution of 1905-1907. After the revolution of 1905-1907. the tasks of democratizing the country continued to remain - the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the solution of burning issues - agrarian, labor, national. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country, and therefore the February Revolution, like the revolution of 1905-1907, bore a bourgeois-democratic character.
Although the revolution of 1905-1907 and did not solve the fundamental tasks of democratizing the country that it faced and was defeated, however, it served as a political school for all parties and classes and thus was an important prerequisite for the February Revolution and the October Revolution of 1917 that followed it.
But the February Revolution of 1917 took place in a different situation than the revolution of 1905-1907. On the eve of the February Revolution, social and political contradictions sharply escalated, exacerbated by the hardships of a long and exhausting war in which Russia was drawn. The economic devastation generated by the war and, as a result, the aggravation of the need and misery of the masses, caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiments and general dissatisfaction not only of the left and opposition, but also of a significant part of the right forces with the policy of the autocracy. The authority of autocratic power and its bearer, the reigning emperor, fell noticeably in the eyes of all sections of society. The war, unprecedented in its scale, seriously shook the moral foundations of society, introduced an unprecedented bitterness into the consciousness of people's behavior. The millions of front-line soldiers, who daily saw blood and death, easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to take the most extreme measures. They longed for peace, a return to the earth, and the slogan "Down with the war!" was especially popular at the time. The cessation of the war was inevitably associated with the liquidation of the political regime that had dragged the people into the war. So the monarchy lost its support in the army.
By the end of 1916, the country was in a state of deep social, political and moral crisis. Did the ruling circles realize the danger threatening them? Reports of the security department for the end of 1917 - the beginning of 1917. full of anxiety in anticipation of a threatening social explosion. They foresaw a social danger for the Russian monarchy and abroad. Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich, the Czar's cousin, wrote to him in mid-November 1916 from London: "The agents of the Intelligence Service [British Intelligence Service], usually well informed, are predicting a revolution in Russia. I sincerely hope Niki that you will find it possible to satisfy the fair the demands of the people before it is too late." Those close to Nicholas II with despair told him: "There will be a revolution, we will all be hanged, but it doesn't matter on which lantern." However, Nicholas II stubbornly did not want to see this danger, hoping for the mercy of Providence. A curious conversation took place shortly before the events of February 1917 between the tsar and the chairman of the State Duma, M.V. Rodzianko. "Rodzianko: - I warn you that in less than three weeks a revolution will break out that will sweep you away, and you will no longer reign. Nicholas II: - Well, God will give. Rodzianko: - God will give nothing, the revolution is inevitable" .
Although the factors that prepared the revolutionary explosion in February 1917 had been taking shape for a long time, politicians and publicists, right and left, predicted its inevitability, the revolution was neither "prepared" nor "organized", it broke out spontaneously and suddenly for all parties and for the government. Not a single political party showed itself to be the organizer and leader of the revolution that took them by surprise.
The immediate cause for the revolutionary explosion was the following events that took place in the second half of February 1917 in Petrograd. In mid-February, the supply of food to the capital, especially bread, worsened. Bread was in the country and in sufficient quantity, but due to the devastation of transport and the sluggishness of the authorities responsible for the supply, it could not be delivered to the cities in a timely manner. A card system was introduced, but it did not solve the problem. There were long queues at the bakeries, which caused growing discontent among the population. In this situation, any act of the authorities or owners of industrial enterprises that irritates the population could serve as a detonator for a social explosion.
On February 18, the workers of one of the largest factories in Petrograd, Putilovsky, went on strike, demanding an increase in wages due to the increase in the high cost of wages. On February 20, the administration of the plant, under the pretext of interruptions in the supply of raw materials, dismissed the strikers and announced the closure of some workshops for an indefinite period. The Putilovites were supported by workers from other enterprises in the city. On February 23 (according to the new style, March 8 - International Women's Day), it was decided to start a general strike. Opposition Duma leaders also decided to take advantage of the afternoon of February 23, who on February 14, from the rostrum of the State Duma, sharply criticized mediocre ministers and demanded their resignation. Duma leaders - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky - established contact with illegal organizations and created a committee to hold a demonstration on February 23.
On that day, 128 thousand workers from 50 enterprises went on strike - a third of the workers of the capital. There was also a demonstration, which was peaceful. A rally was held in the city center. The authorities, in order to calm the people, announced that there was enough food in the city and there were no grounds for concern.
The next day, 214,000 workers were on strike. The strikes were accompanied by demonstrations: columns of demonstrators with red flags and singing "La Marseillaise" rushed to the city center. Women who took to the streets with the slogans "Bread"!, "Peace"!, "Freedom!", "Return our husbands!" took an active part in them.
Authorities first viewed them as spontaneous food riots. However, the events grew every day and took on a threatening character for the authorities. On February 25, more than 300,000 people went on strike. (80% of city workers). The demonstrators were already speaking with political slogans: "Down with the monarchy!", "Long live the republic!", rushing to the central squares and avenues of the city. They managed to overcome the police and military barriers and break through to Znamenskaya Square near the Moscow railway station, where a spontaneous rally began at the monument to Alexander III. Rallies and demonstrations took place on the main squares, avenues and streets of the city. Cossack squads sent against them refused to disperse them. Demonstrators threw stones and logs at the mounted policemen. The authorities have already seen that the "riots" are taking on a political character.
On the morning of February 25, columns of workers again rushed to the city center, and on the Vyborg side, police stations were already smashed. The rally began again on Znamenskaya Square. Demonstrators clashed with police, killing and injuring several demonstrators. On the same day, Nicholas II received from the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov reported on the unrest that had begun in Petrograd, and at 9 o'clock in the evening Khabalov received a telegram from him: "I order tomorrow to stop the unrest in the capital, unacceptable in the difficult time of the war with Germany and Austria." Khabalov immediately ordered the police and the commanders of the spare parts to use weapons against the demonstrators. On the night of February 26, the police arrested about a hundred of the most active figures of the left parties.
February 26 was Sunday. Factories and factories did not work. Masses of demonstrators with red banners and singing revolutionary songs again rushed to the central streets and squares of the city. On Znamenskaya Square and near the Kazan Cathedral, there were continuous rallies. On the orders of Khabalov, the police, who sat on the roofs of houses, opened fire from machine guns on demonstrators and protesters. On Znamenskaya Square, 40 people were killed and the same number were wounded. The police fired at the demonstrators on Sadovaya Street, Liteiny and Vladimirsky avenues. On the night of February 27, new arrests were made: this time 170 people were captured.
The outcome of any revolution depends on which side the army ends up on. The defeat of the revolution of 1905 - 1907 was largely due to the fact that despite a series of uprisings in the army and navy, in general, the army remained loyal to the government and was used by it to suppress peasant and worker riots. In February 1917, a garrison of up to 180,000 soldiers was stationed in Petrograd. Basically, these were spare parts that were to be sent to the front. There were quite a few recruits from cadre workers mobilized for participating in strikes, and quite a few veterans who had recovered from wounds. The concentration in the capital of a mass of soldiers who easily succumbed to the influence of revolutionary propaganda was a major mistake of the authorities.
The execution of demonstrators on February 26 aroused strong indignation among the soldiers of the capital's garrison and had a decisive influence on their going over to the side of the revolution. On the afternoon of February 26, the 4th company of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsky regiment refused to take the place indicated to it at the outpost and even opened fire on a platoon of mounted police. The company was disarmed, 19 of its "instigators" were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko telegraphed the tsar that day: "The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Parts of the troops are shooting at each other." In conclusion, he asked the king: "Immediately instruct a person who enjoys the confidence of the country to form a new government. It is impossible to delay. Any delay is like death."
Even on the eve of the tsar's departure for Headquarters, two versions of his decree on the State Duma were prepared - the first on its dissolution, the second on a break in its sessions. In response to Rodzianko's telegram, the tsar sent the second version of the decree - on the suspension of the Duma from February 26 to April 1917. At 11 am on February 27, the deputies of the State Duma gathered in the White Hall of the Tauride Palace and silently listened to the tsar's decree on the adjournment of the session of the Duma. The tsar's decree placed the Duma members in a difficult position: on the one hand, they did not dare to disobey the tsar's will, and on the other hand, they could not but reckon with the menacing development of revolutionary events in the capital. Deputies from the left parties proposed not to obey the tsar's decree and to declare themselves the Constituent Assembly in the "appeal to the people", but the majority was against such an action. In the Semicircular Hall of the Tauride Palace, they opened a "private meeting", at which it was decided, in fulfillment of the tsar's order, not to hold official meetings of the Duma, but the deputies not to disperse and remain in their places. By half past three in the afternoon on February 27, crowds of demonstrators approached the Tauride Palace, some of them entered the palace. Then the Duma decided to form from among its members a "Provisional Committee of the State Duma for the Restoration of Order in Petrograd and for Relations with Institutions and Persons." On the same day, a Committee of 12 people chaired by Rodzianko was formed. At first, the Provisional Committee was afraid to take power into its own hands and sought an agreement with the tsar. On the evening of February 27, Rodzianko sent a new telegram to the tsar, in which he suggested that he make concessions - to instruct the Duma to form a ministry responsible to it.
But events unfolded rapidly. On that day, strikes swept almost all the enterprises of the capital, and in fact the uprising had already begun. The troops of the capital's garrison began to go over to the side of the rebels. On the morning of February 27, a training team rebelled, consisting of 600 people from the reserve battalion of the Volynsky regiment. The team leader was killed. Non-commissioned officer T.I., who led the uprising Kirpichnikov raised the entire regiment, which moved towards the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments and dragged them along.
If on the morning of February 27, 10 thousand soldiers went over to the side of the rebels, then in the evening of the same day - 67 thousand. On the same day, Khabalov telegraphed the tsar that "the troops refuse to go out against the rebels." On February 28, 127 thousand soldiers turned out to be on the side of the rebels, and on March 1 - already 170 thousand soldiers. On February 28, the Winter Palace, the Peter and Paul Fortress were taken, the arsenal was captured, from which 40,000 rifles and 30,000 revolvers were distributed to workers. On Liteiny Prospekt, the building of the District Court and the House of Preliminary Detention were destroyed and set on fire. The police stations were on fire. The gendarmerie and the Okhrana were liquidated. Many policemen and gendarmes were arrested (later the Provisional Government released them and sent them to the front). Prisoners were released from prisons. On March 1, after negotiations, the remnants of the garrison who had settled in the Admiralty, along with Khabalov, surrendered. The Mariinsky Palace was taken and the tsarist ministers and top dignitaries who were in it were arrested. They were brought or brought to the Tauride Palace. Minister of Internal Affairs A.D. Protopopov voluntarily appeared under arrest. The ministers and generals from the Tauride Palace were escorted to the Peter and Paul Fortress, the rest - to the places of detention prepared for them.
Military units from Peterhof and Strelna who had gone over to the side of the revolution arrived in Petrograd through the Baltic Station and along the Peterhof Highway. On March 1, the sailors of the Kronstadt port rebelled. The commander of the Kronstadt port and the military governor of the city of Kronstadt, Rear Admiral R.N. Viren and several senior officers were shot by sailors. Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich (cousin of Nicholas II) brought the sailors of the Guards crew entrusted to him to the Tauride Palace at the disposal of the revolutionary authorities.
On the evening of February 28, in the conditions of the already victorious revolution, Rodzianko proposed announcing that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma would assume government functions. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma appealed to the peoples of Russia to take the initiative to "restore state and social order" and create a new government. As a first step in the ministries, he sent commissars from among the members of the Duma. In order to seize the situation in the capital and stop the further development of revolutionary events, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma tried in vain to return the soldiers to the barracks. But this attempt showed that he was unable to take control of the situation in the capital.
The soviets, which were revived during the revolution, became a more effective revolutionary power. As early as February 26, a number of members of the Union of Workers' Cooperatives of Petrograd, the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma and other working groups put forward the idea of forming Soviets of Workers' Deputies along the lines of 1905. This idea was also supported by the Bolsheviks. On February 27, representatives of the working groups, together with a group of Duma deputies and representatives of the left intelligentsia, gathered in the Taurida Palace and announced the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Working People's Deputies. The committee issued an appeal to elect deputies to the Soviet without delay - one deputies from 1,000 workers, and one from a company of soldiers. 250 deputies were elected and gathered in the Tauride Palace. They, in turn, elected the Executive Committee of the Soviet, whose chairman was the leader of the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma, the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, and his deputies Trudovik A.F. Kerensky and Menshevik M.I. Skobelev. The majority in the Executive Committee and in the Soviet itself belonged to the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries - at that time the most numerous and influential left parties in Russia. On February 28, the first issue of Izvestia of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies came out (editor Menshevik F.I. Dan).
The Petrograd Soviet began to act as an organ of revolutionary power, taking a number of important decisions. On February 28, on his initiative, district committees of councils were created. He formed military and food commissions, armed militia, established control over printing houses and railways. By decision of the Petrograd Soviet, the financial resources of the tsarist government were withdrawn and control over their spending was established. Commissars from the Soviet were sent to the districts of the capital to establish people's power in them.
On March 1, 1917, the Council issued the famous "Order No. 1", which provided for the creation of elected soldiers' committees in military units, abolished the titles of officers and saluting them outside of service, but most importantly, removed the Petrograd garrison from subordination to the old command. This order in our literature is usually regarded as a deeply democratic act. In fact, by subordinating the unit commanders to soldiers' committees, little competent in military affairs, he violated the principle of unity of command, necessary for any army, and thereby contributed to the decline in military discipline.
The number of victims in Petrograd in the February days of 1917 amounted to about 300 people. killed and up to 1200 wounded.
Formation of the Provisional Government
With the formation of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on February 27, dual power actually began to take shape. Until March 1, 1917, the Council and the Duma Committee acted independently of each other. On the night of March 1-2, negotiations began between representatives of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the formation of the Provisional Government. Representatives of the Soviets set the condition for the Provisional Government to immediately proclaim civil liberties, an amnesty for political prisoners, and announce the convocation of a Constituent Assembly. When the Provisional Government fulfilled this condition, the Council decided to support it. The formation of the composition of the Provisional Government was entrusted to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.
On March 2, it was formed, and on March 3, its composition was made public. The Provisional Government included 12 people - 10 ministers and 2 chief executives of central departments equated to ministers. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma.
A large landowner, chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, Cadet, Prince G.E. became the Chairman of the Provisional Government and at the same time the Minister of the Interior. Lvov, ministers: foreign affairs - the leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Milyukov, military and naval - the leader of the Octobrist party A.I. Guchkov, trade and industry - a major manufacturer, progressive, A.I. Konovalov, communications - "left" cadet N.V. Nekrasov, public education - close to the Cadets, professor of law A.A. Manuilov, agriculture - zemstvo doctor, cadet, A.I. Shingarev, Justice - Trudovik (since March 3 Social Revolutionary, the only socialist in the government) A.F. Kerensky, on the affairs of Finland - cadet V.I. Rodiichev, Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod - Octobrist V.N. Lvov, the state controller - Octobrist I.V. Godnev. Thus, 7 ministerial posts, and the most important ones, ended up in the hands of the Cadets, 3 ministerial posts were received by the Octobrists and 2 representatives of other parties. It was the "finest hour" of the Cadets, who came to power for a short time (two months). The entry into office of ministers of the Provisional Government took place during March 3-5. The provisional government declared itself for a transitional period (until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) the supreme legislative and executive power in the country.
On March 3, the program of activities of the Provisional Government, agreed with the Petrograd Soviet, was also made public: 1) a complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters; 2) freedom of speech, press, assembly and strikes; 3) the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; 4) immediate preparation for elections on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly; 5) replacement of the police by the people's militia with elected authorities subordinate to local self-government bodies; 6) elections to local self-government bodies; 7) non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the February 27 uprising; and 8) giving soldiers civil rights. The program laid the broad foundations of constitutionalism and democracy in the country.
However, most of the measures announced in the declaration of the Provisional Government on March 3 were carried out even earlier, as soon as the revolution had won. So, as early as February 28, the police was abolished and the people's militia was formed: instead of 6 thousand policemen, 40 thousand people were employed in the protection of order in Petrograd. people's militia. She took under the protection of enterprises and city blocks. Detachments in the native militia were soon created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the workers' militia, fighting workers' squads (the Red Guard) also appeared. The first detachment of the Red Guard was created in early March at the Sestroretsk plant. The gendarmerie and the Okhrana were liquidated.
Hundreds of prisons were destroyed or burned down. The press organs of the Black Hundred organizations were closed. Trade unions were revived, cultural and educational, women's, youth and other organizations were created. Complete freedom of the press, rallies and demonstrations was won by secret order. Russia has become the freest country in the world.
The initiative to reduce the working day to 8 hours came from the Petrograd entrepreneurs themselves. On March 10, an agreement was concluded between the Petrograd Soviet and the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers about this. Then, through similar private agreements between workers and employers, the 8-hour working day was introduced throughout the country. However, a special decree of the Provisional Government on this was not issued. The agrarian question was referred to the decision of the Constituent Assembly out of fear that the soldiers, having learned about the "division of the land", would abandon the front and move into the countryside. The provisional government declared unauthorized seizures of landlord peasants illegal.
In an effort to "become closer to the people", to study the specific situation in the country on the spot and enlist the support of the population, the ministers of the Provisional Government made frequent trips to cities, army and navy units. At first, they met such support at rallies, meetings, meetings of various kinds, and professional congresses. The ministers often and willingly gave interviews to representatives of the press and held press conferences. The press, in turn, sought to create a favorable public opinion about the Provisional Government.
France and England were the first to recognize the Provisional Government as "the spokesman of the true will of the people and the only government of Russia". In early March, the United States, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia and Iran recognized the Provisional Government.
Abdication of Nicholas II
The defection of the troops of the capital's garrison to the side of the insurgents forced the Stavka to begin taking decisive measures to suppress the revolution in Petrograd. On February 27, Nicholas II, through the chief of staff of the Headquarters, General M.V. Alekseev gave the order to send "reliable" punitive troops to Petrograd. The punitive expedition included the Georgievsky battalion, taken from Mogilev, and several regiments from the Northern, Western and Southwestern fronts. General N.I. was put at the head of the expedition. Ivanov, who was also appointed instead of Khabalov and commander of the Petrograd Military District with the broadest, dictatorial powers - up to the point that all the ministers were at his full disposal. By March 1, it was planned to concentrate 13 infantry battalions, 16 cavalry squadrons and 4 batteries in the Tsarskoye Selo area.
In the early morning of February 28, two letter trains, the royal and the suite, set off from Mogilev via Smolensk, Vyazma, Rzhev, Likhoslavl, Bologoye to Petrograd. Upon their arrival in Bologoye on the night of March 1, news was received that two companies with machine guns had arrived in Lyuban from Petrograd in order to prevent the tsar's trains from entering the capital. When the trains arrived at St. Malaya Vishera (160 km from Petrograd), the railway authorities reported that it was impossible to move on, because the following stations Tosno and Lyuban were occupied by revolutionary troops. Nicholas II ordered that trains be turned to Pskov - to the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky. The tsarist trains arrived in Pskov at 7 p.m. on March 1. Here Nicholas II learned about the victory of the revolution in Petrograd.
At the same time, the Chief of Staff of the General Headquarters, General M.V. Alekseev decided to abandon the military expedition to Petrograd. Enlisting the support of the commanders-in-chief of the fronts, he ordered Ivanov to refrain from punitive actions. The Georgievsky battalion, which reached Tsarskoye Selo on March 1, withdrew back to the Vyritsa station. After negotiations between the Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front, Ruzsky, and Rodzianko, Nicholas II agreed to the formation of a government responsible to the Duma. On the night of March 2, Ruzsky conveyed this decision to Rodzianko. However, he said that the publication of the manifesto about this was already "belated", because the course of events put a "certain demand" - the abdication of the king. Without waiting for the answer of the Headquarters, deputies of the Duma A.I. were sent to Pskov. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin. Meanwhile, Alekseev and Ruzsky requested all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts and fleets: Caucasian - Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, Romanian - General V.V. Sakharov, South-West - General A.A. Brusilov, Western - General A.E. Evert, commanders of the fleets - Baltic - Admiral A.I. Nepenin and Chernomorsky - Admiral A.V. Kolchak. The commanders of the fronts and fleets declared the need for the tsar's abdication "in the name of saving the motherland and the dynasty, agreed with the statement of the chairman of the State Duma, as the only one apparently capable of stopping the revolution and saving Russia from the horrors of anarchy." Those uncle Nikolai Nikolaevich addressed Nicholas II from Tiflis with a plea to abdicate.
On March 2, Nicholas II ordered that a manifesto be drawn up on his abdication in favor of his son Alexei, under the regency of his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. This decision of the king was drawn up in the name of Rodzianko. However, its dispatch was delayed until new messages were received from Petrograd. In addition, the arrival of Guchkov and Shulgin was expected in Pskov, which was reported to the Headquarters.
Guchkov and Shulgin arrived in Pskov on the evening of March 2, reported that there was no military unit in Petrograd that could be relied upon, and confirmed the need for the abdication of the tsar from the throne. Nicholas II stated that he had already made such a decision, but now he is changing it and is already abdicating not only for himself, but also for the heir. This act of Nicholas II violated the coronation manifesto of Paul I of April 5, 1797, which stipulated that the reigning person had the right to abdicate the throne only for himself, and not for his own glaciers.
A new version of the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne was adopted by Guchkov and Shulgin, who only asked him that, before signing the act of renunciation, the tsar approved the decree on the appointment of G.E. Lvov as prime minister of the new government being formed, and Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich again as supreme commander in chief.
When Guchkov and Shulgin returned to Petrograd with the manifesto of the abdicated Nicholas II, they met with strong dissatisfaction among the revolutionary masses with this attempt by the Duma leaders to preserve the monarchy. The toast in honor of "Emperor Michael", proclaimed by Guchkov upon his arrival from Pskov at the Warsaw railway station in Petrograd, aroused such strong indignation among the workers that they threatened him with execution. At the station, Shulgin was searched, who, however, managed to secretly transfer the text of the manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II to Guchkov. The workers demanded that the text of the manifesto be destroyed, that the tsar be arrested immediately, and that a republic be proclaimed.
On the morning of March 3, members of the Duma Committee and the Provisional Government met with Mikhail in the mansion of Prince. O. Putyatina on Millionnaya. Rodzianko and Kerensky argued the necessity of his renunciation of the throne. Kerensky said that the indignation of the people was too strong, the new tsar might die from the wrath of the people, and with it the Provisional Government would die. However, Milyukov insisted on Mikhail's acceptance of the crown, arguing that strong power was necessary to strengthen the new order, and such power needed support - "a monarchic symbol familiar to the masses." A provisional government without a monarch, said Milyukov, is "a fragile boat that can sink in the ocean of popular unrest"; it will not live to see the Constituent Assembly, as anarchy will reign in the country. Guchkov, who soon arrived at the meeting, supported Miliukov. Miliukov, in a temper, even suggested taking cars and going to Moscow, where to proclaim Michael emperor, to gather troops under his banner and move to Petrograd. Such a proposal clearly threatened civil war and frightened the rest of the meeting. After lengthy discussions, the majority voted for the abdication of Michael. Mikhail agreed with this opinion and at 4 p.m. signed the drafted by V.D. Nabokov and Baron B.E. Nolde's manifesto of his renunciation of the crown. The manifesto, promulgated the next day, said that Michael "made a firm decision only if he would accept supreme power, if such was the will of our great people, who should establish the form of government and new basic laws of the state by popular vote through their representatives in the Constituent Assembly Russian". Michael appealed to the people with an appeal "to obey the Provisional Government, invested with full power." Written statements of support for the Provisional Government and the renunciation of claims to the royal throne were also made by all members of the royal family. On March 3, Nicholas II sent a telegram to Mikhail.
Calling him "Imperial Majesty", he apologized that he "did not warn" him about the transfer of the crown to him. The news of Michael's abdication was received by the abdicated king with bewilderment. “God knows who advised him to sign such a disgusting thing,” Nikolai wrote in his diary.
The abdicated emperor went to Headquarters in Mogilev. A few hours before the signing of the act of abdication, Nikolai again appointed Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich to the post of Supreme Commander of the Russian Army. However, the Provisional Government appointed General A.A. Brusilov. On March 9, Nicholas and his retinue returned to Tsarskoye Selo. By order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was kept under house arrest in Tsarskoye Selo. The Petrograd Soviet demanded a trial of the former tsar and even on March 8 adopted a resolution to imprison him in the Peter and Paul Fortress, but the Provisional Government refused to comply with it.
In connection with the growth of anti-monarchist sentiments in the country, the deposed tsar asked the Provisional Government to send him and his family to England. The Provisional Government asked the British Ambassador in Petrograd, George Buchanan, to ask the British Cabinet about this. P.N. Miliukov, meeting with the tsar, assured him that the request would be granted and even advised him to prepare for his departure. Buchanan requested his cabinet. He first agreed to provide asylum in England for the deposed Russian tsar and his family. However, a wave of protest arose against this in England and in Russia, and the English King George V turned to his government with a proposal to cancel this decision. The provisional government sent a request to the French cabinet to provide asylum to the royal family in France, but was also refused, citing the fact that this would be negatively perceived by French public opinion. Thus, the attempts of the Provisional Government to send the former tsar and his family abroad failed. On August 13, 1917, by order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was sent to Tobolsk.
The essence of dual power
During the transitional period - from the moment of the victory of the revolution to the adoption of the constitution and the formation of permanent bodies of power in accordance with it - the Provisional Revolutionary Government operates, which is entrusted with the duty of breaking the old apparatus of power, consolidating the gains of the revolution by appropriate decrees and convening the Constituent Assembly, which determines the form of the future state structure of the country, approves the decrees issued by the Provisional Government, giving them the force of laws, and adopts the constitution.
The provisional government for the transitional period (until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) has both legislative and executive functions. This was the case, for example, during the French Revolution at the end of the 18th century. The same way of transforming the country after the revolutionary upheaval was envisaged in their projects by the Decembrists of the Northern Society, putting forward the idea of a "Provisional revolutionary government" for the transitional period, and then convening a "Supreme Council" (Constituent Assembly). All the Russian revolutionary parties at the beginning of the 20th century imagined the path of the revolutionary reorganization of the country, the destruction of the old state machine and the formation of new organs of power, having written it down in their programs.
However, the process of formation of state power in Russia as a result of the February Revolution of 1917 followed a different scenario. In Russia, a dual power was created, which has no analogues in history - in the person of the Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, on the one hand, and the Provisional Government, on the other.
As already mentioned, the emergence of Soviets - organs of people's power - dates back to the time of the revolution of 1905-1907. and is an important achievement. This tradition immediately revived after the victory of the uprising in Petrograd on February 27, 1917. In addition to the Petrograd Soviet in March 1917, more than 600 local Soviets arose, which elected from among their midst permanent authorities - executive committees. These were the chosen people, relying on the support of the broad working masses. The councils performed legislative, administrative, executive and even judicial functions. By October 1917 there were already 1,429 soviets in the country. They arose spontaneously - it was the spontaneous creativity of the masses. Along with this, local committees of the Provisional Government were also created. Thus, dual power was created at the central and local levels.
At that time, representatives of the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary parties, who were guided not by the "victory of socialism", believing that there were no conditions for this in backward Russia, but by developing and consolidating it bourgeois-democratic conquests. Such a task, they believed, could be performed during the transitional period by the Provisional, bourgeois in composition, government, which, in carrying out the democratic transformations of the country, must be provided with support, and, if necessary, put pressure on it. In fact, even during the period of dual power, real power was in the hands of the Soviets, for the Provisional Government could govern only with their support and carry out its decrees with their sanction.
At first, the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies acted jointly. They even held their meetings in the same building - the Taurida Palace, which then turned into the center of the country's political life.
During March-April 1917, the Provisional Government, with the support and pressure on it from the Petrograd Soviet, carried out a number of democratic reforms, which were mentioned above. At the same time, it postponed the solution of a number of acute problems inherited from the old government until the Constituent Assembly, and among them the agrarian question. Moreover, it issued a number of decrees providing for criminal liability for the unauthorized seizure of landlords, appanages and monastic lands. On the question of war and peace, it took a defensive position, remaining faithful to the allied obligations assumed by the old regime. All this caused the growing dissatisfaction of the masses with the policy of the Provisional Government.
Dual power is not a separation of powers, but opposition of one power to another, which inevitably leads to conflicts, to the desire of each power to overthrow the opposing one. Ultimately, dual power leads to paralysis of power, to the absence of any power, to anarchy. With dual power, the growth of centrifugal forces is inevitable, which threatens the collapse of the country, especially if this country is multinational.
The dual power lasted no more than four months - until the beginning of July 1917, when, in the context of the unsuccessful offensive of the Russian troops on the German front, on July 3-4, the Bolsheviks organized a political demonstration and attempted to overthrow the Provisional Government. The demonstration was shot, and the Bolsheviks were subjected to repression. After the July days, the Provisional Government managed to subdue the Soviets, which obediently carried out its will. However, this was a short-term victory for the Provisional Government, whose position was becoming increasingly precarious. Economic ruin deepened in the country: inflation grew rapidly, production fell catastrophically, and the danger of impending famine became real. In the countryside, mass pogroms of landowners' estates began, the peasants seized not only landowners' lands, but also church lands, and information was received about the murders of landlords and even clergymen. The soldiers are tired of the war. At the front, the fraternization of the soldiers of both belligerents became more frequent. The front was essentially falling apart. Desertion increased sharply, entire military units were removed from their positions: the soldiers hurried home in order to be in time for the division of the landlords' lands.
The February Revolution destroyed the old state structures, but failed to create a solid and authoritative government. The provisional government was increasingly losing control over the situation in the country and was no longer able to cope with the growing devastation, the complete breakdown of the financial system, and the collapse of the front. The ministers of the Provisional Government, being highly educated intellectuals, brilliant orators and publicists, turned out to be unimportant politicians and bad administrators, divorced from reality and poorly aware of it.
In a relatively short time, from March to October 1917, four compositions of the Provisional Government were replaced: its first composition lasted about two months (March-April), the next three (coalition, with "socialist ministers") - each no more than a month and a half . It survived two serious power crises (in July and September).
The power of the Provisional Government was weakening every day. It increasingly lost control over the situation in the country. In an atmosphere of political instability in the country, deepening economic ruin, a protracted unpopular war. threats of imminent famine, the masses longed for a "firm government" that could "put things in order." The inconsistency of the behavior of the Russian peasant also worked - his primordially Russian desire for "firm order" and, at the same time, primordially Russian hatred of any really existing order, i.e. a paradoxical combination in the peasant mentality of Caesarism (naive monarchism) and anarchism, humility and rebellion.
By the autumn of 1917, the power of the Provisional Government was virtually paralyzed: its decrees were not implemented or were ignored altogether. In fact, anarchy reigned on the ground. There were fewer and fewer supporters and defenders of the Provisional Government. This largely explains the ease with which it was overthrown by the Bolsheviks on October 25, 1917. They not only easily overthrew the virtually powerless Provisional Government, but also received powerful support from the broad masses of the people, promulgating the most important decrees the very next day after the October Revolution - about the earth and the world. Not abstract, incomprehensible to the masses, socialist ideas attracted them to the Bolsheviks, but the hope that they would indeed stop the hated war and once again give the peasants the coveted land.
“V.A. Fedorov. History of Russia 1861-1917.
Bookseller's Regiment Library. http://society.polbu.ru/fedorov_rushistory/ch84_i.html
History message.
"February" revolution of 1917
Dual power.
University: MGUIE.
Faculty student: IE
Groups I-14
Tseitin Georgy Stanislavovich.
INTRODUCTION
In this essay, I tried to reveal the topic “February Revolution of 1917. Dual power".
In my work, I decided:
Reflect the causes that led to the February Revolution;
Show a brief course of events taking place during the days of the revolution and after its completion;
To lead to an understanding of the dual power in Russia, the disagreement of which, along with other reasons, led Russia to the bloody October Revolution.
The main source that helped me in realizing my goals was the book by Ostrovsky V.P. and Utkina A.I. "Russian history. XX century.
To begin with, in the period from 1907 to 1917, two processes developed in Russia that mutually excluded each other.
First is a process of modernization of society, the goals of which were:
Expanding the economic freedom of the individual,
free market development,
Creation of market infrastructure.
During this period, along with large-scale entrepreneurship, a middle class of wealthy owners was formed; a civil society developed naturally; principles of law were introduced into real life. In other words, there was a transformation of the state, the state power of which could gradually become a strong observer, monitoring the implementation of laws. This process was actually broken.
Second process- this is the desire of the state for ever greater control over economic life, limiting the number of owners and their rights. This process was intensified and accelerated by the First World War, which began in August 1914. This war also increased the tendency of the public consciousness towards revolutionary change and rapid change.
All this led to the revolutions of 1917, in particular, to the February revolution, which is considered bloodless, but entailed significant changes in the political and socio-economic development of Russia.
Causes that led to the February Revolution of 1917
On August 1, 1914, the First World War began in Russia, which lasted until November 11, 1918, the cause of which was the struggle for spheres of influence in conditions when a single European market and legal mechanism had not been created.
Russia was on the defensive in this war. And although the patriotism and heroism of the soldiers and officers was great, there was neither a single will, nor serious plans for waging war, nor a sufficient supply of ammunition, uniforms and food. This instilled uncertainty in the army. She lost her soldiers and suffered defeats. The Minister of War was put on trial, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was removed from his post. Nicholas II himself became commander-in-chief. But the situation has not improved. Despite continuous economic growth (the production of coal and oil, the production of shells, guns and other types of weapons grew, huge reserves were accumulated in case of a prolonged war), the situation developed in such a way that during the war years Russia found itself without an authoritative government, without an authoritative prime minister. minister, and without an authoritative Headquarters. The officer corps was replenished with educated people, i.e. intelligentsia, which was subject to oppositional moods, and everyday participation in the war, which lacked the most necessary, gave food for doubts.
The growing centralization of economic management, carried out against the backdrop of a growing shortage of raw materials, fuel, transport, and skilled labor, accompanied by widespread speculation and abuse, led to the fact that the role of state regulation increased along with the growth of negative factors in the economy. Queues appeared in the cities, standing in which was a psychological breakdown for hundreds of thousands of workers and workers.
The predominance of military production over civilian production and the rise in food prices led to a steady increase in prices for all consumer goods. At the same time, wages did not keep pace with rising prices. Discontent grew both in the rear and at the front. And it turned primarily against the monarch and his government.
Considering that from November 1916 to March 1917 three prime ministers, two ministers of internal affairs and two ministers of agriculture were replaced, then the expression of the convinced monarchist V. Shulgin about the situation that developed at that time in Russia is really true: “autocracy without autocrat” .
Among a number of prominent politicians, in semi-legal organizations and circles, a conspiracy was ripening and plans were discussed to remove Nicholas II from power. It was supposed to seize the tsar's train between Mogilev and Petrograd and force the monarch to abdicate.
Events of February 1917
Unrest in the army, rural unrest, the inability of the political and military leadership to protect the national interests of Russia, which catastrophically aggravated the internal situation of the country, did not alert the tsarist government, therefore, the February revolution that began spontaneously became unexpected for the government and all political parties.
The beginning of the first riots was put on strike by the workers of the Putilov factory on February 17, the workers of which demanded a 50% increase in prices and the hiring of laid-off workers. The administration did not meet the stated requirements. In solidarity with the Putilov workers, many enterprises in Petrograd went on strike. They were supported by the workers of the Narva outpost and the Vyborg side. Thousands of random people joined the crowds of workers: teenagers, students, small employees, intellectuals. On February 23, a demonstration of the women workers of Petrograd took place.
Demonstrations demanding bread that began in Petrograd escalated into clashes with the police, who were taken by surprise by the events. Part of the Pavlovsky regiment also opposed the police.
There was no order from the government to open fire on the demonstrators. The Cossacks were not given whips. Police officers were disarmed in various districts of the city, and dozens of revolvers and checkers were taken from them. Finally, the police stopped opposing the demonstrators, and the city was in their hands.
According to estimates, the number of strikers was about 300,000! In fact, it was a general strike. The main slogans of these events were: “Down with the autocracy!”, “Down with the war!”, “Down with the tsar!”, “Down with Nicholas!”, “Bread and peace!”.
On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II gave the order to stop the unrest in the capital. The State Duma was dissolved. The Okhrana handed over dozens of addresses of activists of all parties to the police for their immediate arrest. A total of 171 people were arrested overnight. On February 26, rifle shots rang out into the unarmed crowd, which managed to disperse huge crowds of people. Only the 4th company of the Pavlovsky regiment, stationed in the buildings of the Stable Department, refused to act against the people.
On the night of February 26-27, insurgent soldiers joined the workers, on the morning of February 27 the district court was burned and the house of pre-trial detention was seized, prisoners were released from prison, among whom were many members of the revolutionary parties who had been arrested in recent days.
On February 27, the Arsenal and the Winter Palace were captured. The autocracy was overthrown. On the same day, the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of Petrograd was formed, and members of the Progressive Bloc created the Provisional Committee of the Duma, which took the initiative to "restore state and public order." Almost simultaneously with this, several people from among the left intelligentsia called themselves the Provisional Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies.
On March 2, 1917, having learned about the opinion of the commanders of all fronts that he should leave, Nicholas II signed the abdication, making the following entry in his diary: "There is treason, and cowardice, and deception all around."
On the same day, at the request of the Chairman of the Provisional Committee of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko and with the consent of Nicholas II, L.G. was appointed temporary commander of the Petrograd District. Kornilov
Arriving on March 5 in Petrograd, Kornilov, finding himself in such a high post in an extremely politicized city, showed his qualities as a politician. Demonstrative measures - the arrest of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and the royal children, the awarding of the Order of St. George to Ensign Kirpichnikov, the organizer of the performance of the Volyn regiment in February, the purge of officers and units of artillerymen, cadets and Cossacks, the most loyal to the government, as well as the development of a project for the Petrograd Front, in which was supposed to pour in the demoralized and revolutionary Petrograd garrison for allegedly military purposes - real steps taken by the district commander to calm the revolutionary city.
Dual power.
With the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne, the legal system that had developed since 1906 ceased to exist. No other legal system regulating the activities of the state was created.
Now the fate of the country depended on political forces, the activity and responsibility of political leaders, their ability to control the behavior of the masses.
The structure of state power after the February events of 1917
Several political groups have formed in the country, proclaiming themselves the government of Russia:
1) The Provisional Committee of the members of the State Duma formed the Provisional Government, whose main task was to win the confidence of the population. The Provisional Government declared itself the legislative and executive power, in which the following disputes immediately arose:
About what the future Russia should be: parliamentary or presidential;
On the ways of solving the national question, questions about land, etc.;
On the electoral law;
On elections to the Constituent Assembly.
At the same time, the time for solving current, fundamental problems was inevitably lost.
2) Organizations of persons who have declared themselves authorities. The largest of these was the Petrograd Soviet, which consisted of moderate-left politicians and invited the workers and soldiers to delegate their representatives to the Soviet.
The Council declared itself the guarantor against a return to the past, against the restoration of the monarchy and the suppression of political freedoms.
The Council also supported the steps taken by the Provisional Government to strengthen democracy in Russia.
3) In addition to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, other bodies of de facto power were formed on the ground: factory committees, district councils, national associations, new authorities in the "national outskirts", for example, in Kyiv - the Ukrainian Rada.
The current political situation began to bear the name of "dual power", although in practice it was a multi-power, growing into an anarchic anarchy. Monarchist and Black Hundred organizations in Russia were banned and dissolved. In the new Russia, two political forces remained: the liberal-bourgeois and the left-wing socialist, but in which there were disagreements.
In addition, there was a powerful pressure from the bottom:
Hoping for a socio-economic improvement in life, the workers demanded an immediate increase in wages, the introduction of an eight-hour day, unemployment guarantees and social security.
The peasants advocated the redistribution of neglected lands,
The soldiers insisted on softening the discipline.
The disagreements of the “dual power”, its constant reform, the continuation of the war, etc., led to a new revolution - the October Revolution of 1917.
CONCLUSION.
So, the result of the February Revolution of 1917 was the overthrow of the autocracy, the abdication of the tsar from the throne, the emergence of dual power in the country: the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie in the person of the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, representing the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.
The victory of the February Revolution was a victory for all active sections of the population over the medieval autocracy, a breakthrough that brought Russia on a par with the advanced countries in terms of proclaiming democratic and political freedoms.
The February Revolution of 1917 was the first victorious revolution in Russia and turned Russia, thanks to the overthrow of tsarism, into one of the most democratic countries. Arising in March 1917. the dual power was a reflection of the fact that the era of imperialism and the world war unusually accelerated the course of the country's historical development, the transition to more radical transformations. The international significance of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution is also extremely great. Under its influence, the strike movement of the proletariat intensified in many belligerent countries.
The main event of this revolution for Russia itself was the need to carry out long overdue reforms on the basis of compromises and coalitions, the rejection of violence in politics.
The first steps towards this were taken in February 1917. But only the first...
List of used literature:
1. Vyrubova-Taneeva A. The royal family during the revolution // February Revolution.
2. Denikin A.I. "The campaign and death of General Kornilov."
3. Nolde B. "From the history of the Russian catastrophe."
4. Ostrovsky V.P., Utkin A.I. Russian history. XX century.
5. Spiridovich A. I. The Great War and the February Revolution of 1914–1917.
The consequences of the February Revolution are still actively discussed by historians and researchers of that period. It was that which began with mass anti-government protests of the workers, who were supported by the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison. All this led to the actual overthrow of the absolute monarchy in the country and the creation of the Provisional Government, which concentrated in its hands the executive and legislative powers. The revolution itself began at the end of February and continued until the beginning of March.
Causes
In evaluating the consequences of the February Revolution, one must first of all understand its causes. Most modern historians come to the unequivocal conclusion that it was inevitable, since a large number of factors caused dissatisfaction with the government and the king.
Among them were the defeats on the fronts of the First World War, the difficult situation in which the peasants and workers found themselves, devastation and famine in the country, political lack of rights, the authority of the autocratic power had greatly decreased by that time, society had long demanded cardinal reforms that the authorities were unwilling to carry out.
It turned out that almost all the problems that Russia faced during the revolution of 1905 remained unresolved. year was supposed to radically change the life of the people, but this did not happen.
Rasputin's position at court
By examining the causes, course, and consequences of the February Revolution, one can fully appreciate the social upheavals that occurred at that time. Great dissatisfaction was caused by the position that Grigory Rasputin had occupied by that time at the court. The supreme power was actually discredited by the scandals around the figure of this old man.
Rumors circulated in the capital about treason in the emperor's circles. Public opinion considered the wife of the head of state Alexandra Feodorovna a traitor, there was even talk of an intimate relationship between the Empress and Rasputin. Most of them were of a fantastic nature and never received confirmation, but had a strong influence on public opinion.
Bread riots
From this article you can learn in detail about the February Revolution, its prerequisites, results and consequences. The actual beginning of the unrest, which ended in outright anti-government protests, is considered to be the so-called bread riots.
They began in Petrograd, becoming a logical conclusion with transport and grain supplies.
At the end of 1916, a surplus appraisal was introduced, which was aimed at fulfilling food procurement during the economic and military crises. First of all, it was about grain harvesting. The principle of food apportionment consisted in the forced delivery of grain products by grain producers at prices set by the state.
But even despite such coercive measures, instead of the 772 million poods of grain that were planned to be obtained, only 170 million poods were obtained. Because of this, soldiers' rations were reduced in the army from 3 to 2 pounds per day for those who fought at the front, those who remained in the front line received 1.5 pounds each.
Were introduced in almost all major cities. At the same time, huge queues lined up for bread, but not everyone received it. Famine began in Vitebsk, Kostroma, Polotsk.
There were no cards in Petrograd, but rumors that they were about to appear were actively circulating. The indignant people turned to active actions on February 21, when pogroms began in dairies and bakeries in Petrograd. The crowd demanded bread.
Start
The causes and consequences of the February Revolution have been trying to be assessed by historians for a century now. Many believe that one of the factors that led to the uprising was the departure of the king from the capital. On February 22, Nicholas II leaves for Mogilev, where the headquarters of the Supreme Commander was located.
Minister of the Interior Protopopov, seeing him off, assures him that the situation is under his full control. And Protopopov was really sure of this, because at the end of January he managed to arrest the workers who were preparing a mass demonstration on the opening day of a new session of the State Duma.
February 23 is considered the actual beginning of the revolution. Anti-war rallies in the capitals develop into demonstrations and mass strikes. The work of several large industrial enterprises was stopped. In the center of Petrograd, demonstrators come into direct confrontation with the police and Cossacks.
On February 24, more than 200,000 people took part in the general strike. On February 26, a demonstration begins on Nevsky Prospekt. On Znamenskaya Square, the police open fire on demonstrators, about 40 people were killed. Shooting in other parts of the city. The number of participants in the strike exceeds 300,000 people.
armed uprising
The turning point occurred on February 27, when the soldiers began to go over to the side of the rebels en masse. The first team to participate in the rebellion was the reserve battalion of the Volynsky regiment. The soldiers killed the commanders, released everyone who was in the guardhouse, and began to call on neighboring units to join the uprising. The officers were either killed or fled.
On the same day, soldiers in full armor went to Liteiny Prospekt, where they united with the striking workers of the Petrograd factories.
And on the same day, members of the government gather for an emergency meeting at the Mariinsky Palace. It was decided to send a telegram to the Emperor in Mogilev stating that the Council of Ministers was unable to cope with the situation that had developed in the country. At the same time, the government dismissed Protopopov, who caused particular irritation among the opposition. Meanwhile, the uprising spread beyond the boundaries of Petrograd.
On February 28, the Provisional Committee, organized under the State Duma, officially announced that it was taking power into its own hands. He was recognized by foreign governments, in particular, France and Great Britain.
Emperor's abdication
Further, the chronology of events developed as follows. On March 2, a representative of the Provisional Committee, Guchkov and Shulgin, came to Nicholas II, telling him that they saw the only way out of this situation in his abdication in favor of a minor heir. Otherwise, riots could start in the troops that were at the front.
At the same time, it was planned to appoint Grand Duke Michael as regent. The emperor declared that he had made such a decision in the afternoon, and now he was ready to abdicate both for himself and for his son.
At 23.40 Nicholas II hands over the official act of abdication in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. The latter fact aroused the indignation of the leaders of the revolution. His supporters did not advise him to accept power either, in the end he did just that, refusing to accept supreme power.
The executive committee of the Petrosoviet decided to arrest the entire royal family, deprive them of their civil rights and confiscate their property. On March 9, the emperor arrived in Tsarskoe Selo as Colonel Romanov.
The revolution takes over the whole country
From the capital, the revolution spreads throughout the country. On February 28, a strike begins at Moscow factories. The crowd reaches the Butyrskaya prison, from which 350 political prisoners are released. The revolutionaries take control of the telegraph, mail and telephone, railway stations, armory and the Kremlin. Gendarmes and police officers are arrested, and police detachments begin to form.
After Moscow, the revolution spreads throughout Russia. By March 3, revolutionary organs of power are being formed in Nizhny Novgorod, Vologda, and Saratov. In Samara, a crowd storms the governor's prison. When the news of the abdication of the emperor from the throne reaches Kyiv, the formation of new authorities immediately begins there. But if in most cities there is a dual power - the radical Soviets and the liberal Executive Committee are fighting, then in Kyiv there is also a nationalist Central Rada.
Formation of the Provisional Government
The main consequence of the February Revolution was the formation of the Provisional Government. It is headed by Prince Lvov, who remains in this post until July 1917, when Kerensky replaces him.
The Provisional Government immediately stated that its main goal would be the transfer of power to the Constituent Assembly, the elections to which are scheduled for September 17, but then postponed to November.
At the same time, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies enjoys serious influence. As a result, the Provisional Government is trying to follow the path of parliamentarism, seeking to make Russia a modern liberal and capitalist power on the Western model. The Petrograd Soviet stands for the revolutionary power of the working masses.
The main symbols of this revolution are red banners and bows. The fourth convocation of the State Duma plays a huge role in it, but then it quickly loses influence.
During the revolutionary events themselves, the role of deputy Kerensky, who, moreover, is a member of the Provisional Government, grows significantly. The results and consequences of the February Revolution are still being evaluated and discussed by many. One of the main decisions in the early days is the demand to abolish the death penalty, granting equal rights to all citizens, regardless of their gender, nationality and religion. Discriminatory restrictions are canceled, in particular, against Jews, before that they were restrained by the so-called Pale of Settlement, Jews could not live in the capitals and large cities of the empire.
All citizens, without exception, received the right to freely assemble, join any unions and associations, and trade unions really began to work in the country.
Another important consequence of the February Revolution was that the tsarist police, as well as the gendarmerie, were dissolved, their functions were transferred to the people's militia, which they began to call the militia. An Extraordinary Investigative Commission was also formed by the Provisional Government, which was engaged in investigating crimes committed by senior officials and tsarist ministers.
The provisional government actually began to consider itself a full-fledged successor to the monarchical state, trying to preserve the previously existing state apparatus.
Government crises
At the same time, the fact that the Provisional Government could not cope with the situation in the country can also be attributed to the results and consequences of the February Revolution. This resulted in government crises that began as early as May 3rd.
As a result, the government became coalition.
At the same time, a serious blow was dealt to the army, this was another consequence of the February Revolution in Russia. During the mass purge of commanding officers, officers who were close to the Duma opposition were appointed to key posts. The most prominent figures were Kolchak, Kornilov, Denikin.
Fear of dictatorship
Speaking briefly about the consequences of the February Revolution, it should be noted that the fear of a military dictatorship became all-encompassing. That is why Kerensky was in a hurry to consolidate the successes that had been achieved without waiting for the decisions of the Constituent Assembly.
The consequences of the February and October revolutions in Russia were decisive for the fate of the entire country in the 20th century. She said goodbye to the monarchy and went down a fundamentally different path.
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