Early 20th century this period. Third-party materials: “Russia at the end of the 20th century - the beginning of the 21st century - briefly

Introduction

Chapter 1. Theoretical chapter

1Formation of theoretical parties. First stage

2Political crisis of 1993, Russia on the brink of civil war

3New Constitution of the Russian Federation

4Two Chechen wars: 1994 and 1999

5Caucasian wars are a means of geopolitics

Conclusion

Bibliography

Introduction

In this control work, the period of Russian history - the end of the 20th century - the beginning of the 21st century is considered. It was considered in sufficient detail by contemporaries of the period, and is also considered in our time. The consequences of certain times always leave their mark on the subsequent course of history.

In the last years of the 20th century, the incredible efforts of the masses, their moral uplift were invested in building the Soviet Union and its unprecedented power. The people who made the revolution and won the greatest war against fascism lived with an irresistible thirst for creation. However, the political culture of the people, who dreamed of building a free and just society, turned out to be incommensurable with the tasks set. The new ideology, penetrating the masses and inspiring them, often took on monstrously vulgarized forms that brought to life the stereotypes of consciousness of medieval riots with their animal anger towards social enemies. In a country following an unknown path, social tensions and crisis situations constantly arose, accompanied by sharp clashes on the imperious Olympus, repressions of the victors against the vanquished, shameless use of brute coercion and violence as a means of building a new life. The Soviet society, which had achieved relative prosperity, never managed to fine-tune the system of self-government and effective control of the "lower classes" over the "tops", without the effective work of which it turned out to be defenseless against the dictatorship of party leaders and the omnipotence of the party-state elite.

Reforms in the early 1990s laid the foundation for the deepest social and political changes, carried out in the style of "shock therapy", from which all segments of the population suffered huge losses. Nowhere in the world have revolutions led to such a large-scale destruction of the material basis of industry and agriculture as in our country. A direct threat to the existence of the peasantry was created, which in such a vast and sparsely populated country seems very dangerous. The policy of the Russian state in recent years gives hope for Russia's way out of this crisis.

Thus, the events of this period are relevant to this day.

The purpose of this work is to reveal and study the events of the late 20th - early 21st centuries and their consequences as much as possible.

The tasks of the work are:

study of theoretical aspects of a certain period in the history of Russia;

to analyze the objects of study that provide information about a given period in the history of Russia;

systematize information about the subject of research, lead to a general conclusion.

The object of the research is the sources considering the given historical period: literature, textbooks, articles.

The subject of the research is the history of Russia in the late 20th - early 21st centuries.

The practical significance of the control work is revealed in its focus on solving practical problems. The opportunity to analyze the problem of development, try to identify the causes, suggest ways to solve the existing problems.

Chapter 1. Theoretical chapter

1 The formation of political parties: the initial stage

Consideration of political parties must begin with a definition of their essence. Parties and party systems are political organizations and are created by social groups or intra-class strata to protect their interests by non-economic (political) means. They play an essential role in the political life of society and act not only as a means of political struggle, but also as an important factor in the development of democracy. Political parties and party systems have their own history, structure, functions and typology. Their study as subjects of the politics of modern society is of great theoretical and practical importance.

The presence of parties and movements is an indicator of the country's development and, to some extent, democracy. A one-party political system and the absence of various political movements are characteristic indicators of a totalitarian or authoritarian regime.

There are three stages in the formation and development of political parties as social institutions. The first stage is associated with the formation of an aristocratic coterie (grouping) and is the initial stage in the formation of parties. The second - with the creation of a political club, which, unlike the aristocratic coterie, has strong ideological ties, a developed organization and a greater radius of social action. The third stage is connected with the formation of a mass political party. The first two stages can be considered the period of proto-parties, i.e. history of political parties. As practice shows, political parties are created by the most enterprising and insightful representatives of the relevant social and national groups, who are aware of their immediate and long-term interests.

These representatives form an active minority, become the political vanguard of the groups and strata they represent, and lead their struggle to satisfy political interests. As a rule, political parties seek to present themselves to the masses as the true spokesmen for their common interests. However, only their practical behavior allows us to determine the truth of intentions, statements and programs. It is the consistent realization of the social interest of a certain stratum or group that expresses the social essence of the party. The multidimensionality and complexity of this phenomenon explains the existence of various definitions of the party.

The development of socialist parties in Russia falls on the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. During this period, the parties of anarchists, social democrats, cadets, Octobrists, etc., arose. Its peculiarity was that the social democratic party, which took shape in 1898, became the first political party on a national scale. Following it, the party of social revolutionaries took shape, which went down in history as a peasant party, although at first it included workers, and then small owners who did not exploit the labor of others, and a significant part of the peasantry, as well as philistines, artisans, small merchants.

Parties representing the interests of the ruling strata of society arose during the years of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907. The formation of political parties in Russia was due to the action of a number of factors that predetermined the socio-economic and political development of society. A characteristic trend in political life at this stage was the steady increase in the number of parties, that is, the formation of a multi-party system. It took shape in 1905-1908. During the revolution of 1905-1907. in Russia there were about 50 parties of various ideological and political orientations. In 1916 there were 244 political parties, in 1917 their number was still growing. In 1918, for a number of reasons, many parties ceased to exist, and only the Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks remained, which established a one-party regime. Thus, although the origin of political parties dates back to ancient times, their true history as special, highly institutionalized political organizations begins in the 19th century.

It was during this period that millions of people received the right to vote within the framework of liberal democracy, which led to the creation of parties as specialized institutions for influencing public authorities to implement the interests of social groups. At the end of the XIX-beginning of the XX century. The development of political parties was influenced by many factors. The most important of them are the introduction of universal suffrage; awareness of their interests by the "third estate"; the spread of Marxism and revolutionary upheavals; awakening of the national self-consciousness of the colonial peoples, etc.

In 1988-1991 there was a process of organizational formation of political parties, development of political programs. The adoption in October 1990 of the law "On Public Associations" stimulated the formation of parties. For the most part, new parties arose as anti-totalitarian and put forward the tasks of forming a rule of law state, a multi-party system, a multi-structural economy, and organized democracy (constitutional democracy). After the loss of the CPSU monopoly on political power, the liquidation of the administrative-command system in the course of the reforms, there was a regrouping of political forces, the formation of new political blocs and associations. Elections to the Federal Assembly in December 1993 and in December 1995 stimulated the further process of formation and demarcation of political parties and blocs. Following the results of the regular elections to the State Duma in December 1999, the following political parties and movements passed to the lower house of the Russian parliament: the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Unity, Union of Right Forces, LDPR, Yabloko.

Currently, more than 300 parties, organizations, movements, foundations and other associations are registered in the Russian Federation. However, the transition from a one-party system to a multi-party system is extremely difficult and painful; a stable party-political structure and a clear delineation of political forces have not been formed. Rather, on the contrary, the process of such a delimitation is becoming more and more complex and confusing, new parties and political trends are emerging, and the outlines and appearance of previously existing ones are changing dramatically. It can be assumed that the fate of the future Russian multi-party system will manifest the following global trends. First, the simplification of the party system. Through blocking in the elections, conditions are gradually being created for the development of a multi-party system into a two-party one. Secondly, the former importance of parties, even in election campaigns, is decreasing. The number of "solid" supporters of any party is decreasing. An increasing role is played not by party affiliation, but by the perception of the candidate.

The main social expectations of the masses addressed to Russian political parties can be formulated as follows: This is the need to stabilize the socio-political situation and keep it within the framework of constitutional and legal development, to normalize the processes of building a civil society, to overcome the slide into corporatism (one of the forms of authoritarianism) regional, parochial, departmental and other persuasion, the weakening of criminal pressure on the authorities, in ensuring the transformation of private, group interests of the emerging civil society into the general interests of the state.

Freedom of political opinion and political action, choice of ideological and spiritual values, a ban on the establishment of a single state or mandatory ideology in society. Russia has created equal opportunities for participation in the political process for all political parties and other public associations operating within the framework of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. The existence of a multi-party system is guaranteed, as well as the right of citizens to be a member of any party or not be a member of any. An important condition for the implementation of the principle of political pluralism is the determination of the legal status of political parties, other public associations and mass movements participating in the political process. These issues are regulated in the Russian Federation by the norms of the Federal Laws “On public associations”, “On political parties”, “On trade unions, their rights and guarantees of activity”, “On state support of youth and children's associations”, “On charitable activities and charitable organizations ".

Although the phenomenon of parties, strictly speaking, is comprehended in terms of their main function - political and state (the replacement of certain posts by their members and the administration of state power), their influence on the political system is much wider and more complex, and therefore it is very risky to make any generalizations here. . Let's pay attention to the political spectrum "from left to right" - this is a schematic representation of political ideas and beliefs, ideological positions of politicians, parties and movements. The idea goes back to the days of the French Revolution, reflecting how the deputies “sat down” at the first meeting of the States General in 1789. However, there is no exact meaning for the concepts of “left” and “right”. In general, the linear political spectrum illustrates the differences in attitudes towards the economy and the role of the state: the left advocates the principles of state intervention in society and the ideal of collectivism, the right prefers the market and individualism.

Constitutional parties that strictly adhere to the rules of the political game are often portrayed as bastions of democracy: if a society has such parties, this is considered an indicator of its political health. In parties that have monopolized the right to political power, on the contrary, they see an instrument of manipulation and political control. Be that as it may, the main functions of the parties can be defined as follows: representation, formation and replenishment of the elite, determination of the goals of state development, articulation of interests and their aggregation, socialization and mobilization of citizens, formation of the government.

2 Political crisis in 1993, Russia on the brink of civil war

The beginning of the political crisis in 1993 is associated with the development of a new Constitution. The decision to develop it was already made at the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR in June 1990. The Congress created a Constitutional Commission headed by B. N. Yeltsin. However, until the signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords and the collapse of the USSR, opposition forces blocked all attempts to revise the 1977 Constitution.

In 1992, work on the Basic Law of Russia entered a new stage. Discussions revolved around the question of the foundations of the political system. The president advocated the creation of a presidential republic. The central figure of a presidential republic is the head of state. He has great powers and is the guarantor of the observance of the Constitution. The President ensures the implementation of the principle of separation of legislative, executive and judicial powers. A different point of view was expressed by the working commissions of the Supreme Soviet. They proposed to preserve the provision, traditional for the Soviet political system, about the sovereignty of the Soviets as the source of all - legislative, executive and judicial - power. The project placed the Supreme Soviet at the center of the new political system.

The tense struggle between the President and the Supreme Council occupied the whole of 1992 and the first nine months of 1993. The confrontation around the draft Basic Law reached a dead end: neither the President nor the Supreme Council agreed to a compromise. In the summer of 1993, Yeltsin convened a Constitutional Conference. He proposed that representatives of all branches of government, regions, political parties, religious and public organizations take part in its work. But the leadership of the Supreme Council refused to participate in the meeting. Parliament launched a campaign to remove the President from power. By autumn the situation had become unresolvable. It was impossible to overcome the crisis without changing the current Constitution. On September 21, 1993, the President issued a decree on a phased constitutional reform.

He suspended the powers of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and scheduled elections for December 12, 1993 for a new legislative body - the State Duma, the lower house of the Federal Assembly of Russia. The President instructed the Constitutional Commission and the Constitutional Conference to submit an agreed draft of the Basic Law for a nationwide vote. The leadership of the Supreme Council, headed by Chairman R.I. Khasbulatov did not obey this decree and adopted a resolution on the termination of the powers of President Yeltsin. The Supreme Council began to form executive bodies under its control. Vice-President A.V. was declared acting head of state. Rutskoy.

Yeltsin ordered the troops to surround the building of the Supreme Soviet, and the deputies to leave it. On October 2, protests organized by the opposition began in Moscow, which quickly escalated into mass clashes with the police. There were barricades. On October 3, the rebels seized the building of the Moscow City Hall, approached the television center in Ostankino, demanding that they be given airtime. The demonstrators opened fire. To restore order, the President declared a state of emergency in the capital, brought in troops and armored vehicles. On October 4, the building of the Supreme Council began to be shelled from tanks. By the end of the day, the White House was occupied by troops and the leaders of the resistance arrested.

1.3 New Constitution of the Russian Federation

December 1993 elections to the Federation Council and the State Duma were held. Some of the deputies were elected by electoral districts, some - for the first time in modern Russia - by party lists.

The election results were largely unexpected. Representatives of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) took the first place. A significant number of voters voted for Russia's Choice and the Communist Party. The proposed draft Constitution was supported by 58.4% of the participants in the popular vote. The new Basic Law abolished the Soviet system of power.

From the Constitution of the Russian Federation:

Article 1. The Russian Federation - Russia is a democratic federative legal state with a republican form of government.

Article 2. Man, his rights and freedoms are the highest value. Recognition, observance and protection of the rights and freedoms of man and citizen is the duty of the state.

Article 3. The bearer of sovereignty and the only source of power in the Russian Federation is its multinational people.

The constitution enshrines the principle of separation of powers. The head of the Russian state is the President. He is endowed with broad powers: he determines the Constitution and the integrity of Russia. The supreme body of executive power is the government. It develops and ensures the execution of the federal budget, manages federal property, ensures the defense of the country, state security and public order, and pursues a unified policy in the field of science, culture, education, and healthcare.

Legislative functions are assigned by the Constitution to the Federal Assembly (Parliament), which consists of two chambers - the Federation Council and the State Duma. The procedure for adopting laws is as follows: draft laws are discussed and adopted in the Duma, then they are approved by the Federation Council. The approved bill goes to the President. The President signs the law and publishes it. If the head of state refuses to sign the law, the Duma, with a 2/3 vote, can override the presidential veto and enact the law.

The third branch of government is the judiciary. Its highest bodies are the Constitutional Court, which monitors the compliance of adopted laws and decrees with the Constitution, the Supreme Court, the highest instance for criminal, civil and administrative cases, and the Supreme Arbitration Court, which resolves economic disputes between enterprises and organizations.

In March 1991, a nationwide referendum was held in Russia, which established the post of President of the Russian Federation. On June 12, 1991, B.N. was elected the first President of the RSFSR on the basis of free and democratic elections. Yeltsin. He was the highest official of the RSFSR and the head of the executive branch.

However, by the end of 1992, the struggle for power sharply escalated, which changed the entire course of the constitutional reform. Each of the parties - the President and the leadership of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR - presented their demands, seeking to use the draft Constitution in their own interests. At the same time, many contradictions accumulated in the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1978, the numbering of chapters and articles was violated. In December 1992, Art. 121, according to which, in the event of the dissolution or suspension of the activities of any legally elected bodies of state power, the powers of the President were subject to immediate termination.

In May 1993, the Decree of the President "On the Convocation of the Constitutional Conference and the Completion of the Preparation of the Draft Constitution of the Russian Federation" was adopted. It was supposed to finalize an alternative presidential project. The Constitutional Meeting included representatives of federal government bodies (deputies and representatives from the President and the Government), government bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation (4 representatives from each), local governments, political parties, trade unions, youth and other public organizations (up to 250 people ). During the work of the Meeting, more than 500 amendments were made to the draft, including many articles from the draft of the Constitutional Commission.

As a result, the final draft of the Constitution of the Russian Federation was prepared by a narrow group of persons, determined by the President of the RSFSR and on July 12, 1993 B.N. Yeltsin approved the draft prepared by the Constitutional Conference. Parallel work on the draft Constitutional Commission also did not stop.

September 1993 President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin issued Decree No. 1400 "On the gradual constitutional reform in the Russian Federation." The decree interrupted the functions of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet. According to the Decree, prior to the beginning of the work of the new bicameral parliament - the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation - and the assumption of appropriate powers, it was necessary to be guided by presidential decrees and government decrees. Temporarily - until the adoption of the new Constitution and the Law on elections to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation and the holding of new parliamentary elections on December 11-12, 1993 - the President of the Russian Federation enacted the Regulations "On federal authorities for the transitional period."

The Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR assessed the actions of the President of the Russian Federation as a coup d'état. On October 4, the building of the Supreme Council was fired upon by tanks, and the leadership of the Supreme Council was arrested. A state of emergency was introduced in Moscow for some time. The President of Russia has concentrated in his hands the fullness of state power.

October 1993 President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin issued a Decree "On Holding a National Voting on the Draft Constitution of the Russian Federation", by which he scheduled a vote for December 12. 54.8% of registered voters took part in the voting. 58.4% of voters voted for the adoption of the draft Constitution of Russia. Thus, in fact, only a quarter of Russians voted for the Russian Constitution. The official date of entry into force of the Constitution of Russia is December 25, 1993.

4 Chechen wars of 1994 and 1999

The Chechen war is called military operations between the troops of the Russian Federation with one of its subjects, the armed formations of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, created in violation of the legislation of the Russian Federation. It is generally accepted that there were two such wars.

The Chechen war of 1994 is called the first Chechen war, but it began a little earlier - in the fall of 1991, when, in the conditions of the collapse of the USSR, the leadership of the Chechen Republic declared the state sovereignty of the republic and its secession from the USSR and the RSFSR. The bodies of Soviet power on the territory of the Chechen Republic were dissolved, the laws of the Russian Federation were canceled. The formation of the armed forces of Chechnya began, headed by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief President of the Chechen Republic Dzhokhar Dudayev. Defense lines were built in Grozny, as well as bases for waging a sabotage war in mountainous regions.

The Dudayev regime had, according to the calculations of the Ministry of Defense, 11-12 thousand people (according to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, up to 15 thousand) regular troops and 30-40 thousand armed militia, of which 5 thousand were mercenaries from Afghanistan, Iran, Jordan, the republics of the North Caucasus and etc.

December 1994 President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin signed Decree No. 2166 "On measures to suppress the activities of illegal armed groups on the territory of the Chechen Republic and in the zone of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict." On the same day, the Government of the Russian Federation adopted Decree No. 1360, which provided for the disarmament of these formations by force.

Officially in Russia, the war was called "measures to restore constitutional order in the Chechen Republic" and pursued the goal of "disarmament of illegal armed formations." Russian politicians and the military expected that the hostilities would not last more than two weeks. Defense Minister General Pavel Grachev said on the eve of the invasion of Chechnya that Grozny could have been taken in two hours by one Russian airborne regiment. However, the federal troops met fierce resistance and immediately suffered heavy losses.

The Chechens did not have aviation, they were many times inferior to the enemy in artillery and tanks, but over the three years of independence they managed to turn into professional fighters, and in terms of combat training and command they significantly surpassed Russian soldiers, many of whom were recently drafted into the troops. From the Chechen side, operations were directly led by the Chief of the General Staff, General Aslan Maskhadov, a former colonel in the Soviet Army. The Chechen troops successfully combined positional defense with mobile defense, managing to get away in time from the massive attacks of Russian aviation.

The assault on Grozny began on December 31, 1994. It seems that the Russian military leadership did not learn any lessons from the November 26 defeat. The assault scenario was repeated one by one on an enlarged scale - now about 250 armored vehicles have been brought into Grozny. It is believed that the generals believed that one type of tank columns should discourage the enemy from the will to resist. But the Chechens were already ready for such a scenario. The lack of coordination between Russian units and branches of the armed forces, normal communications, city maps, and most importantly, the lack of combat experience among the soldiers (even soldiers of the first year of service were sent to Chechnya) did their job. Armored vehicles, again left without cover, came under dagger fire from Chechen grenade launchers. The western grouping of Russian troops was stopped, the eastern one retreated and did not take any action until January 2. The most tragic events developed in the northern direction. More than 100 Russian servicemen were taken prisoner. The total losses of the federal group during the New Year's assault amounted to more than 1.5 thousand dead and missing. Not the best way was the situation in the troops under the command of Rokhlin. His northeastern group was surrounded by Chechen units, blocked and, due to the lack of normal communications, found himself under crossfire of his own and foreign artillery. Fighting stubbornly, federal troops took Grozny by February 6, 1995<#"justify">The counterterrorist operation in Chechnya that began in 1999-2009 is called the second Chechen war. In September 1999, a new phase of the Chechen military campaign began, which was called the counter-terrorist operation in the North Caucasus (CTO). The reason for the start of the operation was the massive invasion of Dagestan on August 7, 1999 from the territory of Chechnya by militants under the overall command of Shamil Basayev and the Arab mercenary Khattab. The group included foreign mercenaries and Basayev's militants. For more than a month there were battles between the federal forces and the invading militants, which ended with the fact that the militants were forced to retreat from the territory of Dagestan back to Chechnya. On the same days - September 4-16 - in several Russian cities (Moscow, Volgodonsk and Buynaksk) a series of terrorist acts were carried out - explosions of residential buildings.

Given Maskhadov's inability to control the situation in Chechnya, the Russian leadership decided to conduct a military operation to destroy the militants in Chechnya.

Final and large-scale operation<#"justify">Russian-Chechen relations originated many centuries ago, in the early Middle Ages, and have gone through a long and difficult path of development. With the end of the Caucasian War, the long and difficult process of joining Chechnya to Russia ended. There was an opportunity for the gradual inclusion of the region in the economic, cultural and administrative system of Russia. It was a time when broad reforms were going on in Russia, which also extended to Chechnya. Administrative, economic and agrarian reforms were carried out here. And most importantly, at the end of the 19th century, modern industry arose in Chechnya, oil production began, a railway was built that connected the republic with the North Caucasus and with all of Russia. The city of Grozny is becoming a major industrial and commercial center not only of Chechnya, but of the entire North Caucasus.

After an untimely death, his political course was continued by R.A. Kadyrov, who became the national leader of the Chechens. For several years of his leadership of the republic, he made a historically unprecedented breakthrough - the republic was not only restored, but also became much more beautiful and better than the pre-war one. And most importantly - R.A. Kadyrov managed to build up with the leadership of Russia, primarily with V.V. Putin, a particularly trusting relationship, thanks to which the Russian government, even in crisis conditions, in every possible way helped and continues to help the restoration and further development of the Chechen Republic. Thus, thanks to the Head of the Chechen Republic R.A. Kadyrov and all possible support from V.V. Putin, relations between the Chechen Republic and the Russian Federation have entered a qualitatively new stage of development.

party political constitution caucasian

1.5 Caucasian wars - a means of geopolitics

A huge number of minds of our time are analyzing various historical events, verifying the facts, and continue to ask questions. One of the most controversial issues in Russian history remains the question of the Caucasian War - the legitimacy of this scientific term, the truth of its content, its scientific assessment. Appeal to the political history of the Caucasus - is one of the most complex and most problematic component of the Russian Empire. This story, from the point of view of factography, is considered to be well studied, but this did not prevent it from becoming the subject of the sharpest scientific discussions, ideological battles, nationalist and chauvinistic speculations, and clumsy myth-making today.

The North Caucasus has always become the center of the struggle of geopolitical interests and, accordingly, the problem has been transformed from a historical one into a political one. This is where distortions of historical reality and false interpretations arise.

The term "Caucasian war" itself was introduced by the historian R.A. Fadeev, denoting the events taking place in the Caucasus since 1801. But there was another opinion that this was not an estimated term, but just a geographical definition. It was also believed that the definition of the Caucasian war could not be included in the framework of the usual terms "liberation movement" or "revolution". It is also possible that it is not worth looking for a term that reflects the whole essence of the matter.

In most American and European studies, the aggressive, aggressive, brutal nature of Russia's policy in the Caucasus and the resolute, implacable, "national liberation" response of the Caucasian peoples are still persistently and consistently emphasized. This deeply confrontational model of relations, with varying degrees of scientific or pseudo-scientific elegance, is presented as a systemic, historical and enduring phenomenon. What follows is the conclusion that the Caucasian problem will continue to make itself felt with this or that, but most likely with increasing force.

The Caucasus is a political, socio-ethnic and cultural space enclosed between the Black and Caspian Seas. Until today, it has not acquired internal cohesion and homogeneity. For many centuries, ethno-socio-cultural mosaicism has been one of its main features. For the North Caucasus, this was more typical than for the Transcaucasus.

Often, attempts are made to reduce the development of the Caucasus by Russia only to the Caucasian War, deliberately considering it in isolation from the entire history of the region. In reality, the relations between the Russian and Caucasian peoples cannot be limited to such a narrow time frame, since they have much more ancient roots.

As you know, in the 13th century, the territory of Chechnya was subjected to a devastating raid by the Mongolo-Tatars and other nomadic peoples. From the 16th century the peoples of most of the feudal destinies of Dagestan turned to the Russian tsars with a request to accept them as subjects of Russia. To ensure a reliable route to Georgia, the Russian authorities in 1588 built the fortress of Terki (Tersky town) on the Terek River.

Thus, by the end of the 16th century, the Moscow kingdom had two Cossack troops (Terek and Grebensk) in the role of its advanced outposts in the North Caucasus. However, the beginning of the "Time of Troubles" seriously weakened Russia's position in the Caucasus. Streltsy regiments were withdrawn back, and the remaining Grebensky and Terek Cossacks were left exclusively to their own forces.

During the 17th and 18th centuries the development of Russian-Caucasian relations was reflected in the ongoing rivalry of the three major powers - Iran, Turkey (together with Crimea) and Russia. However, the peoples of the Caucasus, having experienced the cruelty of the Persian and Turkish conquerors, increasingly gravitated towards Russia. The economic ties of the highlanders with Russia expanded, the number of Russian settlements and strongholds in Ciscaucasia steadily increased.

After Turkey lost its largest base of pressure on the North Caucasus, and the Transcaucasus turned out to be accessible to Russian troops and being unable to open armed confrontation with Russia, the Turkish command made a lot of efforts to incite the local population against the Russian authorities. At the same time, the religious factor was used very effectively. At that time, a significant part of the mountain peoples professed pagan forms of religion and were distinguished by great tolerance for Christians. Turkey from the very beginning tried to give the spread of Islam in this region an anti-Russian orientation.

For many years there have been feuds in these areas. In February 1801, the inhabitants of Tiflis voluntarily swore allegiance to the Russian emperor. The manifesto, signed by Alexander I in September of the same year, confirmed the acceptance of Georgia into Russian citizenship. Georgia's accession created a new situation in the Caucasus. The feudal rulers of Dagestan, one after another, entered into the citizenship of the Russian Empire. It is noteworthy that in some cases, if the local ruler did not want to do this, the population turned to the Russian authorities with a request to remove him and join Russia. Residents of Derbent in 1801 and the Karakaytag people addressed the Astrakhan governor with similar requests. Iran and Turkey, worried about Russia's penetration into the depths of the Caucasus, with the support of England and France, tried to prevent this by armed means. In 1804, the Russian-Iranian war broke out, to which Turkey joined in 1806 on the side of Iran. The fighting ended with the victory of the Russian troops and the signing of the Gulistan Peace Treaty in 1813, according to which the Iranian Shah recognized the annexation of Dagestan and Northern Azerbaijan to Russia.

During this war, General P.S. covered himself with unfading glory. Kotlyarevsky, whom the soldier's rumor rightly called the "Caucasian Suvorov." A detachment of two thousand men led by him in 1812 on the Araks River completely defeated the thirty thousandth army of Abbas-Mirza. In 1826, Iranian troops under the leadership of Abbas-Mirza again invaded Transcaucasia through Karabakh, however, despite their multiple superiority, they failed to capture the Shusha fortress defended by Russian troops. In 1827, Russian troops went on the offensive and cleared Armenia and South Azerbaijan of Iranian troops. The local population enthusiastically greeted the Russian troops. In 1828, the Turkmanchay peace treaty was signed, according to which the shah renounced the Erivan and Nakhichevan khanates in favor of Russia and confirmed Russia's rights to the entire territory of Azerbaijan.

The annexation of Transcaucasia sharply posed a new geopolitical problem - ensuring a reliable connection of new territories with the central provinces of Russia. At that time, the only land road in Transcaucasia passed through a narrow line of fortresses in the North Caucasus. However, the political situation in the region was not easy. It was torn apart by inter-ethnic, social, inter-religious contradictions, which were exacerbated by the instigation of Turkey and Iran. The highlanders, accustomed to living in accordance with their customs, reacted very negatively to attempts to impose Russian laws on them. The highlanders were especially outraged by the prohibitions on raids (at that time a kind of common craft in the mountains). Often, at the beginning of the Caucasian War, they try to blame the Russian government entirely. Of course, it is impossible to renounce the imperial ambitions of Russia, but it is also impossible not to take into account the way of life of some mountain peoples who terrorized all adjacent regions. Thus, the low level of development of productive forces, the small amount of land suitable for agriculture led to the fact that the produced products were not enough to meet the needs of life.

What was missing was confiscated from neighbors: raids were made on Georgia, on the road leading to Transcaucasia, on Cossack settlements and even on kindred mountain peoples. For many mountain tribes, this was considered a natural way of life. For obvious reasons, the Russian administration could not allow the existence of such freemen on its territory. The fight against such manifestations of the "originality" of the highlanders caused fierce resistance on their part, which resulted in a half-century Caucasian war (1817-1864). After the end of the Caucasian War, there was a rapid integration of the Caucasus into the Russian Empire. Contrary to Turkey's claims, the Russian authorities were generally respectful of the traditional institutions and customs of the highlanders. With regard to the Muslim faith, a policy of tolerance was pursued. The autocracy, while maintaining the primacy of the Orthodox Church, did not take measures to forcibly Christianize the population professing Islam. Summing up the development of Russian-Caucasian relations in the pre-revolutionary period, it must be emphasized that the history of their formation has rather ancient roots. The process of integration of the Caucasus into Russia was not simple, contradictory, but still objective. Arguments about autocratic Russia as a "prison of peoples" are not only incorrect, but also deliberately provocative. They pursue the goal of discrediting and discrediting the historical past of our Fatherland, sowing discord and enmity between the peoples of our multinational Motherland. Historical experience shows that Russia's imperial policy in the Caucasus is fundamentally different from the colonial policy of the West.

Conclusion

Modern Russian society has a relatively short history of existence. After all, it seems that Russia is a young country with a tremendous potential for development and improvement. Until quite recently, Russia was a country striving to realize utopian communist ideals, and today it is a young democracy, following its own, isolated path. And this is exactly what our rulers are talking about, justifying themselves that our country has not yet reached the heights that other Western states are famous for. Again, we are talking about the remnants of the Soviet times, which we cannot refuse in any way and to overcome which, 30 years is not the time.

Therefore, the topics discussed in the work are quite relevant to this day, since these historical events still bear their echoes and are the result of what is happening now in our country.

Also important is the relationship with the outside world. By the mid 1980s. The USSR was in a difficult relationship with him. The participation of the country in numerous local conflicts (Afghanistan, Chechnya, the Caucasus, etc.) made Soviet foreign policy unpopular. In this regard, the American administration led by R. Reagan, which announced a “crusade” against communism, did a lot to limit economic cooperation between the USSR and Western countries.

The inconsistency in the actions of the union and Russian centers of power had a huge impact on the situation in the country as a whole, led to such consequences that in 1990 hardly anyone could have predicted. On the scale of the USSR, the situation was also complicated by the fact that, following Russia, declarations of sovereignty were adopted in other union republics, whose authorities sought to pursue an independent policy.

The most difficult situation was in the Chechen Republic.

The endless war in the Caucasus also left its mark on the subsequent development of relations. Even now, unobtrusive, but massive falsification of historical facts continues. These jugglings are primitive, but accessible to a wide Russian layman. This general state of affairs causes irreparable damage not only to the peoples of Russia, but also to its reputation. The bright, unsuccessful and tragic for the entire Caucasus attempt to create an Islamic pan-Caucasian state suggests that this region would inevitably fall into the sphere of activity of one of the great powers opposing here - Russia or Turkey.

The normalization of relations with the outside world required a rethinking of the conceptual foundations of the foreign policy of the USSR, aiming at the rejection of clearly unjustified approaches and the development of a new code of conduct in the international arena that would correspond to modern realities, meet the national interests of the country, and provide conditions for internal social and economic progress. .

Bibliography

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Bokhanov A.N., Gorinov M.M., Dmitrenko V.P. Book III. Russian history. XX century. - M.: AST, 2001. - 608s.

Danilov A.A., Kosulina L.G., Brandt M.Yu. XX-beginning of the XXI century. - M .: Education, 2007. - 383 p.

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By the end of the 1990s, radical changes had taken place in the economy and social structure of Russian society.

According to domestic scientists-economists, a market economy has developed in the country, which differs little from the economies of medium-developed capitalist states.

The existing socio-economic system was not efficient enough. There was no legal protection of property rights and domestic producers. The plan of social protection of the population was not developed. The size of external debt did not decrease; annual payments on it exceeded half of the federal budget.

In August 1998, deep and contradictory processes in the socio-economic sphere, along with a depressed state of production and insufficient management competence, led to a financial crisis. The crisis, which dragged on for many months, shook all branches of the national economy. The losses of the banking system amounted to 100-150 billion rubles in mid-2000 prices; the state budget received less than 50 billion. It was not until the second half of 1999 that the negative consequences of the crisis were overcome. A slow rise in production began.

The financial and economic crisis had a severe impact on the position of the broad masses of the Russian population. Delays in the payment of wages and pensions have become commonplace in many parts of the country. In 1999, there were 8.9 million unemployed, which accounted for 12.4% of Russia's able-bodied population. To alleviate the situation, the government took measures to preserve jobs, introduced public works.

The crisis had a negative impact on the country's demographic situation: the population decreased - by mid-1999, its number fell to 145.9 million, having decreased by almost 2 million people over a decade.

In political life, the crisis of power became more and more pronounced. The authority of President Boris N. Yeltsin was declining, his role in the life of the state was declining. Personnel changes in the government, ministries and departments have become more frequent. From April 1998 to March 2000, 5 people were replaced as Prime Minister of the Russian Federation: S. V. Kirienko, V. S. Chernomyrdin, E. M. Primakov, S. V. Stepashin, V. V. Putin1. The change of government leaders did not change the situation in the country. There was no strategy for the development of reforms in the economy and politics. There were no clear rules for the relationship between the legislative and executive branches of government. In the constituent entities of the Federation - the republics and regions - laws were adopted that contradicted federal legislation. In mid-1999, the situation in Chechnya escalated again. The separatist movement, led by President Aslan Maskhadov, has intensified. Terrorist acts by Chechen fighters against representatives of the federal government and civilians have become more frequent. Chechnya has become a center of attraction for terrorists from many neighboring countries. In a short time, the republic, which is a subject of the Russian Federation, has become a stronghold of international terrorism. All this became the reasons for the anti-terrorist operation of the federal troops in Chechnya, or rather, the reasons for the second Chechen war (August 1999).

In December 1999, regular elections to the State Duma were held. The election campaign caused a significant rise in the social activity of the population. Many well-known associations and parties from previous elections took part in it: Our Home is Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and Yabloko. New political movements appeared on the political arena: "Fatherland - All Russia" (leaders - E. M. Primakov, Yu. M. Luzhkov), "Union of Right Forces" (S. V. Kiriyenko, B. E. Nemtsov, I. M. Khakamada) and the pro-government association "Unity", which was headed by the Minister of Emergency Situations S. Shoigu, who had great authority. As a result of the elections in the III State Duma, Unity and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation became the leading factions.

On December 31, 1999, the first President of the Russian Federation B. N. Yeltsin announced his early resignation. He appointed V. V. Putin, the head of government, as interim president. In the elections of March 26, 2000, VV Putin was elected President of the Russian Federation.

The last period of BN Yeltsin's stay in power was marked by important foreign policy actions of the Russian Federation.

In April 2000, M. M. Kasyanov became the new head of government.

Russia's cooperation with the CIS member states continued to deepen. However, the development of integration processes was hindered by a number of factors. Among them, an important place was occupied by the instability of the leadership in some countries of the Commonwealth. In addition, the established Commonwealth did not always meet the interests of all its member countries.

By the end of the 1990s, the CIS accounted for 22% of Russian trade. Belarus and Ukraine remained the main partners of the Russian Federation.

In the international arena, the main trading partners of Russia remained the states of the European Union. In June 1999, the leaders of the EU member states adopted the document "Common Strategy of the European Union towards Russia". The document became the basis for cooperation between states. However, the outbreak of hostilities in Chechnya caused a serious conflict in relations between them.

In March-April 1999, the so-called Yugoslav conflict complicated relations between Russia and NATO. Under the pretext of protecting Kosovo Albanians from Serb oppression, the NATO military command launched a military operation against the Republic of Yugoslavia. In response to the aggressive actions of NATO, Russia abandoned the previously developed cooperation programs with them.

Change of the country's leadership at the turn of 1999-2000. completed a certain stage in the life of post-Soviet Russia, became a kind of frontier in its socio-political and economic development. The new state leaders, relying on the previous historical experience of Russia, directed their efforts towards consolidating society, strengthening its stability and economic growth, and increasing Russia's role in the international arena.

Started in the 90s of the XX century. liberal-democratic transformations in all spheres of society's life continue intensively at the beginning of the new century. A number of difficult problems have to be solved in order to stabilize the political system and the economy, to strengthen Russia's foreign policy contacts and enhance its role in the international arena.

By the beginning of the XXI century. the borders of the Russian Federation and its territory were finally determined. The all-Russian census of 2003 showed that in terms of its area it occupied the first place in the world. The population was 145.2 million people - 1.8 million less than in the 1989 census. Among the Russians, there were 106.5 million urban residents and 38.7 million rural residents. Russia remained one of the most multinational countries in the world: representatives of over 160 nationalities lived on its territory; more than 80% of the population were Russians.

The state symbols of Russia were approved: a tricolor (white-blue-red) flag and a coat of arms in the form of a double-headed eagle. The red flag remained with the Armed Forces of the country. The words of the anthem to the music of the former anthem of the USSR (composer A.V. Aleksandrov) were written by the poet S. V. Mikhalkov.

International relations of Russia.

International relations of Russia. At the beginning of the new century, Russia's foreign policy became noticeably more active. Restored political, economic, cultural ties with the leading countries of the world - the United States, Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy. Specific issues of cooperation were discussed at the meetings of President Vladimir Putin with the heads of foreign countries, as well as during the visits abroad by Foreign Ministers I. Ivanov, then S. Lavrov and delegations of the State Duma.

The events of September 11, 2001, had a significant impact on the development of international relations. On that day, terrorists from one of the international organizations, having seized several passenger planes, sent them to the buildings of the World Trade Center in New York. Buildings were destroyed and more than 3,000 people died. The US responded by eliminating the bases of international terrorism and uniting the countries of Europe and Asia in the fight against terrorism. In 2002, the US launched a military operation in Iraq. Iraq was declared the seat of terrorists involved in the events of September 11, and the main producer of weapons of mass destruction. Russia did not support the US attack on Iraq. The State Duma called on the countries to peacefully resolve the conflict on the basis of international law. At the same time, the idea of joining the efforts of states in the fight against terrorism received support from the Russian leadership. Russia has ratified the International Convention for the Suppression of International Terrorist Bombings. An agreement was reached with the European Union on joint antiterrorist cooperation. An agreement was concluded with NATO, providing for the unification of the efforts of countries in the struggle to ensure international security.

In May 2002, during a meeting between Vladimir Putin and US President George W. Bush in Moscow, a declaration was signed aimed at expanding comprehensive cooperation between the countries. Issues of strengthening the partnership between the United States and Russia were discussed at several subsequent meetings of heads of state. However, the policy of strengthening cooperation did not prevent the United States from announcing its unilateral withdrawal from the Air Defense Treaty (ABM) and continuing the construction of military bases on the territories bordering Russia.

Multilateral and bilateral treaties linked Russia with the states of Western Europe. Germany, Italy and France have become the country's largest foreign trade partners. Cooperation with international economic organizations was carried out. Thus, Russia agreed with the proposal of its partners on the need to write off debts from Iraq in connection with its difficult situation caused by hostilities.

Russia's relations with the states of Central and Eastern Europe did not develop effectively enough, which in their foreign policy were increasingly oriented towards the United States and Western European powers.

Foreign economic relations were deepening with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, primarily with India and China. Russia, as before, provided assistance to India in the field of energy and metallurgy. With the participation of Russian organizations, work was carried out at a metallurgical plant in Bhilai. Mutual investment has been developed in relations with China. Over 400 enterprises with Chinese capital operated in Russia. At the same time, there were about 1,200 firms with Russian participation in the PRC (mainly in the chemical and nuclear industries). Ways were identified for expanding political and economic contacts between Russia and some countries of Latin America. Agreements on specific actions in this area were reached during President Vladimir Putin's trip to Brazil and Chile.

As in previous years, the country's leadership sought to expand relations with members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). In accordance with bilateral agreements, the volume of trade and economic ties increased, and deliveries of Russian gas and oil to the CIS countries increased. Measures were taken to deepen integration processes in the economies of states. At the suggestion of Russia, negotiations were held with Belarus, Kazakhstan and Ukraine on the creation of a single economic space with a single trade, tax and monetary policy. At the same time, contradictions and unresolved issues remained in the relations of the Russian Federation with some of the former Soviet republics. Relations with Georgia and Ukraine became especially complicated, where deep internal conflicts arose in connection with the parliamentary (in another case, presidential) elections.

Socio-political development.

Socio-political development. Primary attention in the field of domestic policy was directed to strengthening the foundations of Russian statehood. In 2000, to improve the country's strengthening mechanism, 7 federal districts were created. Northwestern, Central, Volga, Ural, Southern, Siberian and Far Eastern federal districts.

The districts were headed by plenipotentiaries of the President, who were called upon to coordinate the work of local authorities on the basis of the Russian Constitution. There was a reorganization of the Federation Council - the upper house of the Federal Assembly of Russia. The place of the heads of regions in the Council was taken by persons appointed by them with experience in the legislative sphere. Former members of the upper house of parliament formed the basis of the advisory State Council under the President. In the fall of 2004, another reform was carried out in the system of state power - the transition from the popular election of governors to their approval by the federal parliaments on the proposal of the President of Russia.

One of the central places in the activities of the State Duma was occupied by the problem of delimitation of duties between federal, regional and local authorities. The ways of interaction of all three levels of power were determined on the basis of the Russian Constitution and federal legislation.

Work continued on a political settlement of the situation in Chechnya. In 2003, a referendum was held on the Constitution, which approved Chechnya as a subject of the Russian Federation. Akhmat Kadyrov, a former mufti and then head of the Chechen administration, became the president of the republic. Republican institutions of power were created. The federal program adopted in January 2001 to restore the economy and the social sphere was put into practice. However, the separatist tendencies in the republic did not disappear. With the participation of international extremist organizations, Chechen fighters organized several major terrorist attacks (the explosion of the Government House in Grozny, the attack on Ingushetia, the seizure of hostages in the Moscow theater center on Dubrovka, the seizure of a school in Beslan, etc.). Terrorist actions against representatives of the local administration continued. In May 2004, the President of the Republic was assassinated. Alu Alkhanov, who previously headed the republican Ministry of Internal Affairs, became the new head of Chechnya.

The law on political parties in Russia (2001) should have contributed to the development and strengthening of a new political order in the country, the improvement of the multi-party system. The law provided for the transformation of parties into federal organizations. During the subsequent re-registration, some of them ceased to exist. At the same time, new political associations were being created. The largest and most influential among them was the United Russia party, which arose as a result of the merger of the socio-political movements Unity and Fatherland - All Russia. It was this party that was the main pillar of the ongoing political and economic transformations.

On December 7, 2003, elections to the State Duma of the IV convocation were held. 450 deputies were elected to the Parliament. The vast majority of them belonged to the United Russia party (350). The Communist Party of the Russian Federation received 52 seats, the Liberal Democratic Party - 36, "Motherland" - 36. The group of independents consisted of 23 deputies. Representatives of the opposition parties "Union of Right Forces" and "Yabloko" did not get into the State Duma, as they did not get the required number of votes. B. V. Gryzlov, who previously held the post of Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, became the Chairman of the Duma.

Socio-economic development.

Socio-economic development. The first years of the new century were a turning point for the Russian economy. The severe consequences of the economic crisis (default) of 1998 were overcome, and a gradual revival of the entire economic system began.

Priority attention in the plans for economic development for the period up to 2010, developed by the Ministry of Trade and Industry, was given to the further formation and improvement of market relations. To this end, the privatization process continued, albeit slowly. In 2003, almost 3.9 thousand enterprises and organizations operated in the country, of which 76.8% were in the non-state sector. Large monopolies have taken strong positions in the gas and oil industries and in the electric power industry. The companies LUKOIL, Sibneft, Gazprom, Yukos, Norilsk Nickel, RAO UES (Unified Energy System), created in the 90s, became widely known not only in Russia, but also abroad. In an effort to obtain unlimited profits, some entrepreneurs (oligarchs) tried to use lawmaking for this purpose, introducing their representatives into government bodies. Violated tax laws.

Structural transformations taking place in the economy required streamlining relations between state power and private business. Measures were taken to prevent abuse by large industrialists and companies. The State Duma of the 3rd convocation approved the Law “On Competition and Restriction of Monopoly Activities in Commodity Markets”. The regulation of the activities of monopolies in the electric power sector has been strengthened. In order to prevent the merging of business and law enforcement agencies, the special services were forbidden to interfere excessively in the work of enterprises. Tax legislation was improved, and tough measures were applied to its violators. In 2003-2004 leaders of the Yukos oil company were brought to criminal responsibility for non-payment of taxes on a large scale. Yukos' main producing enterprise, Yuganskneft, was sold. It later became part of Gazprom's largest state monopoly.

New legislative acts were adopted to improve the conditions for the operation of medium and small enterprises. In 2003, there were over 280,000 small businesses, of which 47% were in trade, 12% in industry, and only about 2% in the agricultural sector. The state of affairs in the agricultural sector was given particular attention. In 2001-2003 Significant changes were made to the Land Code. The right to own land was established. Preferential loans for agricultural enterprises were established. Measures of state support for personal subsidiary plots were developed. Opportunities for the development of agricultural cooperation and farming (peasant) farms were expanded.

Reforming the economy was slow, but its positive results were evident. In 2004, the growth rate of gross domestic product (GDP) was more than 6% (in 2001 - 5.1%); the increase in industrial production exceeded 6% (in 2001 - 4.9%). Inflation dropped by 12%. This meant that a certain turn was outlined in the development of the national economy. High prices on the world market for Russian exports, primarily for oil, also played a big role in this. At the same time, many tasks of the developing market economy remained unresolved. In particular, it was necessary to create effective market mechanisms and structures capable of successfully managing the entire system of the national economy.

Under the influence of economic transformations, changes in the social structure of society continued. The number of new social groups has increased: entrepreneurs (large, medium and small), farmers, self-employed people. In all spheres of the economic system, the number of public sector employees decreased.

Changes in the economy have become the basis for positive changes in the social sphere. Only during 2001-2003. The minimum wage for public sector employees was raised four times. Delays in the payment of salaries, pensions and benefits became less frequent. Pensions have been increased. From 1999 to 2003, the incomes of the population grew, according to official data, one and a half times. At the same time, social differentiation in society deepened; tens of millions of Russians remained below the poverty line.

Radical transformations of the political system and economy, multilateral mutually beneficial cooperation with the states of the world contributed to the strengthening of the internal position of Russia and its positions in the international arena.

For more than 10 years we have been living in the twenty-first century, and almost no one thinks about why we are equipped with everything that makes our life easier and more comfortable. Why is the current science and society so developed, where did all this come from? The answer to this question is very simple - the whole revolution and the construction of modern society, the discoveries that made it possible to soar almost to the heights of science, took place in a whole hundred years.

One hundred years of the 20th century, a rather long and sometimes terrible time. Sometimes, not knowing, people ask: 20th century, what years is it? But when ignorant people answer: the 20th century began in 1900 and ended in 1999, they are mistaken. In fact, the 20th century began on January 1, 1901, and ended on December 31, 2000. Let's start with the classification of the main concepts and events of the 20th century.

Chronology

Industrialization is the development of new technologies in the production process. The quality and efficiency of enterprises, the quantity of raw materials produced are improving, there are fewer accidents and accidents at work, and the abandonment of manufactories. Enterprises are starting to work at a completely new level, increasing not only the quality of life of the population, but also the amount of profits of states.
World War I - (1914 - 1918). One of the largest military conflicts in the history of mankind. The result of the war was the cessation of the existence of four empires - the Austro-Hungarian, German, Russian and Ottoman. The countries participating in the battles lost over 22 million people.
The creation of the USSR took place in 1922, when one of the most majestic powers that ever existed was born, which covered the vast territory of 15 modern states.
The Great Depression is a worldwide economic crisis that began in 1929 and ended in 1939. Industrial cities suffered the most, in some countries construction almost stopped.
The construction of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes is the construction by some states of regimes that lead to complete totalitarian control over the population, the truncation of human rights, and genocide.
The world saw revolutionary drugs - penicillin and sulfonamides, antibiotics, vaccines against polio, typhoid, whooping cough, diphtheria were invented. All these drugs have dramatically reduced the number of deaths from various infectious diseases.
The Holodomor of 1932-1933 is an artificial genocide of the Ukrainian people, which was provoked by Joseph Stalin with his repressions. It claimed the lives of about 4 million people.
Asking any person what the 20th century was like, you can quickly get the answer - a century of wars and bloodshed. In 1939, the Second World War began, which became the largest war in the history of mankind. More than 60 states, about 80% of the world's population, took part in it. 65 million people died.
The creation of the UN - an organization that strengthens peace and prevents wars, to this day
Decolonization - the liberation of a number of countries from colonial invaders, at that time powerful countries, weakened by the Second World War.
The scientific and technological revolution is the transformation of science into a productive force, during which the role of information in society has grown.
Atomic age - began to use nuclear weapons, nuclear reactions as a source of electricity.
Space exploration - flights to Mars, Venus, the Moon.
Mass motorization and the use of jet aircraft as civilians.
Mass use of antidepressants and contraceptives.
The Cold War between the giant countries - the USA and the USSR.
Creation of the NATO bloc.
The collapse of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw bloc.
The spread of international terrorism.
The development of communication and information technologies, radio, telephones, the Internet and television are widely used.
Creation of the European Union.

What are the most famous writers of the 20th century

What are the most impressive achievements of the 20th century

Definitely, revolutionary inventions can be called achievements, among which the most impressive were:

Airplane (1903).
Steam turbine (1904).
Superconductivity (1912).
Television (1925).
Antibiotics (1940).
Computer (1941).
Nuclear power plant (1954).
Sputnik (1957).
Internet (1969).
Mobile Phone (1983).
Cloning (1997).

XX, what century is it? First of all, this is the age of scientific progress, the formation of many states, the destruction of Nazism, and everything that helps us to move forward into the future, not forgetting the past, which has become a determining factor in our development.

The failed “putsch” of the State Committee for the State of Emergency and the completion of perestroika meant not only the end of socialist reformism in the USSR, but also the victory of those political forces that saw the change in the model of social development as the country’s only way out of a protracted crisis. It was a conscious choice not only of the authorities, but also of the majority of society.

"Revolution from above" in Russia in the 90s. led to the formation of the labor market, goods, housing, stock market. However, these changes were only the beginning of the transitional period of the economy.

In the course of political transformations, the Soviet system of power organization was dismantled. Instead, the formation of a political system based on the separation of powers began.

Due to the redistribution of power between the weakened federal center and the regions that are gaining strength (primarily national ones), centrifugal tendencies have intensified. In this situation, the preservation of the state unity of the country was the most important task.

Many problems of spiritual life were associated with a change in the model of social development, the transition from the dominance of the only communist ideology in previous years to ideological pluralism, the rejection of a number of traditional moral values, and the borrowing of Western mass culture. The collapse of the USSR radically changed Russia's geostrategic position. The unified security and defense system of the country was destroyed. NATO has come close to the borders of Russia. At the same time, Russia itself, having overcome its former isolation from Western countries, found itself, as never before, integrated into many international structures.

By the beginning of the XXI century. Russia has lost the status of a great world power. Occupying 12% of the world's land, by the end of the 20th century. produced only 1% of the world's gross domestic product. There was a crisis in federal relations and in the social sphere. The standard of living of the population fell to a minimum. It was necessary to take urgent measures to remedy the situation.

A new strategic course was proposed by V.V. Putin, who relied on strengthening statehood and achieving through this the revival and prosperity of the country, taking into account all the positive experience accumulated at all stages of the national history of the 20th century.
By implementing it, in a short historical period, the country managed to:

in the economy, to enter the final stage of building a state socially oriented market;
in politics, to create a model of a political system freed from interference in the affairs of power by both domestic oligarchs and foreign states and international organizations;
in the spiritual life to ensure the observance of the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens, the development of a global network of communications, Russia's involvement in the global cultural and information space;
in foreign policy to formulate the essence of national interests at a new stage of development and begin to address them.

There are many interesting events in the history of Russia. The 20th century is a new era in the annals of our state. As it began with an unstable situation in the country, so it ended with it. Over these hundred years, the people have seen great victories, and great defeats, and miscalculations of the country's leadership, and tyrants in power, and, conversely, ordinary leaders.

Russian history. 20th century. Start

How did the new era begin? It would seem that Nicholas II is in power, everything seems to be fine, but the people are revolting. What does he lack? Of course, factory legislation and the solution of the land issue. These problems will be the main causes of the first revolution, which will begin with the execution at the Winter Palace. A workers' demonstration for peaceful purposes was sent to the tsar, but a completely different reception awaited it. The first Russian revolution ended with the violation of the October Manifesto, and the country again plunged into confusion. The second revolution led to the overthrow of the sole reign - the monarchy. The third - to the establishment of a Bolshevik policy in the country. The country turns into the USSR and the communists rise to power: under them, the state flourishes, overtakes the West in terms of economic indicators, and becomes a powerful industrial and military center. But suddenly the war ...

Russian history. 20th century. Trial by war

During the twentieth century there were many wars: this was the war with Japan, when the tsarist government showed its failure to the full, and the First World War, when the successes of Russian soldiers were extremely underestimated; this is an internal civil war, when the country plunged into terror, and the Great World War II, where the Soviet people showed patriotism and courage; this is the Afghan one, where young guys died, and the lightning-fast Chechen one, where the toughness of the militants knew no bounds. The history of Russia in the 20th century was filled with events, but the main one is still the Second World War. Do not forget about the Moscow battle, when the enemy was at the gates of the capital; about the Battle of Stalingrad, when Soviet soldiers turned the tide of the war; about the Kursk Bulge, where Soviet technology surpassed the powerful "German machine" - all these are glorious pages of our military history.

Russian history. 20th century. The second half and the collapse of the USSR

After the death of Stalin, a fierce struggle for power begins, in which the extraordinary N. Khrushchev wins. Under him, we were the first to fly into space, created a hydrogen bomb and almost led the whole world to nuclear war. Many crises, the first visit to the United States, the development of virgin lands and corn - all this personifies his activities. After was L. Brezhnev, who also came after the conspiracy. His time is called the "era of stagnation", the leader was very indecisive. Yu. Andropov, who replaced him, and then K. Chernenko, were hardly remembered by the world, but M. Gorbachev remained in the memory of everyone. It was he who "destroyed" a powerful and strong state. The instability of the situation at the turn of the century played its role: as it all began, so it ended. Default, dashing 90s, crisis and deficits, the August coup - all this is the history of Russia. The 20th century is a difficult period in the formation of our country. From political instability, from the arbitrariness of power, we have come to a strong state with a strong people.