Biographies Characteristics Analysis

An eye for an eye: how fate cursed the family of the murderer of the royal family. The story of Yakov Yurovsky about the execution of the royal family

The ancestor of Russian President Dmitry Medvedev was the executioner of the family of the last tsar, Nikolai Romanov.

Yurovsky and Mikhail Medvedev - it was they who led the execution of the royal family. The authority of Dmitry Medvedev is much higher than the authority of Vladimir Putin, whose ancestor was only a cook for Lenin and Stalin.

For the past 500 years, the rulers of Russia have been searching for great biographies for themselves. The “Tsar” (Grand Duke) Ivan the Terrible was proud that his ancestors were the Austrian emperors and the Temnik Mamai. The last Romanovs, as you know, "Russian blood" was about 1%. Lenin was just a German intellectual, Khrushchev was a small local crest: no romance.

Finally, "dear Russians" got heroes for their presidency: Boris Yeltsin was an Old Believer gravedigger of the "evil empire", "Vladimir Putin" (the second version of his surname "Platov") - a descendant of the dynasty of cooks of general secretaries. Dmitry Medvedev hid under the guise of a "hipster" for a long time, trying to present himself as a worthless person.

But it's not. President Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev is a descendant of the regicide Mikhail Medvedev, Yurovsky's deputy and organizer of the execution of the Romanov family.

The Interpreter's blog received notes from a Tver genealogist. Of course, we cannot disclose his name for obvious reasons. This man spent several years in the archives, trying to find out the details of the execution of the royal family. The Tver genealogist provided us with a small part of his research.

Ironically, the second most important regicide of the royal family bore the surname "Kudrin". Our informant has not yet been able to find out whether the current Deputy Prime Minister, Treasury Secretary and Russian money caretaker on the part of the US Federal Reserve, Alexei Kudrin, is a relative of that person. Our genealogist believes that Kudrin is only 75% likely to be a relative of President (and at the same time regicide) Dmitry Medvedev.

So, let's start deciphering the notes of our informant. Mikhail Medvedev (underground nicknamed Lom) was the head of the royal family's guards. According to his version, Yurovsky only finished off the members of the royal family and retinue with control shots. And the execution itself was organized by Medvedev, 7 Latvians of his team, 2 Hungarians and 2 Old Believers-anarchists - Nikulin and Ermakov.

Unlike Yurovsky, Medvedev died peacefully. Moreover, he was favored by Stalin and his henchmen. With the transition of Stalin to the "Russian nationalists" in the mid-1930s, Medvedev went into the shadows, and only occasionally went to provincial universities with a story about how he finished off Nicholas the Bloody. But with the accession of Khrushchev, the regicide found a second life: in addition to the fact that he received a pension of 4,500 rubles, Medvedev was also attracted to the propaganda of the “thaw” - stories with physiological details about the murder of the royal family. For example, in 1959, at a meeting with students of the law faculty of Moscow State University, Medvedev boasted how the anarchist Old Believers Nikulin and Ermakov decided to save cartridges, and therefore finish off the enemies of the workers with bayonets.

The fame of the Medvedev-Bolshevik family began with the elder brother of the future regicide, Alexander. He joined the underground RSDLP back in 1910, and in 1918 he headed the Bryansk Cheka. Mikhail was at first a Left SR. From 1909 to 1912, i.e. from the age of 18 to 21, he controlled the "roof" in the Baku fields. In the same place, he was paid tribute by a certain director of the Nobel oil office by the name of Yurgens, the great-grandfather of the current adviser to President Medvedev, Igor Yurgens.

According to official data, Medvedev joined the RSDLP in 1911, according to unofficial data, only in 1914. But President Medvedev's great-great-grandfather did not lose the profile of his activity: going over to the Bolsheviks, he was still engaged in protecting business in Baku, as well as in the Black Sea region (in particular, he took the cash desk of one bank in Yalta in 1915; production amounted to 43 thousand rubles) . In good months, Medvedev's battle group extorted 12-15 thousand rubles of tribute from commerce. 2/3 of the money went up, the rest were commissions from the opposition.

After 1918, the fate of Medvedev-Kudrin was successful. His son Mikhail wrote to the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1964 (the year of his father's death):

“Comrade M. M. Medvedev addressed a letter to the Central Committee of the CPSU. - the son of a member of the CPSU since 1911, M.A., who died in January 1964. Medvedev.

First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU comrade. N.S. Khrushchev from Medvedev Mikhail Mikhailovich, editor of the publishing house "Nauka" of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, son of a personal pensioner of allied significance, member of the CPSU since 1911, Colonel Medvedev Mikhail Alexandrovich (1891-1964).

Dear Nikita Sergeevich! Having somewhat recovered from the grief that befell our family, I am now in a position to express my sincere gratitude to you for your attention to the memory of my father, who, on your orders, was buried with military honors at the Novodevichy Cemetery on January 15, 1964.

I am authorized by my father to fulfill his three dying wishes:

1. Dying, dad asked me to congratulate you on April 17, 1964, on your 70th birthday, wish you good health and personally give you on his behalf as a gift a historical relic of our family - a Browning system pistol No. 389965, from which father on the night of July 17, 1918, he shot in Yekaterinburg the last Russian Tsar "Nicholas II" (citizen Romanov N.A.) and his family; and also to convey to you the memories of the pope about the liquidation of the Romanov dynasty, which reigned in Russia for more than 300 years.

All documents confirming his father's participation in the destruction of the Romanovs are stored in his personal file of a personal pensioner of allied significance - book No. 28017-s - in the Ministry of Social Security of the RSFSR in Moscow.

I am writing to you in advance in the hope that the comrades from your Secretariat at the Central Committee of the CPSU will help me make a suitable wooden box of the required dimensions for the joint storage of a historical pistol, two clips, 70 rounds of ammunition for it and a text of memoirs about the last days of the Romanovs in Yekaterinburg (now the city of Yekaterinburg). Sverdlovsk).

My father expressed the wish that his party card No. 00213416 (which I handed over through the party organization Elektropromremont to the Sverdlovsk United Committee of the CPSU in Moscow) would be kept in one box along with a pistol and memories. In addition, I will print photographic portraits of my father, taken by him in 1918, 1921, 1933 and 1954.

2. Dying, dad asked me to give (with your consent) as a gift to the leader of the Cuban people, comrade Fidel Castro Rus, his partisan military weapon of 1919 - an American-made Colt pistol, with which my father went at the head of a partisan detachment to the rear of Kolchak along the North Ural. The guerrillas were armed with captured American weapons (Lewis machine guns, Colt pistols, as well as grenades, Winchesters) and at halts in the marshy swamps, when they were cleaning weapons around the fire, they dreamed of the time when the Revolution would spread to the American continent and, perhaps, , their weapons will still serve those brave guys who will establish socialism in America.

My father was lucky enough to live to see the birth of the first socialist country on the American continent. He always spoke with enthusiasm about Fidel and his young bearded men - they reminded him of his fighting youth, when the Russian guys, who also had no time to shave, after another battle, cut off by a ring of enemies from the whole world, dreamed of a World Revolution.

The Pope died in the early morning of January 13, 1964, the morning of the day when Fidel Castro flew to rest in Moscow. Their names were found only on the page of Pravda dated January 15 (I enclose the number), where an obituary of my father, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Medvedev (Kudrin), was placed, signed by the wife of Felix Dzerzhinsky, the son of Stepan Shaumyan, an old Chekist from V.I. Lenin - Sergei Uralov and other associates of the Pope in the Revolution and the Civil War. After the funeral, my mother fell seriously ill, in addition, worries fell on me regarding the registration of a pension for my father and many other formalities - I could not fulfill my father's wish while Fidel Castro was visiting the Soviet Union. But I think that you will advise me how best to do it in practice.

3. Dying, my father advised me to turn to you and ask you to save my mother, Medvedeva Zinaida Mikhailovna, along with half of my father's pension, half of the food ration from Branch No. 2 of the Medical Nutrition Canteen (which is in Bolshoy Komsomolsky Lane).

So that your father's last request does not seem strange and inappropriate to you, I will try to understand the essence of the matter. To begin with, my father, as a prisoner of tsarism, a political exile, a revolutionary with underground experience (a member of the CPSU since 1911) and the head of the illegal Bolshevik Union of Sailors of the Caspian Merchant Fleet (1913-1914) in Baku, had the opportunity back in 1953 year to go on a personal pension and receive food rations. But the father, as a true soldier of the Leninist guard, considered it unacceptable to sit out in the country without participating in socialist construction. Despite his health being undermined by the tsarist prison and the Civil War, he remained in the ranks and worked until his retirement in the fall of 1962. He spoke with contempt of the tricksters who, while working, did not hesitate to receive a personal pension and food rations from the canteen of medical nutrition. Even when he retired, he considered it unacceptable, according to normal standards, to demand rations for himself, although he, as an old revolutionary, had every right to this. We managed to persuade my father - a man of severe convictions - only when my mother's illnesses made clinical nutrition necessary for the continuation of life.

In April 1963, my father sent a request for food rations to the Administrator of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR (with all the necessary documents and certificates from the 2nd polyclinic of the Fourth Main Directorate of the USSR Ministry of Health), and at the end of December we were informed by phone (my father was already in the Zagorodnaya hospital with a second cerebral hemorrhage) that on December 26, 1963, dad was attached to Branch No. 2 of the Medical Nutrition Canteen on Bolshoy Komsomolsky Lane.

Father died 18 days later. Mom was again left without medical nutrition. So far, she was saved by the fact that for almost two months she was kept on medical nutrition at the Country Hospital in Kuntsevo. It's hard to guess what will happen next.

Faithful to the precepts of my father, I do not ask for any benefits and discounts for my mother. But, perhaps, it is in your power - if this does not contradict the main state regulations - to keep half the ration for the mother for the full state price of food in order to prolong the life of the mother, who steadfastly endured all the hardships of her father's far from easy life path (they were married from January 1917 years after the death of the Pope).

4. Finally, I must consult with you about the remaining honorary weapons of the pope, about which the father did not have time to make any orders: the agony began, speech was lost, and he could no longer tell me anything.

We are talking about two pistols - "Nagant" and "Mauser". Judging by the certificates of honor preserved in the papers of the pope, the father was awarded the Nagan pistol No. 12030 on December 18, 1927 by the Crimean Central Executive Committee of workers, peasants, Red Army and Red Navy deputies. On the handle of the "Nagant" there is a silver plate with the inscription: "Comrade. M.A. Medvedev for the fight against counter-revolution from the Crimean Central Executive Committee on the 10th anniversary of the Cheka - OGPU.

Father was awarded the Mauser pistol No. 173410 by order of the OGPU No. 1180 of December 20, 1932, also for the fight against counter-revolution. Since during these years the father, as can be seen from the manuscript of his memoirs, especially distinguished himself in the fight against smugglers, counterfeiters, bandits in the Crimea, Siberia and the Far East, then perhaps it would be logical to transfer this weapon to the Museum of Border Troops for storage?

I ask for your decision on all the issues raised by me, as well as on the day and hour of our meeting with you, when I can personally convey to you my father's memories and congratulate you on your 70th birthday - notify me by letter or by phone numbers indicated on the first page of my letters.

With good wishes for your health and vigor, sincerely yours (Mikhail Medvedev), editor of the historical editorial office of the Nauka Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR.

P.S. I am enclosing Pravda No. 15 (16601) dated January 15, 1964, a peripheral issue, where an obituary about my father with a summary of his life path. M.

Then, in 1964, the son of Chekist Mikhail Medvedev persuaded another son of a Bolshevik (anarchist Old Believer) Nikulin to record his testimony on the radio. At the same time, it was believed that Nikulin allegedly was only a witness to the post-mortem identification of the bodies of the Romanov family:

“Here, I remember, in 1936, I was still small, and Yakov Mikhailovich Yurovsky came to us and wrote something ... I remember that they clarified something with dad, sometimes, as I remember, they argued ... He fired the first shot at Nikolai ... my father said that he shot, and Yurovsky said that he shot ... "

Mikhail Mikhailovich Medvedev persuaded in the same 1964 to record his memoirs of another regicide, Radzinsky, on a tape recorder.

“One man went down into the water with ropes and dragged the corpses out of the water. Nikolai was taken out first. The water was so cold that the faces of the corpses were red-cheeked, as if alive ... A truck got stuck in a quagmire, and we barely pulled the car out ... And then an idea flashed through us, which we realized ... We decided that there was no better place to find ... We immediately the quagmire was dug up… the corpses were flooded with sulfuric acid… disfigured… There was a railway nearby… Rotten sleepers were brought to mask the grave. Only a part of those who were shot were buried in the quagmire, the rest were burned ... Here they definitely burned Nikolai - I remember ... And Botkin ... and, in my opinion, Alexei ... "

These audio tapes are still in the archives of the KGB. Our informant says that these notes were deciphered in the 1970s by Associate Professor of the Faculty of Philology of Moscow State University Duvakin. In the early 1980s, KGB chief Andropov liked to listen to confessions of the regicides in the evenings.

A researcher of the genealogy of the Medvedev family told us that the current President Dmitry Medvedev is the cousin of the regicide Mikhail Medvedev-Kudrin: the president's grandfather Afanasy Fedorovich was the nephew of the regicide.

The Interpreter's blog is not completely sure, but from the stories of our informants it follows that Dmitry Anatolyevich became the heir to THE SAME "Browning" and "Mauser". Rumor has it that from Andropov he also got films of stories of regicides, as well as the skull of the last Tsar Nikolai Romanov, who had already been buried several times by the last patriarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church.

The Interpreter's Blog predicts that Tandem plans to appoint a descendant of Georgy Malenkov, his grandson Vyacheslav Volodin, the current head of the apparatus of the government of the Russian Federation, as the next president of Russia. At the inauguration, he will be given the attributes of the Russian government: audio recordings of the regicides Medvedev, Nikulin, Radzinsky and Ermakov, as well as pistols and the skull of Nikolai Romanov. Source - http://ttolk.ru/?p=2939

The curse of the family of the regicide Yurovsky. Yakov Yurovsky was the direct organizer of the murder of Nicholas II and his family. Yurovsky never repented of his deed, he was even proud. However, the murder of innocent people is murder, and even if the offender avoids an earthly court, he is overtaken by the revenge of some higher powers that have taken on the mission of justice. Not only the murderer will have to answer, but also his descendants and relatives. Children and grandchildren Rimma, Yurovsky's first child, was his favorite. As a father, Rimma plunged headlong into the revolution and successfully advanced along the party line. In 1935 she was arrested. Yurovsky adored his daughter, but "the party is not mistaken" - and he sacrificed his daughter in the name of the revolution. According to the recollections of relatives, Yurovsky almost lost his mind when he learned the terrible news about the arrest of Rimma, but he never made any attempts to pull her free or somehow alleviate her plight. Rimma Yurovskaya served time in the Karaganda camp, was released in 1946, and remained in a settlement in South Kazakhstan. Only in 1956 she was rehabilitated and was able to return to Leningrad. Yurovsky did not catch all this, the arrest of his daughter actually brought him to the grave: against the background of experiences, his stomach ulcer worsened and in 1938 he died. His son is next on the list of victims. Rear Admiral Alexander Yurovsky was arrested in 1952. Only the death of Stalin saved him from a terrible fate. Alexander Yurovsky was released in March 1953 and retired. Of course, the Stalinist Gulag is not a sanatorium, but still both the daughter and the son of Yurovsky survived. The fate of the grandchildren was much sadder. Grandchildren fell from the roof of the barn, died in a fire, poisoned by mushrooms and committed suicide. Girls died in infancy. Beloved grandson Anatoly, Rimma's son was found dead in the car. The cause of death could not be established. As a result, the Yurovsky clan was cut short in a straight line. But the side branch did not escape the curse. Beloved niece Yakov Yurovsky simply adored the niece, flirtatious Masha. At the age of 16, Maria fell in love and ran away from home. A year later she returned home, without her husband, but with a child. Beloved niece Masha became Yurovsky's "unlucky Masha", he disowned her. She is not the first, she is not the last, but not all abandoned women have life going wrong. Maria went. Subsequently, Mary had more than a dozen "husbands", from whom she gave birth to 11 children. But only one survived, the first-born Boris, because his mother gave him to an orphanage, where he became from Yurovsky Yurovsky. The curse bypassed Boris, his son Vladimir was born, who in turn became the father of two children. Vladimir does not tell his son and daughter about their "famous" relative, considering him a soulless villain. Vladimir believes in the curse and seriously fears for the future of his children. Others The decision to execute Nicholas II and his family was made on July 14 by the Presidium of the Ural Regional Council. Members of the Presidium: Alexander Beloborodov (Chairman), Georgy Safarov, Philip Goloshchekin, Petr Voikov, Fyodor Lukoyanov, Yakov Yurovsky. Here is how their fates turned out: Alexander Beloborodov - arrested in 1936, shot in 1938. Georgy Safarov - arrested in 1934, shot in 1942. Filipp Goloshchekin - arrested in 1939, shot in 1941. Petr Voikov - in 1927 in Warsaw was mortally wounded Polish terrorist. Fyodor Lukoyanov - was not shot only because in 1919 the doctors diagnosed him with a nervous disease (the years of work in the Perm and then the Urals Cheka affected him) and placed him in the "Moscow sanatorium", where he died in 1947. Each of the destinies described is not unique. Hundreds of thousands of people passed through the Gulag, many of whom died. Many fiery Bolsheviks were shot during the years of repression. Children died as a result of accidents, infant mortality exists today. But in combination, they show a terrible picture: the death of the family of Yakov Yurovsky, who organized the murder of the royal family and the death of every accomplice in the crime. No villainy goes unpunished!

But who was Yakov Yurovsky, the infamous commandant of the Ipatiev House, really? Investigator Sokolov, who in 1919 was assigned to handle the case of the execution of the Romanovs, characterizes him as follows:

“The direct leader of the murder was Yakov Yurovsky. But he also worked out in detail the very plan of the murder.”

And especially now, after the discovery and publication of his Notes, Yurovsky will remain in history as the direct perpetrator of this terrible crime, which he himself organized with unheard-of cruelty.

Before the revolution, Yurovsky was well known to the tsarist police. His name appears in the documents of the former, which are in Moscow, in the fund of the Special Section of the Police Department:

“To Cannes tradesman Yakov Mikhailov Yurovsky, Governor of Tomsk, in the interests of maintaining public order, on the basis of paragraph 4 of Art. 16 of the Regulations on Enhanced Protection in view of the harmful activity of the named Yurovsky, it is forbidden for him, for the entire duration of the said provision, to reside within the limits of the Tomsk province with the right to choose Yurovsky's place of residence.

Judging by the results, the orders of the tsarist police were not so cruel and not so effective if a person clearly registered with the local authorities was given the opportunity to choose his place of residence.

The document cited above, drawn up in the gendarme department of the city of Tomsk, is accompanied by an appendix that more accurately explains the "harmful direction of Yurovsky's activity": it is a report by secret agent "Sidorov" about weapons - nine revolvers - owned by a local Social Democratic organization and given to Yurovsky before his departure to his sister Panya, also a party activist.

Yurovsky was a left-wing Social Democrat, and therefore a Bolshevik. To use the terminology of the time, he was a "professional revolutionary" but, as we shall see, rather atypical. Having joined the party in 1905, he immediately began to stand out for his unbending faith, and even Lenin himself called him at one time "the most devoted communist." Yurovsky has accumulated a solid "work experience", as he has been an active member of the underground organization for many years.

And here are other data about this person, collected many years later by the White Guard counterintelligence:

“Yakov Movshev Yurovsky, 40 years old, a Jew, a tradesman of the city of Cannes, Tomsk province, a watchmaker, kept electrophotography in Yekaterinburg and lived at the address: 1st Beregovaya Street, house 6.”

Like many other professional revolutionaries, and not only Jews, Yurovsky changed his real name to the Russian way: this was done by many underground workers in order to more reliably hide from the authorities. Yurovsky's patronymic was not Movshev, but Khaimovich, but the first one was quite suitable for this document, as long as it indicated the Jewish origin of the object. Such tendentiousness was characteristic of the lists that were compiled by the White Guard counterintelligence, and once again demonstrated the unshakable confidence of this organization that it was the Jews - and only the Jews - who conceived and "made" the revolution.

The future commandant of the Ipatiev House was born in 1878, and his real name was Yakov Khaimovich Yurovsky; and although the name and patronymic leave no doubt about his nationality, he was not a true Jew: the fact is that during the democratic revolution of 1905 he lived in Germany for about a year and converted to Lutheranism. All the same mysterious stay in Berlin helped him to return to his homeland almost a rich man. Yurovsky, the penultimate of eight children in the family, got on his own feet and before the revolution lived in relative prosperity, engaging in petty trade.

The general mobilization of 1914 did not bypass him: Yurovsky was drafted into the army, but he still managed to avoid being sent to the front, as he entered the courses of orderlies. Having brilliantly graduated from them, he then served in the Yekaterinburg military hospital.

Without a doubt, Yurovsky from a young age was distinguished by a strong character and a strong personality; he so subdued Kensorin Arkhipov - the doctor who taught at the courses - that he took him under his protection and provided all kinds of assistance.

But the personal doctor of the heir to Alexei Vladimir Derevenko, in his testimony, which he gave in 1919 as a witness, draws a clearly negative portrait of Yurovsky:

“On one of my visits, when I entered the room, I saw a subject sitting near the window in a black jacket, with a wedge-shaped beard, black, black mustache and wavy black, especially long, combed back hair, black eyes, a full cheeky face, clean, without special he will accept, of a dense build, broad shoulders, a short neck, a pure baritone voice, slow, with great aplomb, with a sense of his dignity, who, together with me and Avdeev, came to the patient. After examining the patient, Yurovsky, seeing a tumor on the leg of the Heir, suggested that I put a plaster cast on me and by this revealed his knowledge of medicine.

It should be noted that Dr. Derevenko was granted the right to live in freedom in Yekaterinburg, and the Bolsheviks allowed him, alone of the entire imperial retinue, to regularly visit the prisoners.

In a fit of iconoclasm and seized with a thirst for blood, Yurovsky destroyed all the Romanovs, including Dr. Botkin and even the servants, but for reasons that were unclear then spared Derevenko. But he was seriously compromised, since he was suspected of mediating between Romanov and a certain “white officer” during their fictitious correspondence and, accordingly, in an effort to free the prisoners. This happened even before Yurovsky's arrival at the Ipatiev House, when Avdeev, a gloomy and cruel man, was the commandant.

Now, after the appearance of new materials already published, it can be stated with full confidence that there has never been any "White Guard conspiracy" to free the prisoners. As we said earlier, this famous correspondence was fabricated in order to prove the guilt of the Romanovs who answered the letters, and then to justify their murder. Yurovsky, no doubt, knew the truth, and by keeping Dr. Derevenko alive, he wanted to thereby once again demonstrate to his predecessors his strength and power in decision-making.

Yurovsky was not so much oppressed by the tsarist regime; on the contrary, fate gave him a very privileged position, far from the conditions in which a significant part of the population of proletarian origin lived. For them, the revolution brought with it freedom and the beginning of a brighter future. But when the February Revolution took place, Yurovsky - in the words of General Diterichs (Diterichs Mikhail Konstantinovich (1874-1937), one of the organizers of the counter-revolution during the Civil War. everyone." And further:

“Cheerful in words and in speech, picked up superficial concepts of socialism abroad, not embarrassed by lies, impudent, but popular at that time slander ...”

Yurovsky immediately managed to prove himself, rise above the crowd, and from the hospital in which he served, he was elected a delegate to the Yekaterinburg Soviet: from there his career as a political figure began.

After the October events, the "professional revolutionary" very soon became a famous figure among the local Bolsheviks. Almost simultaneously, he held various positions: he was a member of the executive committee of the Ural Council, the Commissioner of Justice of the Ural Region and the commandant of the Ipatiev House. He also continued to be one of the most prominent figures in the regional Cheka, created by his efforts, in whose ranks he continued to be active. He also had "high-ranking" friends in Moscow, in particular Sverdlov.

Such was Yurovsky during the period of his appointment as commandant: perhaps not quite a typical Bolshevik, but in any case a man who was considered to be devoted to the cause of the party and a tireless activist. Not a single fact that we know about his activities before the murder of the Romanovs gives us grounds for explaining such a monstrous metamorphosis: on that July night in 1918, Yurovsky turned into a beast, seized with dark fanaticism and overwhelmed by bloodlust.

Regicide. Mauser Ermakova Zhuk Yuri Alexandrovich

A.P. Murzin. What did the regicide Yermakov tell about before his death (Open letter to His Holiness the Patriarch)

Your Holiness! I am addressing you on the most urgent issue at the moment from the whole complex of problems related to the study of the circumstances of the death in 1918 in Yekaterinburg of the Royal Family and its servants - the question of the further fate of the human remains found in 1991. As you know, these remains were immediately sensationally declared "Royal", which caused strong objections from many researchers of the Yekaterinburg tragedy, which have not been removed even now.

Nevertheless, recently the State Commission, which is engaged in the "identification" of these remains, all according to the same only "royal" version, decided to rebury them precisely as "royal" ones and, accordingly, with an "August" manner in scope. This was done, as before, without any historical argumentation of the very origin of the burial under the Koptyakovskaya road.

In this regard, I am forced to break my many years of silence and lift the curtain on some episodes of the Yekaterinburg tragedy. And above all - over the imaginary secret of the discovered "grave". As far as I know, it was your wisdom and patience as the Primate of the Russian Orthodox Church that until now has held back aggressive attempts by various forces to compel the Church to agree to rebury far from reliable remains according to the “royal” ritual. I would be glad if I could help at least a little to strengthen the position of Your Holiness and the Russian Orthodox Church to protect the Church from impending disaster - from the possible "acquisition" of false relics in the future, in the event of the canonization of the martyrs of Yekaterinburg, which she cannot allow.

Let me briefly introduce myself. Journalist. Former correspondent for Komsomolskaya Pravda and Pravda. But it so happened in my life that, while still a student of the journalism department of the Ural University (then in Sverdlovsk), I met in 1951 with the real murderer of Nicholas II - Pyotr Zakharovich Ermakov. I am writing only about myself, because my university friend S.M. Betev, later a well-known writer in the Urals, unfortunately died in 1990. Since then, I remain the only witness to everything that P.Z. Ermakov, including the existence of a certain "secret grave", which he promised, but did not have time to show us.

The "regicides" in today's press, free from historicism, are no less divorced than those who, until recently, in the same press "carried" the famous Lenin log at the Kremlin subbotnik.

On the other hand, the figure of Yermakov, key to unraveling many of the mysteries of the "crime of the century", is immediately swept aside because of his well-known exorbitant claims to regicide: a, this is the one who everywhere declared that he alone "killed everyone, everyone." Meanwhile, if you count, then, according to all the "evidence" of the manager of the "execution" Ya.M. Yurovsky, it turns out that it was he who killed “everyone, everyone” on that July night: at least eight victims out of eleven. Even the “bloody Munchausen” Yermakov did not dare to do this.

I am writing this because a crime cannot be solved if the criminal himself leads in its “traces”. I cannot turn this letter into a detailed historical study, but I am convinced and ready to prove anywhere: all the “evidence” of Ya.M. Yurovsky about the Yekaterinburg atrocity are woven from solid, impenetrable lies. With extreme caution, one must also treat the various “memoirs” of the other killers (P.3. Ermakov, G.P. Nikulin and M.A. Medvedev-Kudrin), as well as the “funerals”. The phrase "Lies like a participant" is not at all ironic here. Since the killers simply could not know many of the events of those inhuman three days and nights of 1918. That is why all their "testimonies" are just "small versions" of one Big Bolshevik lie about a committed crime. They lead very far from the true paths to the Truth. And it is necessary to change the very principle of the approach to the study of all evidence from the "red" side.

Another thing is the dying (as it soon turned out) confession of Ermakov. On March 30, 1952, sitting in front of us was not the boastful and talkative Yermakov that we previously knew. Painfully yellow, offended, not marked by the native authorities for his "feat", despised and forgotten by everyone, not welcomed even in the regional party committee ... The "happiness" promised to him in 1918 for the murder of the Tsar did not take place. He was sitting at a table with vodka and dumplings. And he brought down on us, students of the faculty of journalism, his deafening story, his bloody truth, which he did not want to take to the grave.

On that day, we learned in many details (even more terrible than we know now) what actually happened in the basement room of the Ipatiev House on the night of July 17, 1918. We learned about the fate of the executioners, about their maddened team, about how the bodies of the martyrs were destroyed, about the jewels taken from the murdered Grand Duchesses. And even about where and by whom they were buried in 1918. Of course, everything that I heard about the regicide then and what I verify and verify today requires a whole series of separate, purely evidence-based publications. And I will try to do it to the best of my ability. The subject of this letter is the true history of the Koptyakov burial and the still completely unclear fate of the remains hidden in it.

July 1918: how the bodies of the martyrs were destroyed.

Ermakov told only what he knew. And he didn't know everything. The action to destroy (or hide) the bodies was even more covert than the murder. It was based on simulation and rumors. And the more ridiculous the rumor, the better. Let's say, the version with "dropping" the bodies into the mine and then taking them out of the mine. Absurd! But it worked, yes! Until now, this fantastic version strictly “according to Yurovsky” is repeated by the leading investigator in the “Romanov case”, the prosecutor-criminalist of the Prosecutor General’s Office V.N. Solovyov (see Domovoy magazine, 1996, No. 2, p. 14).

Ermakov told us that Yurovsky began the fight for the “right of the first bullet” that night, with bloodied corpses. As soon as the shooting subsided, the military commissar Goloshchekin came running from the commandant's room, in a rage asked: "What's taking so long?" Yurovsky replied: "The team was confused, I had to take over everything myself." Yurovsky did not go to the Koptyakovsky forest with the bodies of the dead: the corpses were taken away by Ermakov and Medvedev-Kudrin with "two comrades."

I will not describe everything that happened in those days and nights near the mine. All this was established almost with complete certainty - by the "white" investigation back in 1918-1919. I say "almost" because there are extremely important details that could not be known to that investigation and which the regicide Yermakov told us about.

He categorically stated that there were thirteen corpses, because the next day they brought the bodies of two more "Austrians" (or Magyars) - the same ones who refused to participate in the execution of the royal family: "We don't shoot girls!"

Goloshchekin ordered Yermakov to first burn to the ground three bodies: Nicholas II, Alexei and Anastasia. But at the same time, do not throw their heads into the fire. The dental technician Goloshchekin personally "explained" that the teeth did not burn, so the heads would be destroyed in sulfuric acid. And P.L. "took" three heads somewhere. Voikov. For the convenience of burning, the bodies were chopped up.

Believe, not believe? Let's listen to Ermakov further. And now the question is being asked: how much firewood is needed to burn at least one corpse. After all, it is known that near mine number 7 there were no traces of their harvesting or transportation. Ermakov's story was discouragingly simple: “The White investigators did not guess that the Koptyaks were the Koptyaks for that, that they were engaged in charcoal burning. We burned on charcoal. They poured gasoline on it, burned it…” Is that why no one noticed in those days either a big fire or smoke over the forest?

Ermakov said that they went to the forest, "like to work." And he claimed: he “burned” the “main” bodies on the night of July 18th. And he went home with the team to sleep. And late in the evening of the same day they returned to the mine. And they were quite surprised to see: the team of Goloshchekin and Yurovsky was finishing loading some “not burned out” bodies into the wagons.

It was dark. Ermakov could not tell us with certainty how much the bodies had been cut or burned. In addition, Goloshchekin staged a wild scene for Ermakov for allegedly “arbitrariness”, for “setting the wrong ones on fire”, - the dressing was clearly designed for the public. Goloshchekin said that they decided to change the place of burial: the whole city already knows about him. After that, he and Yurovsky left, saying: we are going to burn the bodies or drown them. And they ordered Yermakov to “hide” all traces at the mine, and drown the remains of the bones in the swamp.

The enraged Yermakovites did not particularly “hide” anything. They raked up some bones, put them in an empty jug of sulfuric acid, and carried it on a stretcher somewhere to the “walk” or “stlan”. And thrown into the swamp quicksand. Ermakov told us that the jug “was small,” so they scattered all the bones left in the fire and threw them into the mine. Then they put out the fire and went home.

August 1919: "grave" under the bridge.

We students were young and naive. And almost no questions were asked to Ermakov. We only saw how the monstrous rumors of regicide, which even then walked around the city, were confirmed. There was also a rumor among them about some secret "royal grave"; allegedly after the war it was dug up, allegedly some kind of investigation was conducted. We asked: was it? And Ermakov told.

In 1919, Yurovsky returned to Yekaterinburg "on the shoulders" of the Red Army - already the head of the regional Cheka. Naturally, he was immediately approached with questions about the burial of the royal remains. There were persistent rumors that Yurovsky and Goloshchekin had hidden some bodies near the village of Palkino. Yurovsky surprisingly willingly agreed to show the "most reliable comrades" the place of the "royal grave." And closer to autumn he brought his comrades to a certain bridge in the swamp: “Here they lie, under these sleepers.” On that day, Yermakov heard for the first time how a version even more false and absurd than the fairy tale with the mine was being born, about the “forced” burial of a whole pile of bodies in a pit formed due to a slipping truck. After that, according to Yurovsky, a bridge of sleepers was built over the pit to disguise it.

Yermakov almost burst out laughing at this fable. The bridge at this place was familiar to him from childhood - shaky, dilapidated. Now in its place lay evenly laid sleepers, around - fresh traces of earthworks. And he “foolishly” doubted loudly: “I was following you that night and didn’t see any of you here.” Yurovsky looked at him with sympathy: “You are the main one here, so let me take a picture of you at this historical place.” And photographed. And the entire "narrow circle" of comrades, too. On that they agreed: to keep this place a secret. And Ermakov kept it for many years, deciding: it means that it should be so.

And in 1945 he was called to Moscow. He was accepted into the apparatus of "Comrade Beria himself." They meticulously questioned him about everything connected with the execution of the Tsar. A new investigation has been underway for almost a year. And under the bridge they dug up a “grave”, in which they stumbled upon some bones. Ermakov, learning about this, was quite surprised. However, he did not change his convictions, firmly telling us on a March day in 1952: Yurovsky made a burial in this place in 1919 ...

Saying goodbye, Ermakov promised - “as soon as it dries up” - to show both this “grave” and the place “on the gati”, where he drowned the jug with the remains, as he believed, of the Tsar, Tsarevich and Anastasia. But soon our interlocutor took to the hospital and died. It so happened that for more than forty years I knew about the existence of a certain "secret royal grave." And I saw this place only in Izvestia for November 19, 1994. There V.N. Solovyov illustrated his article on the study of the remains with a photograph of Ermakov standing at the site of the Koptyakov burial. It became clear that the photograph that Yermakov told us about, the Sverdlovsk students. So he wasn't lying either.

That bridge, but not that one!

In the Izvestinsky article by V.N. Solovyov claims: Yermakov is standing “on the same” bridge, which in 1919 was photographed by Kolchak’s investigator N.A. Sokolov. But Sokolov, the poor fellow, “didn’t guess”, they say, to look under the sleepers, where he would immediately find the “royal remains”.

Compelling explanation...

But why has not an examination of two photographs been carried out so far - the same place on the Koptyakovskaya road, captured in May 1919 by the "white" investigator Sokolov, and in August - September of the same year - by Chekist Yurovsky? And you can see with the naked eye: yes, the place is the same, the same trees, only at Sokolov they are spring, and at Yurovsky they are summer-autumn. But the “bridge” is completely different! It's clearly rebuilt!

Isn't here one of the keys to unraveling the mystery of the burial "under the bridge"? Back in 1994, an employee of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences S.A. Belyaev, who, on behalf of Your Holiness, carefully studied all the materials of the examinations and the investigation in criminal case No. 16 / 123666-93 on the circumstances of the death of the Royal Family and servants (which is “led” by V.N. Solovyov), came in relation to the remains in the Koptyakov burial , in particular, and to the following conclusion: "... IT IS THEORETICALLY ALLOWED TO POSITION THESE REMAINS IN THIS PLACE AT ANY TIME BETWEEN JULY 1918 AND JULY 1991." Said more clearly than ever.

I'll try to develop this idea. I did not see the photograph of the “narrow circle” of people that Yermakov told us about. But I know: it lies in a safe with the investigator of the Prosecutor General's Office V.N. Solovyov. Yurovsky filmed 13 people on it. And among them the famous A.I. Paramonov, who in 1928 "showed" V. Mayakovsky the "grave of the emperor." In 1968, I tried to find out from Anatoly Ivanovich to what place "on the ninth verst" he took the poet? But, realizing that I knew something, Paramonov cut off the conversation: “On what Yurovsky pointed out to me.”

Even earlier, in 1964, I started talking about the same thing with Yurovsky's daughter, Rimma Yakovlevna. And also wasted. They knew how to keep their secrets!

But what secrets does the “new” Russia want to keep today? Only a couple of months ago I finally found out: in 1952, Yermakov’s story about the investigation into the “tsarist case” in 1945-1946. was not his fantasy! The director of the Yekaterinburg Institute of History and Archeology, Academician V.V. Alekseev. He told me that Beria's deputy B.Z. was in charge of the investigation. Kobulov.

What was it that attracted our cunning intelligence services to the modest bridge on the Koptyakovskaya road? That's how many times they rummaged there: in 1919 - Ya.M. Yurovsky, in 1945-1946. - Sverdlovsk department of the NKGB, in 1979 - zealous "enthusiasts" G. Ryabov and A. Avdonin (on a tip from the head of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs N.A. Shchelokov), in 1980 - they, in 1991 - "official" the team that removed the remains from the burial. And again in the deepest secret from the people and the Church.

Descendants will not forgive us haste.

Read the full name of the state commission: "Commission for the study of issues related to the study and reburial of the remains of the Russian Emperor Nicholas 2 and members of his family." What a “study”, what a “research”, when it is clear in advance: they, the Tsar, the Tsarina, the three Grand Duchesses, the servants ... Immediately bury! On what basis? Based on a single "document" - from beginning to end of a fake version, known as "Yurovsky's Note".

They may object: there is indeed an exact "address" of the Koptyakov burial. However, as the Doctor of Historical Sciences Yu.A. Buranov, even this “address” was attributed by hand to that “Note” not at all Yurovsky, but a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, deputy. People's Commissar of Education of the RSFSR, a friend of Ya.M. Sverdlov, Bolshevik historian M.N. Pokrovsky, nicknamed by the revolutionary "dashing old man."

In principle, if the "address" is correct, then it does not matter who attributed it. The whole question is when? The archive folder where Yurovsky's Note is stored is called: “The Case of the Family b. (former) Tsar Nicholas II. 1918-1919". It's about the royal family! And it closed in 1919! Is there really nothing to think about? What “grave” and by whose decree was created in 1919 by the head of the Ural Cheka Yurovsky, whose bodies (or bones) he put there and, having managed, informed the “narrow circle” about the deed, and then M.N. Pokrovsky?

I fully admit that in 1919 the remains of the "royal" could have been reburied here. But it must be proven!

But doesn’t a strange series of coincidences raise questions: THREE heads cut off by Yermakov from the most august bodies; THREE suspicious boxes "with something" that Goloshchekin was taking to Moscow in 1918; THREE skulls seized from the burial by G. Ryabov and A. Avdonin in 1979 (and immediately announced by them as the skulls of Nicholas 2, Alexei and Anastasia); THREE skulls, "returned" by them there in 1980...

Let us assume for a moment that the supporters of the "royal origin" of the remains are right. But even in this case, one cannot but ask them: who, NAMELY, do they intend to bury? Anastasia? But her body was burned in 1918 by Yermakov. Maid A.S. Demidov? But Yurovsky “burned” her body at the same time, as he twice (!) says about it in his “testimonies”. Where did she end up in the grave now? Or will we bury Grand Duchess Maria? But her body already in our days was taken and “burned” on a pile of brushwood by the same V.N. Solovyov in the same magazine "Domovoy" (see his No. 2, 1996, p. 14) ... One cannot but agree with the State Commission on one thing: the restless remains must be buried. But how? In order to prevent possible sacrilege, under the current situation, the only reasonable solution could be a compromise solution: to build a modest but worthy crypt and lay the remains in it - so far only as the alleged ashes of royal persons and their servants. Until better times.

I am convinced that these times are not so far away, if we continue an impartial investigation of the Yekaterinburg tragedy from the standpoint of the historical argumentation of each of its episodes. And for this it is necessary, first of all, to fully open all the archives for research. And as soon as possible to create an international, independent commission free from any political games.

For more than two thousand years, people have been looking for the tomb of Alexander the Great. For more than one century they have been worried about the mystery of the death of Napoleon or Mozart. Let us take another Hypostasis of History - the canonization by the Church of the ascetics of Orthodoxy. Prince Dimitry Donskoy, for example, "waited" for her for more than six hundred years.

Examples like this are innumerable. And they say only one thing: history does not tolerate haste. It must not be allowed that out of the most difficult mystery of the 20th century a new mystery, a new riddle, should be hastily created for the people of the third millennium.

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The revolutionaries involved in the execution of the family of Nicholas II, fate punished with maximum cruelty.

The fact that in 1917 the Civil War broke out in Russia is also the fault of the last Russian Emperor Nicholas II. But it so happened that of the 10 million victims of this war, it was he who became the most famous victim.

On July 17, 1918, in the basement of the house of engineer Ipatiev in Yekaterinburg, the last Russian Emperor Nicholas II, his wife Alexandra Feodorovna, four Grand Duchesses: Olga, Tatyana, Maria and Anastasia, Tsarevich Alexei and several people close to the royal family were shot.

During the Civil War in Russia, when blood flowed like a river, the murder of the royal family in society was not perceived as a terrible atrocity. In the USSR, this crime was completely passed off as a just act of retribution, and city streets were called the names of regicides. It was only in the last two decades that the tragedy of this event became clear. No matter how bad the last Russian tsar was, neither he, nor his wife, nor, especially, his children deserved such a terrible fate.

However, some higher power has long passed its verdict. It can be said without much exaggeration that the highest punishment fell on the heads of the regicides. Moreover, the curse fell not only on specific performers, but also on those who made the decision to liquidate the Romanovs.

According to the generally accepted version, the decision was made by the Ural authorities, but agreed with the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, Yakov Sverdlov. It is officially believed that the decision to execute the royal family was made on July 14 at a meeting of the Presidium of the Ural Regional Council of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies by the following comrades: Chairman of the Council of Deputies Alexander Beloborodov, member of the Presidium of the Ural Regional Committee of the RCP (b) Georgy Safarov, military commissar of Yekaterinburg Filipp Goloshchekin , Commissioner for Supply of the Ural Regional Council Petr Voikov, Chairman of the Regional Cheka Fyodor Lukoyanov, member of the Council, commandant of the House of Special Purpose (Ipatiev House) Yakov Yurovsky and a number of others.

The plan for the murder of the Romanovs was developed by: Yurovsky, his assistant Grigory Nikulin, Chekist Mikhail Medvedev (Kudrin) and a member of the executive committee of the Ural Soviet, the head of the Red Guard detachment of the Verkh-Isetsky plant Pyotr Ermakov. These same people became the main characters directly in the execution of the Romanovs.

It is not easy to reconstruct which of them shot whom. But one gets the impression that the old revolutionary militant Pyotr Ermakov was especially zealous, who fired from three revolvers and finished off the wounded with a bayonet. Again, according to the generally accepted version, the sovereign-emperor was shot by Yakov Yurovsky.

It must be said that representatives of all revolutionary parties in the Middle Urals spoke out for the execution of the tsar - not only the Bolsheviks, but also the Socialist-Revolutionaries and anarchists. Only one was against - Pavel Bykov, who insisted on bringing Nikolai Romanov to the people's tribunal.

It is curious that at the same time, by that time, Bykov had almost more blood on his hands than other revolutionaries who decided the fate of the tsar. In October 1917, Bykov organized the shelling of the Winter Palace and participated in its storming, led the operation to suppress the uprising of the cadets of the Vladimir School.

However, his protest against regicide may have become an indulgence for all sins. Pavel Bykov lived a long and rather successful life.

Bullets as retribution

The fate of those who advocated the liquidation of the Romanovs, on the contrary, was tragic. It is symbolic that most of them also died from a bullet.

The military commissar of Yekaterinburg Philip (Shaya Isaakovich) Goloshchekin played a key role in the decision to destroy the royal family. It was he who discussed this issue in Petrograd with Sverdlov, and on the basis of his report, a decision was made to execute him. At first, Goloshchekin's career developed very successfully, suffice it to say that for seven years he was a member of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, but this did not save him from execution. He was shot by the NKVD as a Trotskyist on October 28, 1941 near the village of Barbysh in the Kuibyshev region.

Alexander Beloborodov presided over the fateful meeting of the Executive Committee, where a decision was made to execute Nicholas II and his family. In 1921, he was appointed Deputy People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Felix Dzerzhinsky, and later became People's Commissar himself. In the period from 1923 to 1927 he headed the NKVD of the RSFSR. Ruined his connection with the Trotskyist opposition. Beloborodov was shot on February 9, 1938. Also in 1938, his wife Franciska Yablonskaya was also shot.

Georgy Safarov, editor-in-chief of the newspaper Ural Worker, arrived in Russia from exile in 1917 with Lenin in a sealed wagon. In the Urals, he louder than others advocated the execution of the Romanovs. After the Civil War, Safarov worked as a secretary of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, then he was the editor-in-chief of Leningradskaya Pravda. But his commitment to Zinoviev ruined him.

For this, in 1936, Safarov was sentenced to 5 years in the camps. One of those with whom he was serving time in a separate Adzva camp site said that Safarov's family disappeared somewhere after his arrest, and he suffered severely. He worked as a water carrier in the camp.

“Small in stature, wearing glasses, dressed in prisoner rags, with a homemade whip in his hands, girded with a rope instead of a belt, he silently endured grief.” But when Safarov served his term, he did not gain freedom. He was shot on July 16, 1942.

Pyotr Voikov also came in a sealed wagon from Germany to make a revolution in Russia. He not only took part in deciding the fate of members of the royal family, but also actively engaged in the destruction of their remains. In 1924, he was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the USSR in Poland and found his bullet in a foreign land.

On June 7, 1927, Boris Koverda, a student of the Vilna gymnasium, shot Voikov at the Varshavsky railway station. This former Russian kid was also from the breed of revolutionary idealistic terrorists. Only he set as his goal the struggle not with the autocracy, but with Bolshevism.

Fyodor Lukoyanov got off relatively lightly - in 1919 he fell ill with a severe nervous breakdown, which haunted him all his life until his death in 1947.

Accident or Curse?

Fate treated the perpetrators of the crime more mildly, probably considering that they had less guilt on them - they carried out the order. Only a few people who were in minor roles tragically ended their days, from which we can conclude that they suffered for their other sins.

For example, Ermakov's assistant, the former Kronstadt sailor Stepan Vaganov, did not have time to leave Yekaterinburg before the arrival of Kolchak and hid in his cellar. There he was discovered by the relatives of the people he killed and literally tore to pieces.

Yakov Yurovsky

Ermakov, Medvedev (Kudrin), Nikulin and Yurovsky lived in honor to old age, speaking at meetings with stories about their "feat" of regicide. However, higher powers sometimes act very subtly. In any case, it is very likely that the family of Yakov Yurovsky suffered a real curse.

During his lifetime, for Yakov, an ideological Bolshevik, the family of his daughter Rimma was subjected to a great blow of repression. My daughter was also a Bolshevik, since 1917 she headed the "Socialist Union of Working Youth" in the Urals, and then made a good career along the party line.

But in 1938 she was arrested with her husband and sent for re-education to camps, where she spent about 20 years. In fact, the arrest of his daughter brought Yurovsky to the grave - his stomach ulcer worsened from his experiences. And the arrest in 1952 of the son of Alexander, who at that time was a rear admiral, Yakov no longer found. How he did not find the curse that fell on his grandchildren.

By a fatal coincidence, all of Yurovsky's grandchildren tragically died, and the girls mostly died in infancy.

One of the grandchildren named Anatoly was found dead in a car in the middle of the road, two fell from the roof of the shed, got stuck between the boards and suffocated, two more burned down in a fire in the village. Maria's niece had 11 children, but only the eldest survived, whom she abandoned and was adopted by the family of the head of the mine.