Views of political forces. Fire Department of the Police Department

Causes and character of the February Revolution.

The February revolution was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same tasks and had the same balance of opposing forces as the revolution of 1905-1907. (See paragraph "The First Russian Revolution of 1905 - 1907). After the first revolution, the tasks of overthrowing the autocracy (the question of power), introducing democratic freedoms, solving agrarian, working, and national issues continued to remain unresolved. The February Revolution of 1917, like the revolution of 1905-1907, had a bourgeois-democratic character.

Features of the February Revolution.

Unlike the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, the February Revolution of 1917:

It took place against the backdrop of the devastation caused by the First World War;

Active participation in revolutionary events of soldiers and sailors;

The army almost immediately went over to the side of the revolution.

The formation of a revolutionary situation. The revolution was not prepared in advance and broke out unexpectedly both for the government and for the revolutionary parties. It is noteworthy that V.I. Lenin in 1916 did not believe in her imminent arrival. He said: "We old people may not live to see the decisive battles of this coming revolution." However, by the end of 1916, the economic devastation, the aggravation of the needs and calamities of the masses caused social tension, the growth of anti-war sentiment and dissatisfaction with the policy of the autocracy. By early 1917, the country was in a social and political crisis.

The beginning of the revolution. In February 1917, the supply of bread in Petrograd worsened. The country had enough bread, but due to the devastation of the transport, it was not delivered on time. There were queues at the bakeries, which caused discontent among the people. In this situation, any act of the authorities could cause a social explosion. On February 18, the workers of the Putilov factory went on strike. In response, the management fired the strikers. They were supported by the workers of other enterprises. On February 23 (March 8, NS) a general strike began. It was accompanied by rallies with the slogans "Bread!", "Peace!" "Freedom!", "Down with the war!" "Down with autocracy!" February 23, 1917 considered the beginning of the February Revolution.

At first, the government did not attach much importance to these events. On the eve of Nicholas II, having assumed the duties of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, left Petrograd for Headquarters in the city of Mogilev. However, events escalated. On February 24, 214 thousand people were already on strike in Petrograd, and on the 25th - over 300 thousand (80% of the workers). Demonstrations expanded. The Cossacks sent to disperse them began to go over to the side of the demonstrators. Commander of the Petrograd Military District General S.S. Khabalov received an order from the king: “I command you to stop the unrest in the capital tomorrow.” On February 26, Kha-ba-lov ordered to open fire on the demonstrators: 50 people were killed, hundreds were wounded.

The outcome of any revolution depends on which side the army ends up on. The defeat of the revolution of 1905-1907 in many respects it was due to the fact that, on the whole, the army remained faithful to tsarism. In February 1917, there were 180 thousand soldiers in Petrograd, who were being prepared to be sent to the front. There were many recruits from workers mobilized for participating in strikes. They did not want to go to the front, they easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda. The execution of the demonstrators aroused the indignation of the soldiers of the garni-zone. The soldiers of the Pavlovsky regiment seized the arsenal and handed over the weapons to the workers. On March 1, there were already 170 thousand soldiers on the side of the rebels. The remnants of the garrison, along with Khabalov, surrendered. The transition of the garrison zone to the side of the revolution ensured its victory. Tsarist ministers were arrested, police stations were destroyed and burned down, and political prisoners were released from prisons.

Creation of new authorities. Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies (February 27, 1917). The Petrograd Soviet consisted of 250 members. Chairman - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, deputies - Menshevik M.I. Skobelev and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky(1881-1970). The Petrosoviet was dominated by the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, at that time the most numerous left-wing parties. They put forward the slogan of "civil peace", the consolidation of all classes, political freedoms. By decision of the Petrograd Soviet, the royal finances were seized.

« Order No. 1» was published by the Petrosoviet on March 1, 1917. Electoral Sol-Danish committees weapons were placed at their disposal. The titles of officers and saluting them were abolished. Although this order was intended only for the Petrograd garrison, it soon spread to the fronts. "Order No. 1" was destructive, undermined the principle of unity of command in the army, led to its collapse and mass desertion.

Creation of the Provisional Government. The leaders of the bourgeois parties in the State Duma created on February 27 "Provisional Committee of the State Duma" under the leadership of the Chairman of the IV Duma M. V. Rod-zyanko. March 2, 1917. The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma formed Provisional Government composed of:

Chairman - Prince G. E. Lvov(1861-1925), non-party liberal, close to the Cadets and Octobrists:

Minister of Foreign Affairs - Cadet P. N. Milyukov(1859-1943);

Military and Naval Minister - Octobrist A. I. Guchkov(1862-1936);

Minister of Communications - a tech-style magnate from the Ivanovo region, a member of the Progressive Party A. I. Konovalov(1875-1948);

Minister of Agriculture - A. I. Shingarev (1869-1918);

Minister of Finance - sugar breeder M. I. Te-reschenko(1886-1956);

Minister of Education - liberal populist A. A. Manuilov;

King's abdication. Nicholas II was at Headquarters in the city of Mogilev and did not understand the danger of the situation. On February 27, having received news of the beginning of the revolution from the chairman of the Fourth Duma, M.V. The tsar placed responsibility for the unrest in the capital on the Duma and ordered its dissolution. Later, he ordered to send punitive troops to the capital under the command of General N. I. Ivanova, appointed commander of the Petrograd garrison instead of Khabalov. However, information about the victory of the revolution in Petrograd and about the transition of troops to its side forced General Ivanov to refrain from punitive actions.

On February 28, the tsar and his retinue went to Petrograd, but the tsar's train could not get through to the capital and turned to Pskov, where the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ryuzsky. After negotiations with Rodzianko and the commanders of the fronts, Nicholas II decided to abdicate in favor of his 13-year-old son Alexei, under the regency of his brother Mikhail. On March 2, representatives of the Provisional Committee of the Duma arrived in Pskov A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin. They convinced the king to "transfer the burden of government to other hands." Nicholas II signed a manifesto on abdication in favor of his brother Michael. The tsar made an entry in his diary: "There is treason and cowardice and deceit all around!"

Subsequently, Nicholas was with his family under house arrest in the Tsarskoye Selo Palace. In the summer of 1917, by decision of the Provisional Government, the Romanovs were sent into exile in Tobolsk. In the spring of 1918, they were moved by the Bolsheviks to Yekaterinburg, where they were shot in July 1918, along with their entourage.

Guchkov and Shulgin returned to Petrograd with a manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas. The toast in honor of the new Emperor Mikhail, proclaimed by Guchkov, aroused indignation among the workers. They threatened Guchkov with execution. On March 3, members of the Provisional Government met with Mikhail Romanov. After heated discussions, the majority voted for Mi-hail's abdication. He agreed and signed the abdication. The autocracy has fallen. It has come dual power.

The essence of duality. During the transitional period - from the moment the victory of the revolution to the adoption of the constitution and the formation of new authorities - the Provisional Revolutionary Government usually operates, whose duty is to break the old apparatus of power, to consolidate the gains of the revolution by decrees and convocation Constituent Assembly, which determines the form of the future state structure of the country and adopts the constitution. However, a feature of the February Revolution of 1917 was that there was an unparalleled history dual power represented by the socialist Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (" strength without power”), on the one hand, and the liberal Provisional Government (“ power without power"), with another.

The meaning of the February Revolution of 1917:

There was an overthrow of the self-power;

Russia received maximum political freedoms.

The revolution won, but it did not solve all the problems. Cruel trials awaited the country ahead.

Causes and character of the February Revolution.
Uprising in Petrograd February 27, 1917
The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same tasks and had the same balance of opposing forces as the revolution of 1905-1907. After the revolution of 1905-1907. the tasks of democratizing the country continued to remain - the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the solution of burning issues - agrarian, labor, national. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country, and therefore the February Revolution, like the revolution of 1905-1907, bore a bourgeois-democratic character.

Although the revolution of 1905-1907 and did not solve the fundamental tasks of democratizing the country that it faced and was defeated, however, it served as a political school for all parties and classes and thus was an important prerequisite for the February Revolution and the October Revolution of 1917 that followed it.

But the February Revolution of 1917 took place in a different situation than the revolution of 1905-1907. On the eve of the February Revolution, social and political contradictions sharply aggravated, aggravated by the hardships of a long and exhausting war in which Russia was drawn. The economic devastation generated by the war and, as a result, the aggravation of the need and misery of the masses, caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiments and general dissatisfaction not only of the left and opposition, but also of a significant part of the right forces with the policy of the autocracy. The authority of autocratic power and its bearer, the reigning emperor, fell noticeably in the eyes of all sections of society. The war, unprecedented in its scale, seriously shook the moral foundations of society, introduced an unprecedented bitterness into the consciousness of people's behavior. The millions of front-line soldiers, who daily saw blood and death, easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to take the most extreme measures. They longed for peace, a return to the earth, and the slogan "Down with the war!" was especially popular at the time. The cessation of the war was inevitably associated with the liquidation of the political regime that had dragged the people into the war. So the monarchy lost its support in the army.

By the end of 1916, the country was in a state of deep social, political and moral crisis. Did the ruling circles realize the danger threatening them? Reports of the security department for the end of 1917 - the beginning of 1917. full of anxiety in anticipation of a threatening social explosion. They foresaw a social danger for the Russian monarchy and abroad. Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich, the Czar's cousin, wrote to him in mid-November 1916 from London: "The agents of the Intelligence Service [British Intelligence Service], usually well informed, are predicting a revolution in Russia. I sincerely hope Niki that you will find it possible to satisfy the fair the demands of the people before it is too late." Those close to Nicholas II with despair told him: "There will be a revolution, we will all be hanged, but it doesn't matter on what lamp." However, Nicholas II stubbornly did not want to see this danger, hoping for the mercy of Providence. A curious conversation took place shortly before the events of February 1917 between the tsar and the chairman of the State Duma, M.V. Rodzianko. "Rodzianko: - I warn you that in less than three weeks a revolution will break out that will sweep you away, and you will no longer reign. Nicholas II: - Well, God will give. Rodzianko: - God will give nothing, the revolution is inevitable" .

Although the factors that prepared the revolutionary explosion in February 1917 had been taking shape for a long time, politicians and publicists, right and left, predicted its inevitability, the revolution was neither "prepared" nor "organized", it broke out spontaneously and suddenly for all parties and for the government. Not a single political party showed itself to be the organizer and leader of the revolution that took them by surprise.

The immediate cause for the revolutionary explosion was the following events that took place in the second half of February 1917 in Petrograd. In mid-February, the supply of food to the capital, especially bread, worsened. Bread was in the country and in sufficient quantity, but due to the devastation of transport and the sluggishness of the authorities responsible for the supply, it could not be delivered to the cities in a timely manner. A card system was introduced, but it did not solve the problem. There were long queues at the bakeries, which caused growing discontent among the population. In this situation, any act of the authorities or owners of industrial enterprises that irritates the population could serve as a detonator for a social explosion.

On February 18, the workers of one of the largest factories in Petrograd, Putilovsky, went on strike, demanding an increase in wages due to the increase in the high cost of wages. On February 20, the administration of the plant, under the pretext of interruptions in the supply of raw materials, dismissed the strikers and announced the closure of some workshops for an indefinite period. The Putilovites were supported by workers from other enterprises in the city. On February 23 (according to the new style, March 8 - International Women's Day), it was decided to start a general strike. Opposition Duma leaders also decided to take advantage of the afternoon of February 23, who on February 14, from the rostrum of the State Duma, sharply criticized mediocre ministers and demanded their resignation. Duma leaders - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky - established contact with illegal organizations and created a committee to hold a demonstration on February 23.

On that day, 128 thousand workers from 50 enterprises went on strike - a third of the workers of the capital. There was also a demonstration, which was peaceful. A rally was held in the city center. The authorities, in order to calm the people, announced that there was enough food in the city and there were no grounds for concern.

The next day, 214,000 workers were on strike. The strikes were accompanied by demonstrations: columns of demonstrators with red flags and singing "La Marseillaise" rushed to the city center. Women who took to the streets with the slogans "Bread"!, "Peace"!, "Freedom!", "Return our husbands!" took an active part in them.

Authorities first viewed them as spontaneous food riots. However, the events grew every day and took on a threatening character for the authorities. On February 25, more than 300,000 people went on strike. (80% of city workers). The demonstrators were already speaking with political slogans: "Down with the monarchy!", "Long live the republic!", rushing to the central squares and avenues of the city. They managed to overcome the police and military barriers and break through to Znamenskaya Square near the Moscow railway station, where a spontaneous rally began at the monument to Alexander III. Rallies and demonstrations took place on the main squares, avenues and streets of the city. Cossack squads sent against them refused to disperse them. Demonstrators threw stones and logs at the mounted policemen. The authorities have already seen that the "riots" are taking on a political character.

On the morning of February 25, columns of workers again rushed to the city center, and on the Vyborg side, police stations were already smashed. The rally began again on Znamenskaya Square. Demonstrators clashed with police, killing and injuring several demonstrators. On the same day, Nicholas II received from the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov reported on the unrest that had begun in Petrograd, and at 9 o'clock in the evening Khabalov received a telegram from him: "I order tomorrow to stop the unrest in the capital, unacceptable in the difficult time of the war with Germany and Austria." Khabalov immediately ordered the police and the commanders of the spare parts to use weapons against the demonstrators. On the night of February 26, the police arrested about a hundred of the most active figures of the left parties.

February 26 was Sunday. Factories and factories did not work. Masses of demonstrators with red banners and singing revolutionary songs again rushed to the central streets and squares of the city. On Znamenskaya Square and near the Kazan Cathedral, there were continuous rallies. On the orders of Khabalov, the police, who sat on the roofs of houses, opened fire from machine guns on demonstrators and protesters. On Znamenskaya Square, 40 people were killed and the same number were wounded. The police fired at the demonstrators on Sadovaya Street, Liteiny and Vladimirsky avenues. On the night of February 27, new arrests were made: this time 170 people were captured.

The outcome of any revolution depends on which side the army ends up on. The defeat of the revolution of 1905 - 1907 was largely due to the fact that despite a series of uprisings in the army and navy, in general, the army remained loyal to the government and was used by it to suppress peasant and worker riots. In February 1917, a garrison of up to 180,000 soldiers was stationed in Petrograd. Basically, these were spare parts that were to be sent to the front. There were quite a few recruits from cadre workers mobilized for participating in strikes, and quite a few veterans who had recovered from wounds. The concentration in the capital of a mass of soldiers who easily succumbed to the influence of revolutionary propaganda was a major mistake of the authorities.

The execution of demonstrators on February 26 aroused strong indignation among the soldiers of the capital's garrison and had a decisive influence on their going over to the side of the revolution. On the afternoon of February 26, the 4th company of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsky regiment refused to take the place indicated to it at the outpost and even opened fire on a platoon of mounted police. The company was disarmed, 19 of its "instigators" were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko telegraphed the tsar that day: "The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Parts of the troops are shooting at each other." In conclusion, he asked the king: "Immediately instruct a person who enjoys the confidence of the country to form a new government. It is impossible to delay. Any delay is like death."

Even on the eve of the tsar's departure for Headquarters, two versions of his decree on the State Duma were prepared - the first on its dissolution, the second on a break in its sessions. In response to Rodzianko's telegram, the tsar sent the second version of the decree - on the suspension of the Duma from February 26 to April 1917. At 11 am on February 27, the deputies of the State Duma gathered in the White Hall of the Tauride Palace and silently listened to the tsar's decree on the adjournment of the session of the Duma. The tsar's decree placed the Duma members in a difficult position: on the one hand, they did not dare to disobey the tsar's will, and on the other hand, they could not but reckon with the menacing development of revolutionary events in the capital. Deputies from the left parties proposed not to obey the tsar's decree and to declare themselves the Constituent Assembly in the "appeal to the people", but the majority was against such an action. In the Semicircular Hall of the Tauride Palace, they opened a "private meeting", at which it was decided, in fulfillment of the tsar's order, not to hold official meetings of the Duma, but the deputies not to disperse and remain in their places. By half past three in the afternoon on February 27, crowds of demonstrators approached the Tauride Palace, some of them entered the palace. Then the Duma decided to form from among its members a "Provisional Committee of the State Duma for the Restoration of Order in Petrograd and for Relations with Institutions and Persons." On the same day, a Committee of 12 people chaired by Rodzianko was formed. At first, the Provisional Committee was afraid to take power into its own hands and sought an agreement with the tsar. On the evening of February 27, Rodzianko sent a new telegram to the tsar, in which he suggested that he make concessions - to instruct the Duma to form a ministry responsible to it.

But events unfolded rapidly. On that day, strikes swept almost all the enterprises of the capital, and in fact the uprising had already begun. The troops of the capital's garrison began to go over to the side of the rebels. On the morning of February 27, a training team rebelled, consisting of 600 people from the reserve battalion of the Volynsky regiment. The team leader was killed. Non-commissioned officer T.I., who led the uprising Kirpichnikov raised the entire regiment, which moved towards the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments and dragged them along.

If on the morning of February 27, 10 thousand soldiers went over to the side of the rebels, then in the evening of the same day - 67 thousand. On the same day, Khabalov telegraphed the tsar that "the troops refuse to go out against the rebels." On February 28, 127 thousand soldiers turned out to be on the side of the rebels, and on March 1 - already 170 thousand soldiers. On February 28, the Winter Palace, the Peter and Paul Fortress were taken, the arsenal was captured, from which 40,000 rifles and 30,000 revolvers were distributed to workers. On Liteiny Prospekt, the building of the District Court and the House of Preliminary Detention were destroyed and set on fire. The police stations were on fire. The gendarmerie and the Okhrana were liquidated. Many policemen and gendarmes were arrested (later the Provisional Government released them and sent them to the front). Prisoners were released from prisons. On March 1, after negotiations, the remnants of the garrison who had settled in the Admiralty, along with Khabalov, surrendered. The Mariinsky Palace was taken and the tsarist ministers and top dignitaries who were in it were arrested. They were brought or brought to the Tauride Palace. Minister of Internal Affairs A.D. Protopopov voluntarily appeared under arrest. The ministers and generals from the Taurida Palace were escorted to the Peter and Paul Fortress, the rest - to the places of detention prepared for them.

Military units from Peterhof and Strelna that had gone over to the side of the revolution arrived in Petrograd through the Baltic Station and along the Peterhof Highway. On March 1, the sailors of the Kronstadt port rebelled. The commander of the Kronstadt port and the military governor of the city of Kronstadt, Rear Admiral R.N. Viren and several senior officers were shot by sailors. Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich (cousin of Nicholas II) brought the sailors of the Guards crew entrusted to him to the Tauride Palace at the disposal of the revolutionary authorities.

On the evening of February 28, in the conditions of the already victorious revolution, Rodzianko proposed announcing that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma would assume government functions. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma appealed to the peoples of Russia to take the initiative to "restore state and social order" and create a new government. As a first step in the ministries, he sent commissars from among the members of the Duma. In order to seize the situation in the capital and stop the further development of revolutionary events, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma tried in vain to return the soldiers to the barracks. But this attempt showed that he was unable to take control of the situation in the capital.

The soviets, which were revived during the revolution, became a more effective revolutionary power. As early as February 26, a number of members of the Union of Workers' Cooperatives of Petrograd, the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma and other working groups put forward the idea of forming Soviets of Workers' Deputies on the model of 1905. This idea was also supported by the Bolsheviks. On February 27, representatives of the working groups, together with a group of Duma deputies and representatives of the left intelligentsia, gathered in the Tauride Palace and announced the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Working People's Deputies. The committee issued an appeal to elect deputies to the Soviet without delay - one deputies from 1,000 workers, and one from a company of soldiers. 250 deputies were elected and gathered in the Tauride Palace. They, in turn, elected the Executive Committee of the Soviet, whose chairman was the leader of the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma, the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, and his deputies Trudovik A.F. Kerensky and Menshevik M.I. Skobelev. The majority in the Executive Committee and in the Soviet itself belonged to the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries - at that time the most numerous and influential left parties in Russia. On February 28, the first issue of Izvestia of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies came out (editor Menshevik F.I. Dan).

The Petrograd Soviet began to act as an organ of revolutionary power, taking a number of important decisions. On February 28, on his initiative, district committees of councils were created. He formed military and food commissions, armed militia, established control over printing houses and railways. By decision of the Petrograd Soviet, the financial resources of the tsarist government were withdrawn and control over their spending was established. Commissars from the Soviet were sent to the districts of the capital to establish people's power in them.

On March 1, 1917, the Council issued the famous "Order No. 1", which provided for the creation of elected soldiers' committees in military units, abolished the titles of officers and saluting them outside of service, but most importantly, removed the Petrograd garrison from subordination to the old command. This order in our literature is usually regarded as a deeply democratic act. In fact, by subordinating unit commanders to soldiers' committees with little competence in military affairs, he violated the principle of unity of command necessary for any army and thereby contributed to the decline in military discipline.

The number of victims in Petrograd in the February days of 1917 amounted to about 300 people. killed and up to 1200 wounded.

Formation of the Provisional Government
With the formation of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on February 27, dual power actually began to take shape. Until March 1, 1917, the Council and the Duma Committee acted independently of each other. On the night of March 1-2, negotiations began between representatives of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the formation of the Provisional Government. Representatives of the Soviets set the condition for the Provisional Government to immediately proclaim civil liberties, an amnesty for political prisoners, and announce the convocation of a Constituent Assembly. When the Provisional Government fulfilled this condition, the Council decided to support it. The formation of the composition of the Provisional Government was entrusted to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.

On March 2, it was formed, and on March 3, its composition was made public. The Provisional Government included 12 people - 10 ministers and 2 chief executives of central departments equated to ministers. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma.

A large landowner, chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, Cadet, Prince G.E. became the Chairman of the Provisional Government and at the same time the Minister of the Interior. Lvov, ministers: foreign affairs - the leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Milyukov, military and naval - the leader of the Octobrist party A.I. Guchkov, trade and industry - a major manufacturer, progressive, A.I. Konovalov, communications - "left" cadet N.V. Nekrasov, public education - close to the Cadets, professor of law A.A. Manuilov, agriculture - zemstvo doctor, cadet, A.I. Shingarev, Justice - Trudovik (since March 3 Social Revolutionary, the only socialist in the government) A.F. Kerensky, on the affairs of Finland - cadet V.I. Rodiichev, Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod - Octobrist V.N. Lvov, the state controller - Octobrist I.V. Godnev. Thus, 7 ministerial posts, and the most important ones, ended up in the hands of the Cadets, 3 ministerial posts were received by the Octobrists and 2 representatives of other parties. It was the "finest hour" of the Cadets, who came to power for a short time (two months). The entry into office of ministers of the Provisional Government took place during March 3-5. The provisional government declared itself for a transitional period (until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) the supreme legislative and executive power in the country.

On March 3, the program of activities of the Provisional Government, agreed with the Petrograd Soviet, was also made public: 1) a complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters; 2) freedom of speech, press, assembly and strikes; 3) the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; 4) immediate preparation for elections on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly; 5) replacement of the police by the people's militia with elected authorities subordinate to local self-government bodies; 6) elections to local self-government bodies; 7) non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the February 27 uprising; and 8) giving soldiers civil rights. The program laid the broad foundations of constitutionalism and democracy in the country.

However, most of the measures announced in the declaration of the Provisional Government on March 3 were carried out even earlier, as soon as the revolution had won. So, as early as February 28, the police was abolished and the people's militia was formed: instead of 6 thousand policemen, 40 thousand people were employed in the protection of order in Petrograd. people's militia. She took under the protection of enterprises and city blocks. Detachments in the native militia were soon created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the workers' militia, fighting workers' squads (the Red Guard) also appeared. The first detachment of the Red Guard was created in early March at the Sestroretsk plant. The gendarmerie and the Okhrana were liquidated.

Hundreds of prisons were destroyed or burned down. The press organs of the Black Hundred organizations were closed. Trade unions were revived, cultural and educational, women's, youth and other organizations were created. Complete freedom of the press, rallies and demonstrations was won by secret order. Russia has become the freest country in the world.

The initiative to reduce the working day to 8 hours came from the Petrograd entrepreneurs themselves. On March 10, an agreement was concluded between the Petrograd Soviet and the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers about this. Then, through similar private agreements between workers and employers, the 8-hour working day was introduced throughout the country. However, a special decree of the Provisional Government on this was not issued. The agrarian question was referred to the decision of the Constituent Assembly out of fear that the soldiers, having learned about the "division of the land", would abandon the front and move into the countryside. The provisional government declared unauthorized seizures of landlord peasants illegal.

In an effort to "become closer to the people", to study the specific situation in the country on the spot and enlist the support of the population, the ministers of the Provisional Government made frequent trips to cities, army and navy units. At first, they met such support at rallies, meetings, meetings of various kinds, and professional congresses. The ministers often and willingly gave interviews to representatives of the press and held press conferences. The press, in turn, sought to create a favorable public opinion about the Provisional Government.

France and England were the first to recognize the Provisional Government as "the spokesman of the true will of the people and the only government of Russia". In early March, the United States, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia and Iran recognized the Provisional Government.

Abdication of Nicholas II
The defection of the troops of the capital's garrison to the side of the insurgents forced the Stavka to begin taking decisive measures to suppress the revolution in Petrograd. On February 27, Nicholas II, through the chief of staff of the Headquarters, General M.V. Alekseev gave the order to send "reliable" punitive troops to Petrograd. The punitive expedition included the Georgievsky battalion, taken from Mogilev, and several regiments from the Northern, Western and Southwestern fronts. General N.I. was put at the head of the expedition. Ivanov, who was also appointed instead of Khabalov and commander of the Petrograd Military District with the broadest, dictatorial powers - up to the point that all ministers were at his full disposal. By March 1, it was planned to concentrate 13 infantry battalions, 16 cavalry squadrons and 4 batteries in the Tsarskoye Selo area.

In the early morning of February 28, two letter trains, the royal and the suite, set off from Mogilev via Smolensk, Vyazma, Rzhev, Likhoslavl, Bologoye to Petrograd. Upon their arrival in Bologoye on the night of March 1, news was received that two companies with machine guns had arrived in Lyuban from Petrograd in order to prevent the tsar's trains from entering the capital. When the trains arrived at St. Malaya Vishera (160 km from Petrograd), the railway authorities reported that it was impossible to move on, because the following stations Tosno and Lyuban were occupied by revolutionary troops. Nicholas II ordered that trains be turned to Pskov - to the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky. The tsarist trains arrived in Pskov at 7 p.m. on March 1. Here Nicholas II learned about the victory of the revolution in Petrograd.

At the same time, the Chief of Staff of the General Headquarters, General M.V. Alekseev decided to abandon the military expedition to Petrograd. Enlisting the support of the commanders-in-chief of the fronts, he ordered Ivanov to refrain from punitive actions. The Georgievsky battalion, which reached Tsarskoye Selo on March 1, withdrew back to the Vyritsa station. After negotiations between the Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front, Ruzsky, and Rodzianko, Nicholas II agreed to the formation of a government responsible to the Duma. On the night of March 2, Ruzsky conveyed this decision to Rodzianko. However, he said that the publication of the manifesto about this was already "belated", because the course of events put a "certain demand" - the abdication of the king. Without waiting for the answer of the Headquarters, deputies of the Duma A.I. were sent to Pskov. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin. Meanwhile, Alekseev and Ruzsky requested all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts and fleets: Caucasian - Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, Romanian - General V.V. Sakharov, South-West - General A.A. Brusilov, Western - General A.E. Evert, commanders of the fleets - Baltic - Admiral A.I. Nepenin and Chernomorsky - Admiral A.V. Kolchak. The commanders of the fronts and fleets declared the need for the tsar's abdication "in the name of saving the motherland and the dynasty, agreed with the statement of the chairman of the State Duma, as the only one apparently capable of stopping the revolution and saving Russia from the horrors of anarchy." Those uncle Nikolai Nikolaevich addressed Nicholas II from Tiflis with a plea to abdicate.

On March 2, Nicholas II ordered that a manifesto be drawn up on his abdication in favor of his son Alexei, under the regency of his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. This decision of the king was drawn up in the name of Rodzianko. However, its dispatch was delayed until new messages were received from Petrograd. In addition, the arrival of Guchkov and Shulgin was expected in Pskov, which was reported to the Headquarters.

Guchkov and Shulgin arrived in Pskov on the evening of March 2, reported that there was no military unit in Petrograd that could be relied upon, and confirmed the need for the tsar's abdication. Nicholas II stated that he had already made such a decision, but now he is changing it and is already abdicating not only for himself, but also for the heir. This act of Nicholas II violated the coronation manifesto of Paul I of April 5, 1797, which provided that the reigning person had the right to abdicate only for himself, and not for his own glaciers.

A new version of the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne was adopted by Guchkov and Shulgin, who only asked him that, before signing the act of renunciation, the tsar approved the decree on the appointment of G.E. Lvov as prime minister of the new government being formed, and Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich again as supreme commander in chief.

When Guchkov and Shulgin returned to Petrograd with the manifesto of the abdicated Nicholas II, they met with strong dissatisfaction among the revolutionary masses with this attempt by the Duma leaders to preserve the monarchy. The toast in honor of "Emperor Mikhail", proclaimed by Guchkov upon his arrival from Pskov at the Warsaw railway station in Petrograd, aroused such strong indignation among the workers that they threatened him with execution. At the station, Shulgin was searched, who, however, managed to secretly transfer the text of the manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II to Guchkov. The workers demanded that the text of the manifesto be destroyed, that the tsar be arrested immediately, and that a republic be proclaimed.

On the morning of March 3, members of the Duma Committee and the Provisional Government met with Mikhail in the mansion of Prince. O. Putyatina on Millionnaya. Rodzianko and Kerensky argued the necessity of his renunciation of the throne. Kerensky said that the indignation of the people was too strong, the new tsar might die from the wrath of the people, and with it the Provisional Government would die. However, Milyukov insisted on Mikhail's acceptance of the crown, arguing that strong power is necessary to strengthen the new order, and such power needs support - "a monarchic symbol familiar to the masses." A provisional government without a monarch, said Milyukov, is "a fragile boat that can sink in the ocean of popular unrest"; it will not live to see the Constituent Assembly, as anarchy will reign in the country. Guchkov, who soon arrived at the meeting, supported Miliukov. Miliukov, in a temper, even suggested taking cars and going to Moscow, where to proclaim Michael emperor, to gather troops under his banner and move to Petrograd. Such a proposal clearly threatened civil war and frightened the rest of the meeting. After lengthy discussions, the majority voted for the abdication of Michael. Mikhail agreed with this opinion and at 4 p.m. signed the drafted by V.D. Nabokov and Baron B.E. Nolde's manifesto of his renunciation of the crown. The manifesto, promulgated the next day, said that Michael "made a firm decision only if he would accept supreme power, if such was the will of our great people, who should establish the form of government and new basic laws of the state by popular vote through their representatives in the Constituent Assembly Russian". Michael appealed to the people with an appeal "to obey the Provisional Government, invested with full power." Written statements of support for the Provisional Government and the renunciation of claims to the royal throne were also made by all members of the royal family. On March 3, Nicholas II sent a telegram to Mikhail.

Calling him "Imperial Majesty", he apologized that he "did not warn" him about the transfer of the crown to him. The news of Michael's abdication was received by the abdicated king with bewilderment. “God knows who advised him to sign such a disgusting thing,” Nikolai wrote in his diary.

The abdicated emperor went to Headquarters in Mogilev. A few hours before the signing of the act of abdication, Nikolai again appointed Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich to the post of Supreme Commander of the Russian Army. However, the Provisional Government appointed General A.A. Brusilov. On March 9, Nicholas and his retinue returned to Tsarskoye Selo. By order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was kept under house arrest in Tsarskoye Selo. The Petrograd Soviet demanded a trial of the former tsar and even on March 8 adopted a resolution to imprison him in the Peter and Paul Fortress, but the Provisional Government refused to comply with it.

In connection with the growth of anti-monarchist sentiments in the country, the deposed tsar asked the Provisional Government to send him and his family to England. The Provisional Government asked the British Ambassador in Petrograd, George Buchanan, to ask the British Cabinet about this. P.N. Miliukov, meeting with the tsar, assured him that the request would be granted and even advised him to prepare for his departure. Buchanan requested his cabinet. He first agreed to provide asylum in England for the deposed Russian tsar and his family. However, a wave of protest arose against this in England and Russia, and the English King George V turned to his government with a proposal to cancel this decision. The provisional government sent a request to the French cabinet to provide asylum to the royal family in France, but was also refused, citing the fact that this would be negatively perceived by French public opinion. Thus, the attempts of the Provisional Government to send the former tsar and his family abroad failed. On August 13, 1917, by order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was sent to Tobolsk.

The essence of dual power
During the transitional period - from the moment of the victory of the revolution to the adoption of the constitution and the formation of permanent bodies of power in accordance with it - the Provisional Revolutionary Government operates, which is entrusted with the duty of breaking the old apparatus of power, consolidating the gains of the revolution by appropriate decrees and convening the Constituent Assembly, which determines the form of the future state structure of the country, approves the decrees issued by the Provisional Government, giving them the force of laws, and adopts the constitution.

The provisional government for the transitional period (until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) has both legislative and executive functions. This was the case, for example, during the French Revolution at the end of the 18th century. The same way of transforming the country after the revolutionary upheaval was envisaged in their projects by the Decembrists of the Northern Society, putting forward the idea of a "Provisional revolutionary government" for the transitional period, and then convening a "Supreme Council" (Constituent Assembly). All the Russian revolutionary parties at the beginning of the 20th century imagined the path of the revolutionary reorganization of the country, the destruction of the old state machine and the formation of new organs of power, having written it down in their programs.

However, the process of formation of state power in Russia as a result of the February Revolution of 1917 followed a different scenario. In Russia, a dual power was created, which has no analogues in history - in the person of the Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, on the one hand, and the Provisional Government, on the other.

As already mentioned, the emergence of Soviets - organs of people's power - dates back to the time of the revolution of 1905-1907. and is an important achievement. This tradition immediately revived after the victory of the uprising in Petrograd on February 27, 1917. In addition to the Petrograd Soviet in March 1917, more than 600 local Soviets arose, which elected from among their midst permanent authorities - executive committees. These were the chosen people, relying on the support of the broad working masses. The councils performed legislative, administrative, executive and even judicial functions. By October 1917 there were already 1,429 soviets in the country. They arose spontaneously - it was the spontaneous creativity of the masses. Along with this, local committees of the Provisional Government were also created. Thus, dual power was created at the central and local levels.

At that time, representatives of the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary parties, who were guided not by the "victory of socialism", believing that there were no conditions for this in backward Russia, but by developing and consolidating it bourgeois-democratic conquests. Such a task, they believed, could be performed during the transitional period by the Provisional, bourgeois in composition, government, which, in carrying out the democratic transformations of the country, must be provided with support, and, if necessary, put pressure on it. In fact, even during the period of dual power, real power was in the hands of the Soviets, for the Provisional Government could govern only with their support and carry out its decrees with their sanction.

At first, the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies acted jointly. They even held their meetings in the same building - the Taurida Palace, which then turned into the center of the country's political life.

During March-April 1917, the Provisional Government, with the support and pressure on it from the Petrograd Soviet, carried out a number of democratic reforms, which were mentioned above. At the same time, it postponed the solution of a number of acute problems inherited from the old government until the Constituent Assembly, and among them the agrarian question. Moreover, it issued a number of decrees providing for criminal liability for the unauthorized seizure of landlords, specific and monastic lands. On the question of war and peace, it took a defensive position, remaining faithful to the allied obligations assumed by the old regime. All this caused the growing dissatisfaction of the masses with the policy of the Provisional Government.

Dual power is not a separation of powers, but opposition of one power to another, which inevitably leads to conflicts, to the desire of each power to overthrow the opposing one. Ultimately, dual power leads to paralysis of power, to the absence of any power, to anarchy. With dual power, the growth of centrifugal forces is inevitable, which threatens the collapse of the country, especially if this country is multinational.

The dual power lasted no more than four months - until the beginning of July 1917, when, in the context of the unsuccessful offensive of the Russian troops on the German front, on July 3-4, the Bolsheviks organized a political demonstration and attempted to overthrow the Provisional Government. The demonstration was shot, and the Bolsheviks were subjected to repression. After the July days, the Provisional Government managed to subdue the Soviets, which obediently carried out its will. However, this was a short-term victory for the Provisional Government, whose position was becoming increasingly precarious. Economic ruin deepened in the country: inflation grew rapidly, production fell catastrophically, and the danger of impending famine became real. In the countryside, mass pogroms of landowners' estates began, the peasants seized not only landowners' lands, but also church lands, and information was received about the murders of landlords and even clergymen. The soldiers are tired of the war. At the front, the fraternization of the soldiers of both belligerents became more frequent. The front was essentially falling apart. Desertion increased sharply, entire military units were removed from their positions: the soldiers hurried home in order to be in time for the division of the landlords' lands.

The February Revolution destroyed the old state structures, but failed to create a solid and authoritative government. The provisional government was increasingly losing control over the situation in the country and was no longer able to cope with the growing devastation, the complete breakdown of the financial system, and the collapse of the front. The ministers of the Provisional Government, being highly educated intellectuals, brilliant orators and publicists, turned out to be unimportant politicians and bad administrators, divorced from reality and poorly aware of it.

In a relatively short time, from March to October 1917, four compositions of the Provisional Government were replaced: its first composition lasted about two months (March-April), the next three (coalition, with "socialist ministers") - each no more than a month and a half . It survived two serious power crises (in July and September).

The power of the Provisional Government was weakening every day. It increasingly lost control over the situation in the country. In an atmosphere of political instability in the country, deepening economic ruin, a protracted unpopular war. threats of imminent famine, the masses longed for a "firm government" that could "put things in order." The inconsistency of the behavior of the Russian muzhik also worked - his primordially Russian desire for "firm order" and at the same time primordially Russian hatred of any really existing order, i.e. a paradoxical combination in the peasant mentality of Caesarism (naive monarchism) and anarchism, humility and rebellion.

By the autumn of 1917, the power of the Provisional Government was virtually paralyzed: its decrees were not implemented or were ignored altogether. In fact, anarchy reigned on the ground. There were fewer and fewer supporters and defenders of the Provisional Government. This largely explains the ease with which it was overthrown by the Bolsheviks on October 25, 1917. They not only easily overthrew the virtually powerless Provisional Government, but also received powerful support from the broad masses of the people, promulgating the most important decrees the very next day after the October Revolution - about the earth and the world. Not abstract, incomprehensible to the masses, socialist ideas attracted them to the Bolsheviks, but the hope that they would indeed stop the hated war and once again give the peasants the coveted land.

“V.A. Fedorov. History of Russia 1861-1917.
Bookseller's Regiment Library. http://society.polbu.ru/fedorov_rushistory/ch84_i.html

It did not solve the economic, political and class contradictions in the country, but it was the prerequisite for the February Revolution of 1917. The participation of tsarist Russia in the First World War showed the inability of its economy to carry out military tasks. Many factories stopped their work, the army felt the lack of equipment, weapons, food. The transport system of the country is absolutely not adapted to the military situation, agriculture has lost ground. Economic difficulties have increased Russia's foreign debt to enormous proportions.

Intending to extract the maximum benefits from the war, the Russian bourgeoisie began to create unions and committees on questions of raw materials, fuel, food, and so on.

True to the principle of proletarian internationalism, the Bolshevik Party revealed the imperialist nature of the war, which was waged in the interests of the exploiting classes, its predatory, predatory nature. The party sought to direct the discontent of the masses into the channel of a revolutionary struggle for the collapse of the autocracy.

In August 1915, the "Progressive Bloc" was formed, which planned to force Nicholas II to abdicate in favor of his brother Mikhail. Thus, the opposition bourgeoisie hoped to prevent the revolution and at the same time preserve the monarchy. But such a scheme did not ensure bourgeois-democratic transformations in the country.

The reasons for the February Revolution of 1917 were anti-war sentiments, the plight of the workers and peasants, political lack of rights, the decline in the authority of the autocratic government and its inability to carry out reforms.

The driving force in the struggle was the working class, led by the revolutionary Bolshevik Party. The allies of the workers were the peasants, who demanded the redistribution of land. The Bolsheviks explained to the soldiers the goals and objectives of the struggle.

The main events of the February Revolution took place rapidly. For several days in Petrograd, Moscow and other cities there was a wave of strikes with the slogans "Down with the tsarist government!", "Down with the war!". On February 25, the political strike became general. Executions, arrests were not able to stop the revolutionary onslaught of the masses. Government troops were put on alert, the city of Petrograd was turned into a military camp.

February 26, 1917 was the beginning of the February Revolution. On February 27, the soldiers of the Pavlovsky, Preobrazhensky and Volynsky regiments went over to the side of the workers. This decided the outcome of the struggle: on February 28, the government was overthrown.

The outstanding significance of the February Revolution is that it was the first people's revolution in history of the era of imperialism, which ended in victory.

During the February Revolution of 1917, Tsar Nicholas II abdicated.

Dual power arose in Russia, which was a kind of result of the February Revolution of 1917. On the one hand, the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies as an organ of people's power, on the other hand, the Provisional Government is an organ of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. In organizational matters, the bourgeoisie was more prepared for power, but was unable to establish autocracy.

The provisional government pursued an anti-people, imperialist policy: the land issue was not resolved, factories remained in the hands of the bourgeoisie, agriculture and industry were in dire need, and there was not enough fuel for rail transport. The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie only deepened the economic and political problems.

Russia after the February Revolution experienced an acute political crisis. Therefore, the need was ripe for the development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one, which was supposed to bring the proletariat to power.

One of the consequences of the February Revolution is the October Revolution under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!".

The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia is still called the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution. It is the second revolution in a row (the first took place in 1905, the third in October 1917). The February Revolution began a great turmoil in Russia, during which not only the Romanov dynasty fell and the Empire ceased to be a monarchy, but also the entire bourgeois-capitalist system, as a result of which the elite was completely replaced in Russia

Causes of the February Revolution

The unfortunate participation of Russia in the First World War, accompanied by defeats on the fronts, the disorganization of life in the rear
The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which degenerated into unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
Corruption at all levels of government
Economic difficulties
Ideological decomposition of the masses, who ceased to believe in the king, and the church, and local leaders
Dissatisfaction with the policy of the tsar by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives

“... For several days now we have been living on a volcano ... There was no bread in Petrograd - the transport was very disordered due to unusual snows, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the tension of the war ... There were street riots ... But it was, of course, not in bread… That was the last straw… The fact was that in this whole huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities… And not even that… The fact is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves… There was no , in fact, not a single minister who would believe in himself and in what he is doing ... The class of former rulers came to naught .. "
(Vas. Shulgin "Days")

The course of the February Revolution

February 21 - Bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds smashed bakery shops
February 23 - the beginning of the general strike of the workers of Petrograd. Mass demonstrations with the slogans "Down with the war!", "Down with the autocracy!", "Bread!"
February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises went on strike, students
February 25 - Already 305 thousand people were on strike, 421 factories were standing. Employees and artisans joined the workers. The troops refused to disperse the protesters
February 26 - Continued riots. Decomposition in the troops. The inability of the police to restore calm. Nicholas II
postponed the start of meetings of the State Duma from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution
February 27 - armed uprising. The reserve battalions of Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky refused to obey the commanders and joined the people. In the afternoon, the Semyonovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the reserve armored division revolted. The Kronverk Arsenal, the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, railway stations, and bridges were occupied. The State Duma
appointed a Provisional Committee "to restore order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and persons."
On February 28, at night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, sailors of the 2nd Baltic Naval Crew and the cruiser Aurora revolted. The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd
March 1 - Kronstadt and Moscow revolted, the tsar's close associates offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called "responsible ministries" - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant turning the Emperor into an "English queen".
March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late. The public demanded renunciation.

"The Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief," General Alekseev, requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability under the circumstances of the abdication of the emperor from the throne in favor of his son. By one in the afternoon on March 2, all the answers of the commanders-in-chief were received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian front (the king of Romania was actually commander-in-chief, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front. All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (gen. Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Sovereign) spoke in favor of the abdication of the Sovereign Emperor from the throne. (Vas. Shulgin "Days")

On March 2, at about 3 p.m., Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, under the regency of the younger brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. During the day, the king decided to abdicate also for the heir.
March 4 - The Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich were published in the newspapers.

“The man rushed to us - Darlings! - He shouted and grabbed my hand - Did you hear? There is no king! Only Russia remained.
He kissed everyone warmly and rushed to run on, sobbing and muttering something ... It was already one in the morning when Efremov usually slept soundly.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, there was a booming and short strike of the cathedral bell. Then the second blow, the third.
The blows became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. Doors in many houses stood wide open. Strangers, crying, hugged each other. From the side of the station, a solemn and jubilant cry of steam locomotives flew (K. Paustovsky "Restless Youth")

The main reasons for the revolution were:

1) the existence in the country of the remnants of the feudal serf system in the form of autocracy and landlordism;

2) an acute economic crisis that hit the leading industries and led to the decline of the country's agriculture;

3) the difficult financial situation of the country (the depreciation of the ruble to 50 kopecks; the increase in public debt by 4 times);

4) the rapid growth of the strike movement and the rise of peasant unrest. In 1917 there were 20 times more strikes in Russia than on the eve of the first Russian revolution;

5) the army and navy ceased to be the military backbone of the autocracy; the growth of anti-war sentiment among soldiers and sailors;

6) the growth of opposition sentiments among the bourgeoisie and intelligentsia, dissatisfied with the dominance of tsarist officials and the arbitrariness of the police;

7) rapid change of government members; the appearance in the entourage of Nicholas I of personalities such as G. Rasputin, the fall of the authority of the tsarist government; 8) the rise of the national liberation movement of the peoples of the national outskirts.

On February 23 (March 8, NS) demonstrations took place in Petrograd on the International Day of Women Workers. The next day, a general strike swept the capital. On February 25, the events were reported to the headquarters of the emperor. He ordered to "stop the riots." The Duma, by decree of Nicholas II, was dissolved for two months. On the night of February 26, mass arrests of the leaders of the revolutionary uprisings took place. On February 26, troops opened fire on demonstrators, killing and injuring more than 150 people. But after this, the troops, including the Cossacks, began to go over to the side of the rebels. On February 27, Petrograd was engulfed in revolution. The next day, the city passed into the hands of the rebels. The Duma deputies created a Provisional Committee for the Restoration of Order in Petrograd (Chairman M.V. Rodzianko), which tried to take the situation under control. In parallel, elections were held for the Petrograd Soviet, its executive committee was formed, headed by the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze.

On the night of March 1-2, by agreement of the Provisional Committee and the Petrograd Soviet, the Provisional Government was formed (chairman G.E. Lvov).

On March 2, Nicholas II abdicated in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. He refused the crown and transferred power to the Provisional Government, instructing him to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly, which would determine the future structure of Russia.

Several political groups have formed in the country, proclaiming themselves the government of Russia:

1) The Provisional Committee of the members of the State Duma formed the Provisional Government, whose main task was to win the confidence of the population. The Provisional Government declared itself the legislative and executive power, in which the following disputes immediately arose:

About what the future Russia should be: parliamentary or presidential;

On the ways of solving the national question, questions about land, etc.;

On the electoral law;

On elections to the Constituent Assembly.

At the same time, the time for solving current, fundamental problems was inevitably lost.

2) Organizations of persons who have declared themselves authorities. The largest of these was the Petrograd Soviet, which consisted of moderate-left politicians and invited the workers and soldiers to delegate their representatives to the Soviet.

The Council declared itself the guarantor against a return to the past, against the restoration of the monarchy and the suppression of political freedoms.

The Council also supported the steps taken by the Provisional Government to strengthen democracy in Russia.

3) In addition to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, other bodies of de facto power were formed on the ground: factory committees, district councils, national associations, new authorities in the "national outskirts", for example, in Kyiv - the Ukrainian Rada.

The current political situation began to bear the name of "dual power", although in practice it was a multi-power, developing into an anarchic anarchy. Monarchist and Black Hundred organizations in Russia were banned and dissolved. In the new Russia, two political forces remained: the liberal-bourgeois and the left-wing socialist, but in which there were disagreements.

In addition, there was a powerful pressure from the bottom:

Hoping for a socio-economic improvement in life, the workers demanded an immediate increase in wages, the introduction of an eight-hour day, unemployment guarantees and social security.

The peasants advocated the redistribution of neglected lands,

The soldiers insisted on softening the discipline.

The disagreements of the “dual power”, its constant reform, the continuation of the war, etc., led to a new revolution - the October Revolution of 1917.

CONCLUSION.

So, the result of the February Revolution of 1917 was the overthrow of the autocracy, the abdication of the tsar from the throne, the emergence of dual power in the country: the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie in the person of the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, representing the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.

The victory of the February Revolution was a victory for all active sections of the population over the medieval autocracy, a breakthrough that brought Russia on a par with the advanced countries in terms of proclaiming democratic and political freedoms.

The February Revolution of 1917 was the first victorious revolution in Russia and turned Russia, thanks to the overthrow of tsarism, into one of the most democratic countries. Arising in March 1917. the dual power was a reflection of the fact that the era of imperialism and the world war unusually accelerated the course of the country's historical development, the transition to more radical transformations. The international significance of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution is also extremely great. Under its influence, the strike movement of the proletariat intensified in many belligerent countries.

The main event of this revolution for Russia itself was the need to carry out long overdue reforms on the basis of compromises and coalitions, the rejection of violence in politics.

The first steps towards this were taken in February 1917. But only the first...