Opinion f. M

Marlboro cowboy

- to my ever-beloved friend

How are we going to keep in touch?

Read the ads in the Odessa Evening newspaper, the next day I will post an ad “I'm selling a coffin. Inexpensive."

Today, the ability to write deliberately sad letters is an indispensable virtue of every homosexual. Especially if these letters are public and relate to unrequited love.

Until some time, my love was not at all unrequited, not even deaf and dumb.

A series of reckless actions tied us together for five whole months; service, ideas, texts, the ability to criticize left us completely - we belonged only to each other.

Usually, we met around ten in the evening near the Staraya Derevnya metro station, then walked - drank Starbacks coffee from paper cups, argued about articles in Interni, imagined how we would walk through some deserted park on a frosty morning, and look at each other in eyes.

To look into the eyes, in my opinion, is a sensual transformation of the famous philosophical statement of Descartes - “Cogito ergo sum”, more precisely, the original statement about “ Je pense, donc je suis" - I think, therefore I am.

With us, this fundamental principle of Western rationalism is being transformed even further - to the boundaries of understanding "I am HE", in other words, "I see, therefore I possess" and further - "I possess, therefore I am."

The Cartesian concept of the “body”, the idea of ​​the possibility of existence only in the aspiration of two bodies towards each other, could well replace all other philosophies for us; therefore, I insist that this state of affairs - attitudes - the desire to possess, and, as a result, possession - were self-sufficient in our short-term system "I - HE". We rarely fucked.

I have the ability to speak; him to be silent. But in the history of the 20th century, and perhaps even earlier, silence does not negate dialogue at all. Silence is a sign. And a sign in the European cultural tradition is nothing more than an agreement about the property of an object. Continuing, - an agreement - as with a glas and e (detente - mine) about something, for example, about love.

And here our friendship was a perfect example of agreement and consent - that I can love, and He - agreed to receive love. This is a significant addition, it blocks, in my opinion, idle thoughts about irresponsibility, about the game, about modeling social decency.

We jerked each other off every time we met and it was sincere.

I continue. According to F. Gwatari, the contribution to the unconscious is made not only by childhood, prepubertal fixations, children's sexualities, but also by the actual (acting right now) reality - everything that surrounds us, according to the scientist, makes its investments (Gwatari's term) in the being unconscious.

An illustration of this thesis is the endless, as it seemed to me then, His travels. From apartment to apartment, from work to home, and from early morning to work.

Hence, it seems, a kind of ephemeral vision of the dialogue, and an exhausting service schedule, like a skioptikon, through which reality was refracted into an incomprehensible, and therefore frightening bogey.

For the last time we lay together on the floor of His new room in one of the tenement houses on Vladimirsky Prospekt. Warm and huggable. As then, for the very first time, lost among many other people who, like us, are looking for support in their own kind.

Rejecting various conceptions of the origin and role of the state, Nietzsche believed that the state is a means of the emergence and continuation of that violent social process, during which the birth of a privileged civilized person who dominates the rest of the mass takes place. “No matter how strong the desire for communication in an individual person,” he wrote, “only the iron grip of the state can rally large masses with each other so that the chemical decomposition of society and the formation of its new pyramidal superstructure could begin.” Nersesyants V.S. History of political and legal doctrines. - M.: Infra-M, 1996. S. 546; Kerimov D.A. History of philosophy of law. - St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, 2000. P.284

Adhering to the global perspective of aristocratic aestheticism, Nietzsche gives a fundamental preference for culture and genius over the state and politics - where such a distinction, divergence and clash, in his opinion, takes place. He is a staunch supporter of an aristocratic culture, possible only under conditions of domination by a few and slavery of the rest, he is an elitist, but not a statesman, not an etatist. He speaks positively of the state and politics, and even praises them only insofar as they properly fulfill their role as suitable tools and means in the service of aristocratic culture and genius.

The goal of humanity, according to Nietzsche, is in its most perfect specimens, the emergence of which is possible in an environment of high culture, but not in a perfect state and absorption in politics - the latter weaken humanity and prevent the emergence of genius. The genius, struggling to preserve his type, must prevent the establishment of a perfect state, which could ensure the general well-being only at the cost of losing the violent character of life and producing sluggish personalities. “The state,” wrote Nietzsche, “is a wise organization for the mutual protection of individuals; if it is excessively improved, then in the end the personality will be weakened by it and even destroyed, that is, the original goal of the state will be radically destroyed.

Nietzsche attaches fundamental importance to the antagonism between culture and the state. It is in this context of aristocratic aestheticism that Nietzsche's rather frequent critical attacks against the state and politics, against their excesses and pernicious extremes, detrimental to high culture, should be perceived. While praising the aristocratic caste system of the times of the laws of Manu, Nietzsche sought to provide a biological justification for caste ideals. In every "healthy" society, he believed, there are three different but mutually gravitating physiological types with their own "hygiene" and scope:

1) brilliant people - a few; 2) the executors of the ideas of geniuses, their right hand and the best students - the guardians of law, order and security (the king, warriors, judges and other guardians of the law); 3) the rest of the mass of mediocre people. “The order of castes, the order of rank,” he argued, “only formulates the highest law of life itself; the separation of the three types is necessary for the maintenance of society, in order to make possible the highest and highest types.”

The stability of high culture and the type of state that promotes it, according to Nietzsche, is more valuable than freedom.

Nietzsche distinguishes two main types of statehood - aristocratic and democratic. He calls aristocratic states greenhouses for high culture and a strong breed of people. Democracy is characterized by him as a decadent form of the state. Nietzsche characterizes the Roman Empire as "the most majestic form of organization". He also highly appreciates imperial Russia. Only in the presence of anti-liberal, anti-democratic instincts and imperatives, the aristocratic will to authority, to tradition, to responsibility for centuries to come, to the solidarity of the chain of generations, is it possible to have genuine state formations like the Roman Empire or Russia - “the only power that is now strong, that can wait, which can still promise something - Russia, the opposite of the miserable European small-ownership and nervousness that entered a critical period with the founding of the German Empire. Nersesyants V.S. History of political and legal doctrines. - M.: Infra-M, 1996. S. 547; Kerimov D.A. History of philosophy of law. - St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, 2000. P.283

The ideal state structure, according to Nietzsche, is in the past, in ancient culture, where the aristocratic "will to power" is most clearly expressed, where high culture, great masterpieces of art, to which the culture of the modern, Nietzschean age cannot rise, is created on the basis of the slave labor of the crowd. . The culture of the 19th century, according to Nietzsche, is sick, it is necessary to reassess the existing values ​​in all spheres of life and revive the ideals of the past culture. Nietzsche sees the cause of the illness of his contemporary culture in political instability in Europe, the emergence of a new form of government democracy, which he interprets as a “historical form of government of the state”, since the majority is trying to dominate, the crowd, incapable of leadership, nor of creating a high culture. Nietzsche proposes to revive not only the culture of the ancient world, but also the state structure itself. He considers the state based on the caste system to be the best form of government. Nietzsche proposes to create a future society based on its hierarchical division into three layers with a strict division of the functions and responsibilities of each of the layers: the first layer is the geniuses called to rule; the second - performers of geniuses, warriors, guardians of law, guardians of the law; the third - ordinary people performing hard physical labor.

Assessing the contemporary social situation in Europe, Nietzsche argues that there is a process of degeneration of vital forces, a weakening of the “will to power”, a refinement of a person and his overthrow “to the level of mediocrity and lowering his value.” Democracy, being the enemy of the state, leads to the decline of the latter. Consequently, according to Nietzsche, the state at a certain stage of development must outlive itself, “if the state is excessively improved, then, in the end, the personality will be weakened and even destroyed by it, that is, the primary goal of the state will be fundamentally destroyed.

According to Nietzsche, if a new goal is not set before humanity, which would bind it into a single whole and open up the prospect of development, then it will perish. Only a superman can save mankind. The Superman is a legislator who stands above morality and religion, a kind of immoral political genius, expressing extreme individualism, who has chosen lies, violence and the most shameless egoism as his weapon. Superman is conceived by Nietzsche as the last link in the evolutionary chain of mankind.

The future of mankind and the implementation of "big politics" are placed in the hands of the superman, who acts as a usurper of human essence, as an impersonal being. The essence of the concept of "big politics" is to create an international union of the strong, capable of recreating world culture, leading it and protecting it. The process of establishing a world union, according to Nietzsche, will be difficult, it will go through cleansing wars, where Germany and Russia will be the main rivals. With the advent of peace there will be the disappearance of the national and the education of the European man. In place of the state will come a union of strong, political geniuses. Law will not disappear in the new institution of power, it will serve as a new form of coercion for the weak and an instrument for the domination of the strong. As for morality, according to Nietzsche, it was created by slaves and is necessary only for them. Strong personalities, superhumans do not need morality, therefore the future union is an association that does not have moral norms for regulating people's behavior. The concept of "Big Politics" and Nietzsche's superman is a voluntaristic-biologising fantasy of the future and is evaluated by contemporaries as a theory of "anti-political, super-political or as a theory of small politics."

Another important point in Nietzsche's philosophy is connected with understanding the problem of the relationship between spiritual culture and the state. Adhering to the concept of aristocratic aestheticism, which favors the spiritual development of a person over other activities, Nietzsche notes that spiritual culture and the state are antagonists. "One prospers at the expense of the other" and "great epochs of culture are epochs of political decline", which is great in the sense of culture, that was non-political. Nietzsche gives an example from Greek history: the policy did not contribute to the development of spiritual culture, but, on the contrary, felt fear, tried to "keep the development of culture at the same level ... but culture developed in spite of the policy." Kerimov D.A. History of philosophy of law. - St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, 2000. P.286

Nietzsche is an implacable opponent of the ideas of popular sovereignty, the implementation of which, according to him, leads to a shake-up of the foundations and the fall of the state, the elimination of the opposition between "private" and "public".

Noting the tendency for the role of the state to fall and assuming in principle the disappearance of the state in a distant historical perspective, Nietzsche believed that “chaos will come least of all, but rather an even more expedient institution than the state will triumph over the state.” At the same time, Nietzsche rejected actively contributing to the fall of the state and hoped that the state would endure for a long time to come.

Everything non-aristocratic in the political life of our time turns out to be decadent liberal-democratic in Nietzsche's assessment. He regarded even the German empire of the Bismarckian design as a liberal-democratic statehood. Through the mouth of Zarathustra, Nietzsche rejected the modern state - this "new idol" of the crowd. "State" - he taught - is called the coldest of all cold monsters. It lies coldly, and lies creep from its mouth. A mixture of good and evil in all languages ​​- I give you this sign as a sign of the state. Truly, the will to die means his sign!

Describing the state as "the death of peoples", an institution only for "superfluous people", Nietzsche's Zarathustra calls on his listeners to free themselves from the idolatry of "superfluous people" - the veneration of the state. “Where the state ends, a person begins for the first time, who is not superfluous: there begins the song of those who are needed, a melody once existing and irrevocable. Where the state ends, look there, my brothers! Can't you see the rainbow sky and the bridge leading to the superman? Thus spoke Zarathustra.

The meaning of this Zarathustrian anti-statism obviously lies in the loss of hopes for the modern state as an ally of the new aristocratic culture, since, according to Nietzsche, it fell into the hands of the worst, the plebeian majority.

Machiavellianism is the model of perfect politics, according to his estimates. Turning inside out all the values ​​in the sphere of culture, state, politics and morality, Nietzsche sought to reintroduce the standards of Machiavellian politics, already freed from morality, into the sphere of moral assessments and orientation - in the form of the principles of the “great politics of virtue”.

From the standpoint of an aristocratic reassessment of all values ​​and the search for ways to the future structure of the new aristocracy, Nietzsche rejected the policy of contemporary European states - as a petty policy of mutual enmity and discord among Europeans. Nietzsche also included Bismarckian politics, which at one time (early 70s) he himself was fond of, in the category of this nationally limited small-scale politics. Initially skeptical and ironic about the idea of ​​“big politics”, Nietzsche later used this concept both to criticize the political state of his time and to illuminate the political contours of the coming future - politics in the 20th century.

The time of petty politics, prophesied Nietzsche, has passed: the next twentieth century will be the time of big politics - the struggle for world domination, unprecedented wars. A spiritual war will be unleashed around the concept of politics, and all political formations of the old society based on lies will be blown up. Openly linking such a fate of the future with his name, Nietzsche believed that it was with him that big politics began.

Substantiating his ideas about the future, Nietzsche believed that, on the one hand, the democratic movement in Europe would lead to the generation of a human type prepared for a new slavery, and then a “strong man” would appear - without prejudice, dangerous and attractive, a “tyrant”, unwittingly prepared by European democracy. On the other hand, he continued, Europe, torn apart in his time by the abnormal enmity of its peoples, will become united in the future. At the same time, the European problem as a whole was seen by him as "the education of a new caste that controls Europe."

Such an interpretation of development trends explains both the decisive importance that Nietzsche constantly attached to the problem of aristocratic education, the promotion of his views, and the peculiar supranational aristocratic solidarism that he defended. From these positions of supranational elitism, he criticized nationalism and national narrow-mindedness, the high conceit of Europeans in relation to Asians, the national arrogance of the Germans, Teutonic mania, anti-French, anti-Slavic, anti-Semitic sentiments and views. But, ultimately, he staked on the future European and saw in the Germans precisely the people who, like the Jews and Romans in the past, would fertilize the coming "new order of life."

Nietzsche often uses the concept of "race", interpreting it more as a socio-political than a national-ethnic characteristic; a strong race is, in essence, a special breed of rulers, aristocratic masters, a weak race is vitally weak, oppressed and forced.

In the context of the eternal struggle of different wills to power, the violent nature of life itself, Nietzsche developed his views on war. At the same time, he often, like Heraclitus, called war any struggle in the stream of becoming. In this predominantly philosophical and ideological aspect, Nietzsche praised war and rejected peace. “Comrades in the war! - addresses Nietzsche's Zarathustra to his listeners. - Love peace as a means to new wars. And besides, a short peace - more than a long one - you say that a good goal sanctifies even war? I say that the good of war sanctifies every purpose. War and courage have done more great deeds than love for one's neighbor."

Metaphysically justifying the war, Nietzsche connected his hopes for a new high culture with it. "... War for the state is the same necessity as a slave for society." That is why he regarded war and the military class as a prototype of the state.

As a real-political phenomenon, Nietzsche covered the war based on the same criteria as when interpreting the state and politics in general. He is for war in the service of aristocratic culture, and not for culture in the service of war. “Against war,” he wrote, “it can be said: it makes the winner stupid, the vanquished - evil. In favor of war, it can be said: in both these actions, it barbarizes people and thereby makes them more natural; for culture, it is the time of hibernation, a person emerges from it stronger for good and evil.

Nietzsche is a staunch anti-socialist. All European culture, according to him, has long been experiencing a crisis of values ​​and is heading towards disaster. "Socialism," he wrote, "is indeed the ultimate conclusion from 'modern ideas' and their latent anarchism."

He rejected revolutions and uprisings of the oppressed, regarding them as a threat to culture. Evil and not without insight, Nietzsche warned of the inevitable revolutionary uprisings of the masses in the future. “The coming century,” he wrote, “will have to experience fundamental “colics” in places, and the Paris Commune, which finds apologists and defenders even in Germany, will, perhaps, turn out to be only a slight “indigestion” in comparison with what lies ahead. At the same time, he believed that the instinct of owners would ultimately prevail over socialism.

Sharply criticizing socialist ideas, Nietzsche believed that socialism was even desirable as an experiment. “Indeed,” he wrote, “I would like a few large examples to show that in a socialist society, life denies itself, cuts its own roots.” Socialists, he noted, deny law and justice, individual claims, rights and privileges, and thereby reject law itself, since "with general equality, no one will need rights." In very black colors, he also depicted the future legislation under socialism.

“If they,” he reasoned about the socialists, “were ever to begin to prescribe laws themselves, then you can be sure that they would put themselves in iron chains and would require terrible discipline - they know themselves! And they would obey these laws with the knowledge that they themselves prescribed them.

Nietzsche also sharply criticized the socialist approach to the state. In this regard, he noted that socialism, striving to eliminate all existing states, "can only count on a brief and accidental existence with the help of the most extreme terrorism." As if foreseeing the appearance of the coming totalitarianism, Nietzsche spoke about the destruction of the individual under socialism, its reformation into an expedient organ of the social union, about the regime of loyal obedience of all citizens to the absolute state.

"Personality types" - Practical (realistic) type. Standard (office) type. Opposite type: artistic. Related types: artistic and entrepreneurial. Close types: realistic and artistic. Opposite type: intellectual. Intelligent type. Opposite type: entrepreneurial. Entrepreneurial (entrepreneurial) type.

"Personality of Lermontov" - Remember what poetic sizes exist. School of Guards Ensigns and Cavalry Junkers. House in Pyatigorsk, where M.Yu. Lermontov lived. Dersey Castle. Poem "Sail". The personality of the poet. Determine the rhyme in M.Yu. Lermontov's poem "Sail". Monument to M.Yu. Lermontov in Tarkhany.

"The concept of personality" - Subject. The task "Spell it out". K.G. Jung (1875-1961). Correlation of the concepts "individual", "subject", "individuality", "personality". Personality and subject. In the "Concise Psychological Dictionary" (1985, ed. Therefore, individuality is only one of the aspects of a person's personality. The individual acts mainly as a genotypic formation.

"Modal verbs" - Modal verbs. Das ist eine Katze. Wollen Konnen Mogen Durfen Sollen mussen. Konnen. Diese Katze kann schnell laufen. The place of the modal verb in the sentence. Conjugation of modal verbs. Durfen. To want, to desire, to love, to be able, to be able. Mussen. What modal verbs have we already learned? Sollen.

"Personality of Chekhov" - was born in Taganrog on January 17 (29), 1860. House in Moscow. Taganrog. Anton Pavlovich Chekhov. The house where Anton Chekhov was born. Mother - Evgenia Yakovlevna, a wonderful hostess, very caring and loving. Father Chekhov's shop in Taganrog. Father - Pavel Yegorovich Chekhov was a very interesting person. Chekhov family.

"Education of the personality of a schoolchild" - Strategic goal: education of the personality of a Russian. Pedagogical necessity. Artistic and aesthetic profile: Education of a Russian in a multicultural environment. The main goal is the formation of behavioral stereotypes based on tolerance and citizenship. Conceptual positions of education of the Russian.

1) Dialectics

2) Induction

3) Deduction

4) Heuristic

Philosopher who believed that the mind of a child is like a blank tabularasa slate

2) J. Locke

4) J.J. Rousseau

The theory of "social contract" adhered to

2) T. Hobbes

3) Aristotle

4) G. W. F. Hegel

The philosopher who took the so-called "monads" as the basis of being

1) D. Berkeley

2) G. Leibniz

3) T. Hobbes

Central problem in the philosophy of the French Enlightenment

1) Human

2) Knowledge

4) Nature

The main idea of ​​the philosophy of the French Enlightenment

The essence of deism is

1) Reducing the role of God to the creation of matter and the first push

2) Dissolution of God in nature

3) Recognition of the constant intervention of God in the processes taking place in human society

4) The assertion that God has two hypostases

Representative of the philosophy of the French Enlightenment

1) J.-J. Rousseau

2) B. Spinoza

3) G. Leibniz

4) T. Campanella

Man is born to be free, but meanwhile he is everywhere in fetters, ”says

1) J.-J. Rousseau

2) K. Helvetius

3) J. La Mettrie

4) Voltaire

The reason for inequality in human society J.-J. Rousseau considered

1) Own

3) Heredity

4) Education

The center of the European Enlightenment in the middle of the 18th century was

2) Germany

4) France

The idea of ​​the rule of law includes the provision on

1) separation of powers

2) The perniciousness of private property

3) Inadmissibility of exploitation of man by man

4) Priority of universal human values

Chronological framework of German classical philosophy

3) 18th - 19th centuries

1) G.W.F. Hegel

2) I.Kant

3) B. Spinoza

The most important philosophical work of Immanuel Kant

1) "Metaphysics"

2) "Science of logic"

3) "Critique of Practical Reason"

4) "Beauty in nature"

91. According to I. Kant, the subject of theoretical philosophy should be the study of:

1) nature and man

2) "things in themselves"

3) the laws of the mind and its limits

4) the existence of God

In the philosophy of I. Kant, the “thing in itself” is

1) A synonym for the concepts of "God", "Supreme Mind"

What is present in our minds, but we are not aware of

3) Unknown root cause of the universe

That which causes sensations in us, but itself cannot be known

1) act towards others as follows:

2) they deserve it

3) you would like them to act towards you

4) a virtuous person does

5) tell you your inner feelings

94. Hegel's theory of development, which is based on the unity and struggle of opposites, is called:

1) Sophistry

2) dialectics

3) monadology

4) epistemology

95. Reality, which is the basis of the world, according to Hegel:

1) NatureGod

2) Absolute Idea

3) man

96. Representative of German classical philosophy:

1) O. Spengler

2) G. Simmel

3) B. Russell

4) L. Feuerbach

Which of the following thinkers does not belong to the representatives of German classical philosophy?

2) L. Feuerbach

3) F. Nietzsche

4) F. Schelling

Divided reality into "the world of things in themselves" and "the world of phenomena"

2) Schelling

3) Kant

Not a characteristic feature of German classical philosophy

Striving for completeness, systemic harmony of thought

Consideration of philosophy as a higher science, as a "science of sciences"

Reliance on reason as the highest way of knowing the world

4) Denial of transcendent, divine being

According to Hegel, the true engine of world history is

1) World Spirit

2) Nature

3) Activities of heroes and leaders

Introductory expression It is distinguished by punctuation marks along with the words related to it. See Appendix 2 for more on punctuation in introductory words. (Appendix 2) This gave rise to a wonderful debate, which, in my opinion, still does not ... ... Punctuation Dictionary

In your opinion, from your point of view Dictionary of Russian synonyms. in your opinion adverb, number of synonyms: 2 in your opinion (2) ... Synonym dictionary

Adverb, number of synonyms: 16 IMHO (9) as I see it (61) as it seems to me (64) ... Synonym dictionary

In your opinion, from your point of view Dictionary of Russian synonyms. in your opinion adverb, number of synonyms: 2 in your opinion (6) ... Synonym dictionary

Adverb, number of synonyms: 2 IMHO (9) in my opinion (16) ASIS Synonym Dictionary. V.N. Trishin. 2013 ... Synonym dictionary

according to- see the opinion of someone what, whose, in zn. introductory phrase According to observers, the conflict dragged on. In my opinion, no improvement is foreseen... Dictionary of many expressions

Cradle of humanity. The age of the bone remains of ancient hominids is determined at 3 million years (in Hadar, Ethiopia; in Koobi Fora, Kenya). The formation of ancient people took place in the savannah. They were hunters and gatherers. The first fossils found... Historical dictionary

Cm … Synonym dictionary

Cm … Synonym dictionary

Adverb, number of synonyms: 1 with particular cynicism (1) ASIS Synonym Dictionary. V.N. Trishin. 2013 ... Synonym dictionary

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