What is the reason for this and how to make Lithuania and Russia become closer to each other again - this was discussed during a discussion on the DELFI portal with the participation of Russian journalist Konstantin Eggert, a columnist for the portal Ramunas Bogdanas.

Does Lithuania have many friends in Russia?

"Of course, there are friends. Friends at the level of civil society, these are people who come to rest, do business here, who have old or newly acquired friends in Lithuania, but it seems to me that there are not enough friends in political spheres. And not only among, but in the Baltic States, Central and Eastern Europe as a whole, because the matrix of hostility that appeared back in the nineties has not gone anywhere and today it turns out to be very convenient for the Russian authorities, state propaganda, creating the image of a Western enemy, and Lithuania is nearby - and this is close Western enemy. But I don’t know that any events would be organized in Russia in connection with this date. I haven’t heard about it," Russian journalist Konstantin Eggert said during the discussion.

According to DELFI columnist Ramunas Bogdanas, the difference in communication with Russians then, 25 years ago, and now lies in the fact that "then there was one monster, and there was Russia that wanted to become democratic." "At the helm of this Russia were people who recognized Russia as part of European civilization and wanted to return to a place where access had been closed since the time of the Bolshevik coup of 1917," he said.

According to him, at that moment the Russians were deliberately moving in this direction, they recognized that the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was an out of the ordinary event, the consequences of which should not be recognized.

"And there was a very clear distinction between what is the USSR and what is Russia," he added. “But democratic Russia brought Mr. Putin to the top, who now denies this wave, and praises what this wave covered (USSR - DELFI),” Bogdanas stressed.

“More than 50% of Russians have been regularly regretting the collapse of the USSR over the past ten years,” K. Eggert stated at the same time. “It is important that those events today in the eyes of Russian society have acquired a completely different color. at that time, which Yeltsin, Burbulis, Kozyrev spoke about then. This practically does not exist in the public mind."

According to R. Bogdanas, this happened because "people did not understand that there would be times of absolute insecurity, wild capitalism, etc., which they called the "dashing nineties", where the word "dashing" covered all the good that was there.

Egidijus Bickauskas: bellicose policy must be abandoned

Egidijus Bickauskas, who worked in those years of the change of eras in the history of Lithuania and Russia, as Lithuanian charge d'affaires in Moscow, noted during the discussion that "there was joy that this monster (USSR) would no longer exist, although there was a danger of possible restitution all the time while I was there was in Moscow, and the history of Russia itself has already shown this.

Commenting on the nature of the current relations between Lithuania and Russia, E. Bichkauskas noted that "this is not only Russia's fault, there are also other states' faults." "It seems to me that the policy itself needs to be changed," he said.

According to him, for 25 years the distrust between Lithuania and Russia has not disappeared and he sees a way to get rid of it: "The first thing to do is to abandon the militant policy, which in the extreme affects the quality of life in both Lithuania and Russia globally."

“Of course, it is necessary to reduce tension,” K. Eggert comments on the words of E. Bichkauskas. “But there is a fundamental problem in the perception of the situation by Lithuania and Russia. There are people in Lithuania who say that Russia is a terrible monster that needs to be feared "There are people who talk about promoting dialogue and easing tensions. The most interesting thing is that there is a real discussion on this topic. In Russia, the situation is different. Confrontation with the West in general, NATO in particular and especially with the Baltic countries is one of the key points not only foreign policy, but also domestic.

"It's not a topic for discussion there," adds Bogdanas.

“Yes, because confrontation with the West, the “insolent puppets of Washington” is a form of internal legitimation of the political regime in Russia,” the Russian journalist believes. “Without this confrontation, it is not clear what the political regime will do in Russia, since this is the basis on which legitimacy is based.” Kremlin in the eyes of the people.

"Dialogue is better than war, that's right. But dialogue is not a monologue. Dialogue implies two sides that want to talk," Bogdanas notes.

According to K. Eggert, part of the Russian political class does not understand that "a conversation with the Baltic countries is possible, but one thing will have to be recognized - these are not Washington's puppets, but partners, countries with their own interests."

"But the perception of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe as countries that are absolutely dependent has taken root and, secondly, it is very convenient, since the freezing of relations is the main element of the entire existing political structure in Russia," K. Eggert argued.

In addition, the panelists agreed that Russia's annexation of Crimea and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in many countries have provoked a serious wave of unpleasant historical memories that exist at the level of national consciousness. Therefore, even if the rhetoric is changed, this topic of Russian behavior and related concerns will not go anywhere.

“But if you go back to Katyn, deportations, Molotov-Ribbentrop, then you return to the topic “what is the essence of Russian power.” And the main idea that is now being held for Russian citizens is that power is always right,” the Russian journalist says.

"It seems that a strong government is a guarantor of stability, and it turns out that the major players of the West are still for stability, but they see Russia as an enemy of stability, since it undermines this stability with its actions in Crimea and Ukraine. And supporting this hotbed of instability is against the interests of Europe," Bogdanas added.

Linkevičius: we will not celebrate annexation of Crimea together

It is impossible to forget and underestimate the support that the Russians, representatives of the democratic forces provided to Lithuania in 1991, the head of the Foreign Ministry said during the discussion. However, current relations between the countries remain tense.

Regarding the 25th anniversary of the restoration of relations, he said the following: “There are some fundamental historical moments that cannot be forgotten, cannot be underestimated. This is the beginning of our independence. principles of good neighborliness and, most importantly, the recognition of independence.”

According to him, the signing of the mentioned agreement was the beginning of very friendly relations with the Russian Federation. "We remember how great the assistance of the democratic forces to the Lithuanian state was. And after the January events (1991 - DELFI) we always mark the tragic moments of these days, but it is probably bad that we do not always remember the great support of the Russian democrats - hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets of Moscow and St. Petersburg," the minister recalled.

This help was so needed at that moment that Lithuania will never forget it: “In fact, we don’t forget about it even now, since for the third year in a row a Russian forum will be held in Lithuania, where intellectuals, writers, poets, politicians will come , the opposition, including - free people in a free discussion, we will discuss how we can live together in Europe, since we are neighbors, we live in Europe and we are not indifferent to how it will look, regardless of which organizations we are members of" . L. Linkevičius is sure that these aspects must be looked at realistically, because in the quarter of a century since the signing of the treaty, everything has been different in relations between the countries. Today it is difficult to call communication between Lithuania and Russia normal, however, "even despite the tense political situation (trade with the Russian Federation has fallen by almost 30%), Russia remains the number one partner."

“Our trade turnover with Russia is over 7 billion euros, both imports and exports. So the ties are very close. ), it has been ratified. Next year, I think we will complete the demarcation," the Foreign Minister listed the positive moments in relations with Russia.

However, speaking about them, he also noted that there is tension: “We will never escalate this tension, but we will adhere to the principles when human rights, states are infringed, European borders are redrawn in the 21st century. Agree, this is not a trifle. not something that you can close your eyes and ignore. And this is happening on our continent, in the 21st century, in our neighborhood. This, of course, aggravates the situation. And we will not celebrate the annexation of Crimea together. We will not celebrate the annexation Abkhazia and South Ossetia, we will also not. We will not celebrate anything together when the rights of citizens, human beings are violated. But we will always be together in discussions with democratic forces. I hope that in the future Russia will become a state that is part of Europe not only geographically but also according to other principles and criteria. As a neighbor of Russia, although a small state in terms of size and economic potential, Lithuania would like to move in a positive direction in relations with the Russians," the minister said in an interview with DELFI.

"And in the future, I hope it will be so. Over a quarter of a century, there have been many things, subsequent years will show which vector will prevail. I still hope that this will be a positive vector that will find strength to appear at least in the future. For now Unfortunately, we do not see much progress," L. Linkevičius noted.

He also stressed that Lithuania asks itself, "what else can we do, what to do."

"The choice here is very simple: either close your eyes and not pay attention to everything that happens, or still try, hope and strive to ensure that relations not only between Lithuania and Russia, but also between the EU and Russia, our regions are getting better. "We want this and see no problem in having neighbors. Sometimes they ask: how do you feel about the problem? It's not a problem, it's an opportunity (...) And these connections can serve as a window for contacts between Lithuania and Russia ", the EU and Russia. But this should be used not as a springboard for building up military power, as is happening now, but as a springboard for economic and cultural ties. But now a different vector has been chosen and, again, it was not chosen by us. It's sad that this is happening, But still, let's be optimistic and hope for a better future."

What should I do to keep the connection alive?

In the first half of the XIII century. on the territory along the lower reaches of the Western Dvina, along the Neman, in the region of the Lower Vistula and along the shores of the Baltic Sea, the state of Lithuania arose. Over time, a significant part of the Russian lands that were part of Kievan Rus was included in its composition. By the end of the XIV century. Lithuanian power extended to the territory of Belarus, Bryansk, Kyiv, Chernigov, Seversk, Podolsk lands. In 1395, Smolensk was captured by the Lithuanians.

Lithuania and Russia were brought together by long-standing and multilateral ties. Most of the feudal nobility of Lithuania were of Russian origin. Many Lithuanians, including princes, were Orthodox and married to Russian princesses. The accession of the appanages of the Russian princes to the Lithuanian state freed them from submission to the Horde, therefore, in the XIV century. many Russian princes recognize their vassal dependence on Lithuania.

Relations between Lithuania and the Moscow principality were complex. In 1368 and 1370. Lithuanian Prince Olgerd made two trips to Moscow, but failed to take the stone walls of the Kremlin. The closest Russian-Lithuanian ties were during the reign of Vitovt. He was Orthodox and married to the daughter of a prince of Tver. Relying on an alliance with the Moscow prince Vasily I, which was secured by the latter's marriage to Vitovt's daughter Sophia, he fought for the independence of Lithuania from Poland. This dependence arose as a result of the conclusion of the Krevo Union in 1385, the condition of which was the unification of the Polish and Lithuanian states as a result of the marriage between the Lithuanian prince Jogail and the Polish queen Jadwiga. One of the conditions of this union was the proclamation of Catholicism as the state religion. Vytautas managed to temporarily defend the independence of Lithuania. Despite the two-year war between Vitovt and Vasily I over Pskov, in general, relations between the Moscow principality and Lithuania during this period were of a peaceful nature. Prince Vitovt became the guardian of the young son of Vasily II, who was Vitovt's grandson. The feudal war that broke out after the death of Vytautas in 1430 led to the fact that from 1440 the Lithuanian grand ducal throne was occupied by the descendants of Jagiello, who were also the kings of Poland. The growth of Polish influence and the imposition of Catholicism led to the transfer of vassal Russian principalities under the patronage of the strengthened Muscovite state. Especially often these transitions began to be made at the end of the 15th - beginning of the 16th centuries. Adopting at the end of the XV century. the title of Grand Duke of "All Russia", Ivan III made it clear that the ultimate goal of Moscow is the unification of all Russian lands that were previously part of the Kievan state.

The transition of the Russian princes under the patronage of Moscow caused military clashes between Lithuania and the Russian state. In 1494, peace was concluded between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Moscow, according to which Lithuania agreed to return to Russia the lands in the upper reaches of the Oka and the city of Vyazma. The continued transfer of small Russian rulers to the service of the Moscow prince caused two more wars in 1500-1503 and 1507-1508. As a result, the upper reaches of the Oka, the lands along the banks of the Desna with its tributaries, part of the lower reaches of the Sozh and the upper reaches of the Dnieper, the cities of Chernigov, Bryansk, Rylsk, Putivl - a total of 25 cities and 70 volosts - went to Moscow. In the "eternal peace" concluded in 1508, the Lithuanian government recognized Russia's rights to these lands.

The policy of returning Russian lands was continued by the successor of Ivan III, Vasily III. In 1514 Smolensk was returned.

At the end of the XV century. The Russian state is again actively involved in European international politics. The Holy Roman Empire and its allies tried to draw Russia into the sphere of imperial politics and send its forces to fight Turkey, which at that time posed a significant threat to the states of central and southern Europe. However, Russia pursued an independent policy towards Turkey and Crimea, rejecting attempts to place the main burden of the struggle against the Ottoman Empire on the Muscovite state.

Introduction

2. The current state of relations between Russia and Lithuania

3. Prospects for mutually beneficial cooperation between Russia and Lithuania

Conclusion

List of sources used

Introduction

After Dalia Grybauskaite became President of Lithuania in 2009, Russian-Lithuanian relations began to emerge from a state of crisis. From the point of view of Moscow's interests, she, as a person and as a politician, compares favorably with her predecessor, Valdas Adamkus. The latter is known for having worked for most of his life as a forester in one of the American states, after which he took the post of President of Lithuania and began to travel around the world, telling everyone about the suffering of the Lithuanian people. At the same time, he himself did not suffer from the Russian invaders for a single day. Whether he had the moral right to such sentimental stories - we do not undertake to judge this, but it is difficult to argue with the fact that Russian-Lithuanian relations have greatly degraded under him.

Unlike Adamkus, Grybauskaite is a wonderful woman in every way. She is not seen in Russophobia, has a black belt in karate (perhaps this helped to achieve at least a minimum understanding with Vladimir Putin) and even occasionally gives interviews in Russian. However, the fact that Lithuania is currently headed by a person quite loyal to Russia does not relieve both countries of a conflict of interests.

This work is devoted to the study of long-term, rather complex and ambiguous relations between Russia and Lithuania. Based on the historical analysis and the current state of these relationships, an attempt will be made to make a geopolitical forecast of our cooperation.

1. Historical aspect of relations between Russia and Lithuania

Lithuania (lit. Lietuva), the official name is the Republic of Lithuania (lit. Lietuvos Respublika) is a state in Europe, on the eastern coast of the Baltic Sea. In the north it borders with Latvia, in the east - with Belarus, in the southwest - with Poland and the Kaliningrad region of Russia.

As part of the Russian Empire

In the 18th century, after the Northern War, the Polish-Lithuanian state fell into decline, falling under the protectorate of Russia. In 1772, 1793 and 1795 the entire territory of Poland and the GDL was divided between Russia, Prussia and Austria. Most of the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was annexed to Russia. Attempts to restore statehood caused the transition of the Polish-Lithuanian nobility to the side of Napoleon in 1812, as well as the uprisings of 1830-1831 and 1863-1864, which ended in defeat. In the second half of the 19th century, a national movement began to take shape.

In the First World War, since 1915, the Vilna province was occupied by Germany. On February 16, 1918, the Lithuanian Tariba (Soviet of Lithuania) proclaimed the restoration of an independent state in Vilna.

On February 27, 1919, a joint meeting of the CECs of Lithuania and Belarus was held in Vilna. It proclaimed the formation of the Lithuanian-Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (Litbela) with its capital in Vilna, and from April 19, 1919 in Minsk. Litbel actually ceased to exist in August 1919, as a result of the counter-offensive of the Polish troops during the Soviet-Polish war. On the part of the Lithuanian and Belarusian territories occupied by troops under the command of General L. Zheligovsky, a temporary state formation of Middle Lithuania (1920-1922) was created, which was included in Poland in 1922. Until September 1939, the Vilna region was part of Poland. In 1923, Memel (Klaipeda) went to Lithuania.

Kaunas was the temporary capital of Lithuania from 1919 to 1939.

In 1922, Lithuania adopted a constitution providing for the creation of a parliamentary republic. In December 1926, a military coup took place in Lithuania, led by the leader of the nationalist party Antanas Smyatona, who established an authoritarian regime.

On March 22, 1939, Nazi Germany issued an ultimatum to Lithuania demanding that the area of ​​Klaipeda be returned to it, which Lithuania was forced to accept.

On October 10, 1939, the "Treaty on the transfer of the city of Vilna and the Vilna region to the Republic of Lithuania and on mutual assistance between the Soviet Union and Lithuania" was signed in Moscow for a period of 15 years, which provided for the entry of a 20,000th contingent of Soviet troops into Lithuania. On November 15, 1939, the official ceremony of bringing Soviet troops into Lithuania took place, which was purely symbolic, since Soviet troops were already in Vilnius (Vilna) from September 20, 1939.

Under the Treaty on the transfer of the city of Vilna and the Vilna region to the Republic of Lithuania and on mutual assistance between the Soviet Union and Lithuania of October 10, 1939, a limited number of Soviet ground and air armed forces were stationed in Lithuania.

The presence of Soviet troops on the territory of Lithuania from October 1939 to July 1940 aggravated the internal political situation in the republic. Feeling the moral support of the Red Army, the left movement intensified, to which the official authorities of the Republic of Lithuania responded by “isolation” of the places of deployment of Soviet troops. Provocations began against the soldiers of the Red Army and acts of intimidation of the local population, who worked on the territory of military units.

In 1940, the head of the Lithuanian Department of State Security paid an official visit to Berlin, that is, this happened after Hitler, under the threat of war, took Klaipeda from the Lithuanians. And during this visit, on behalf of the leadership of the republic, he offered the Germans to take the rest of Lithuania into the Reich. The Germans gave a positive answer to this proposal, but with one caveat: they were ready to occupy Lithuania no earlier than the end of 1940. Naturally, the invasion of the Red Army broke this scenario, but even after the annexation of the Baltic republics to the USSR, the Germans continued to nurture Lithuanian nationalists: the Lithuanian Information Bureau was created in Berlin, the Abwehr supported the underground Front of Lithuanian activists who were preparing to overthrow the Soviet regime.

On June 14, 1940, an ultimatum was presented to Lithuania demanding that additional Soviet troops be allowed into the country and that the government should be dismissed. On June 15, the Republic of Lithuania agreed with the demands of the USSR and allowed an increase in the number of Soviet troops. On July 14-15, elections to the "People's Seimas" were held, in which only one party list was allowed to participate: the pro-Soviet "Block of Working People". who had the right to vote. 1,375,349 voters voted for the candidates of the “Block of the Working People” of Lithuania, that is, 99.19% of those who participated in the vote. On July 21, the People's Seimas proclaimed the formation of the Lithuanian SSR and decided to ask the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to accept the Lithuanian SSR into the USSR. On August 3, 1940, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR granted this request.

On June 22, 1941, after the German attack on the USSR, riots followed in large cities of Lithuania. In Kaunas, the Provisional Government of Lithuania was proclaimed, headed by Juozas Ambrazevicius, which from the very beginning maintained close contacts with the Germans. However, after the arrival of the Nazis, the Provisional Government and its bodies were dissolved, many leaders were arrested. Lithuania was included in the Reichskommissariat Ostland, within which it was granted some autonomy. The occupation administration ("confidential council") was headed by General Petras Kubiliunas. In 1941-1944 Lithuania was occupied by Nazi Germany. In 1944, the Red Army defeated the German troops, liberating the territory of the Lithuanian SSR.

After the restoration of Soviet power, over 300,000 residents of the Lithuanian SSR were subjected to both repressions (exiles and imprisonment in camps) and were convicted of war crimes and total genocide of the Jewish population, committed by them during the years of occupation as part of the Lithuanian security battalions and special SS detachments. Armed resistance to the Soviet authorities continued until 1952, while 20,100 Lithuanian partisans were destroyed in 1944-1952. During the same period, 9267 civilians died at their hands. According to other estimates, between 1949, when the centralized Lithuanian Freedom Struggle Movement (“Lietuvos laisvs kovos sjdis”) was created, and 1953, when the mass armed resistance was broken, several thousand civilians (over 1,000 children) were killed by partisans. and 200 teachers), 615 state security workers, armed Soviet activists, fighters of extermination squads; partisan losses amounted to 3070 people. Separate skirmishes took place until 1957.

Under the Soviet regime, the industrialization of the Lithuanian SSR was carried out, as well as the development and improvement of infrastructure, the strengthening of the material and technical base of agriculture (accompanied by the elimination of farms and "unpromising villages"), the development of culture and the education system. After the restoration of independence, the Soviet government blocked Lithuania's economic ties with the Soviet Republics, including the possibility of delivering energy carriers, and most of the industrial enterprises created during the USSR fell into a very difficult economic situation, losing industrial ties, and many of them were closed (as and in all Baltic countries).

On March 11, 1990, the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania proclaimed the Act on the Restoration of the Independence of Lithuania. In February 1991, the restored independence of the Republic of Lithuania was recognized by Iceland, in August 1991 - by Russia and the international community.

In 2001, she joined the World Trade Organization (WTO).

In 2003, an agreement was signed on Lithuania's accession to the European Union, which was confirmed by the citizens of Lithuania in a referendum. On May 1, 2004, Lithuania joined the European Union.

In the first half of the XIII century. on the territory along the lower reaches of the Western Dvina, along the Neman, in the region of the Lower Vistula and along the shores of the Baltic Sea, the state of Lithuania arose. Over time, a significant part of the Russian lands that were part of Kievan Rus was included in its composition. By the end of the XIV century. Lithuanian power extended to the territory of Belarus, Bryansk, Kyiv, Chernigov, Seversk, Podolsk lands. In 1395, Smolensk was captured by the Lithuanians.

Lithuania and Russia were brought together by long-standing and multilateral ties. Most of the feudal nobility of Lithuania were of Russian origin. Many Lithuanians, including princes, were Orthodox and married to Russian princesses. The accession of the appanages of the Russian princes to the Lithuanian state freed them from submission to the Horde, therefore, in the XIV century. many Russian princes recognize their vassal dependence on Lithuania.

Relations between Lithuania and the Moscow principality were complex. In 1368 and 1370. Lithuanian Prince Olgerd made two trips to Moscow, but failed to take the stone walls of the Kremlin. The closest Russian-Lithuanian ties were during the reign of Vitovt. He was Orthodox and married to the daughter of a prince of Tver. Relying on an alliance with the Moscow prince Vasily I, which was secured by the latter's marriage to Vitovt's daughter Sophia, he fought for the independence of Lithuania from Poland. This dependence arose as a result of the conclusion of the Krevo Union in 1385, the condition of which was the unification of the Polish and Lithuanian states as a result of the marriage between the Lithuanian prince Jogail and the Polish queen Jadwiga. One of the conditions of this union was the proclamation of Catholicism as the state religion. Vytautas managed to temporarily defend the independence of Lithuania. Despite the two-year war between Vitovt and Vasily I over Pskov, in general, relations between the Moscow principality and Lithuania during this period were of a peaceful nature. Prince Vitovt became the guardian of the young son of Vasily II, who was Vitovt's grandson. The feudal war that broke out after the death of Vytautas in 1430 led to the fact that from 1440 the Lithuanian grand ducal throne was occupied by the descendants of Jagiello, who were also the kings of Poland. The growth of Polish influence and the imposition of Catholicism led to the transfer of vassal Russian principalities under the patronage of the strengthened Muscovite state. Especially often these transitions began to be made at the end of the 15th - beginning of the 16th centuries. Adopting at the end of the XV century. the title of Grand Duke of "All Russia", Ivan III made it clear that the ultimate goal of Moscow is the unification of all Russian lands that were previously part of the Kievan state.

The transition of the Russian princes under the patronage of Moscow caused military clashes between Lithuania and the Russian state. In 1494, peace was concluded between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Moscow, according to which Lithuania agreed to return to Russia the lands in the upper reaches of the Oka and the city of Vyazma. The continued transfer of small Russian rulers to the service of the Moscow prince caused two more wars in 1500-1503 and 1507-1508. As a result, the upper reaches of the Oka, the lands along the banks of the Desna with its tributaries, part of the lower reaches of the Sozh and the upper reaches of the Dnieper, the cities of Chernigov, Bryansk, Rylsk, Putivl - a total of 25 cities and 70 volosts - went to Moscow. In the "eternal peace" concluded in 1508, the Lithuanian government recognized Russia's rights to these lands.

The policy of returning Russian lands was continued by the successor of Ivan III, Vasily III. In 1514 Smolensk was returned.

At the end of the XV century. The Russian state is again actively involved in European international politics. The Holy Roman Empire and its allies tried to draw Russia into the sphere of imperial politics and send its forces to fight Turkey, which at that time posed a significant threat to the states of central and southern Europe. However, Russia pursued an independent policy towards Turkey and Crimea, rejecting attempts to place the main burden of the struggle against the Ottoman Empire on the Muscovite state.

, CBSS and the Council of Europe . Russia as of 2012 is the main partner of Lithuania both in terms of imports and exports. Lithuania is also important for the Russian Federation, since through its territory there is a connection between the Kaliningrad region and the rest of the territory of Russia. Bilateral political relations remain tense, as Lithuania is a member of NATO and has imposed sanctions against Russia, and the Russian Federation has responded to the Lithuanian food embargo.

Relations between the RSFSR/USSR and Lithuania

On December 22, 1918, by a decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, it recognized the Lithuanian Soviet Republic, which later became part of Litbel.

Modern Relations

The official visits of the heads of the Lithuanian state to Russia took place in 1997 (A. Brazauskas) and 2001 (V. Adamkus).

Lithuania is one of the few countries of the former USSR (along with Latvia, Estonia and Georgia), whose heads D. Medvedev did not congratulate on the New Year 2012.

In 2012, Lithuania resumed the activities of the commission to assess the consequences of the crimes of the "Nazi and Soviet occupation regimes" in order to pave the way for negotiations with the Russian Federation on compensation for damage to Lithuania.

Economic relations

The share of Lithuania in the export of the Russian Federation in 2010 was 0.9%, in import - 0.4%. Among Russia's foreign trade partners, Lithuania is in 26th place (0.7%). According to Lithuanian statistics, the Russian Federation is the main trade partner of the Republic of Lithuania both in terms of exports (15.6%) and imports (32.6%). In 2012, Russia accounted for 32.3% of Lithuanian imports and 18.6% of exports. For other Baltic countries, these figures were much lower in 2012 - Russia's share in Estonian imports was only 7.3%, in Latvian imports - 9.5%, in exports - 12.1% and 11.5%, respectively.

In 2015, Lithuania closed the Vilnius-St. Petersburg and Vilnius-Moscow passenger rail routes.

Russian compatriots in Lithuania and Lithuanians in Russia

As of January 1, 2011, about 165,000 ethnic Russians lived in the country. Among the national minorities of Lithuania, the Russian community ranks second, behind only the Poles. The two largest ethnic groups of the Russian diaspora (Russians and Tatars) have the status of national minorities. A little less than 90% of Russian compatriots have Lithuanian citizenship, and 10.6% (17.5 thousand people) have Russian citizenship.

In 2002, there were 4,583 Lithuanian citizens living in Russia. In 2010, according to the census, 31,377 ethnic Lithuanians lived in the Russian Federation.

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Notes

Literature

• The Humanitarian Dimension of Russian Foreign Policy in Lithuania // Ed. G. Pelnēns. Riga: 2009. ISBN 978-9984-39-908-9 - pp. 191–210

Links

• Lithuania // Russian Foreign Ministry, 2011. Pp. 61-69
• A selection of documents on relations with Lithuania Russian Foreign Ministry

Countries of the world CIS member states Europe Asia Africa Northern and South America Australia, New Zealand, Oceania International organizations

Bilateral Relations Foreign policy of Lithuania International organizations

An excerpt characterizing the Lithuanian-Russian relations

The Pavlograd regiment, which was in that part of the army that was on the campaign of 1805, being manned in Russia, was late for the first actions of the campaign. He was neither near Pultusk, nor near Preussish Eylau, and in the second half of the campaign, having joined the army in the field, he was assigned to Platov's detachment.
Platov's detachment acted independently of the army. Several times the Pavlograders were part of the skirmishes with the enemy, captured prisoners and once repulsed even the crews of Marshal Oudinot. In the month of April, the inhabitants of Pavlograd stood for several weeks near the empty German village, completely ravaged to the ground, without moving.
It was growing, mud, cold, the rivers broke open, the roads became impassable; for several days they did not give food to either horses or people. Since the supply became impossible, people scattered around the abandoned deserted villages to look for potatoes, but even that was not enough. Everything was eaten, and all the inhabitants fled; those who remained were worse than beggars, and there was nothing to take away from them, and even little - compassionate soldiers often, instead of using them, gave them their last.
The Pavlograd regiment lost only two wounded in action; but from hunger and disease lost almost half of the people. In hospitals they died so surely that the soldiers, sick with fever and swelling, which came from bad food, preferred to carry out their service, dragging their legs in the front by force, than to go to the hospitals. With the opening of spring, the soldiers began to find a plant that looked like asparagus, which they called for some reason Mashkin's sweet root, and scattered across the meadows and fields, looking for this Mashkin's sweet root (which was very bitter), dug it up with sabers and ate it, despite on orders not to eat this harmful plant.
In the spring, a new disease was discovered among the soldiers, a swelling of the hands, feet and face, the cause of which the doctors believed was the use of this root. But despite the prohibition, the Pavlograd soldiers of the Denisov squadron ate mainly Mashkin's sweet root, because for the second week they had been stretching the last crackers, they were giving out only half a pound per person, and the frozen and germinated potatoes were brought in the last parcel. The horses, too, for the second week fed on thatched roofs from the houses, were ugly thin and covered with tufts of winter hair that had strayed.
Despite such a disaster, the soldiers and officers lived exactly the same as always; so now, although with pale and swollen faces and in tattered uniforms, the hussars lined up for calculations, went to clean up, cleaned horses, ammunition, dragged straw from the roofs instead of food and went to dine at the boilers, from which they got up hungry, joking about with their vile food and their hunger. As always, in their free time, the soldiers burned fires, steamed naked by the fires, smoked, took away and baked sprouted, rotten potatoes and told and listened to stories about either the Potemkin and Suvorov campaigns, or tales about Alyosha the rogue, and about the priest's farm laborer Mikolka.
The officers, as usual, lived in twos and threes, in open half-ruined houses. The elders took care of acquiring straw and potatoes, in general, about the means of subsistence for people, the younger ones were engaged, as always, in cards (there was a lot of money, although there was no food), some in innocent games - piles and towns. Little was said about the general course of affairs, partly because they did not know anything positive, partly because they vaguely felt that the general cause of the war was going badly.
Rostov lived, as before, with Denisov, and their friendly relationship, since their vacation, had become even closer. Denisov never talked about Rostov's family, but from the tender friendship that the commander showed his officer, Rostov felt that the old hussar's unhappy love for Natasha participated in this strengthening of friendship. Denisov apparently tried to expose Rostov to danger as little as possible, took care of him and, after the deed, especially joyfully met him safe and sound. On one of his business trips, Rostov found in an abandoned devastated village, where he came for provisions, the family of an old Pole man and his daughter, with a baby. They were naked, hungry, and could not leave, and had no means to leave. Rostov brought them to his parking lot, placed them in his apartment, and for several weeks, while the old man was recovering, kept them. Comrade Rostov, talking about women, began to laugh at Rostov, saying that he was more cunning than everyone else, and that it would not be a sin for him to introduce his comrades to the pretty Polish girl he had saved. Rostov took the joke for an insult and, flaring up, said such unpleasant things to the officer that Denisov could hardly keep both of them from dueling. When the officer left and Denisov, who himself did not know Rostov's relationship with the Pole, began to reproach him for his temper, Rostov told him:
- How do you want ... She is like a sister to me, and I cannot describe to you how it hurt me ... because ... well, because ...