With the development of capitalist relations, while the nobility began to leave the historical arena, another estate emerged - the merchant class. The class of merchants was rather closed, with its own traditions and peculiarities. How much do we know today about merchant traditions?

Merchants lived according to the precepts of their fathers and grandfathers, in a patriarchal environment, where innovations were accepted with suspicion, and traditions were considered the basis of life. Merchants for many centuries firmly observed certain once and for all moral values.

In terms of their property status, the merchants belonged to the privileged strata of society, but their roots went back to the masses. That is why the way of life in merchant families corresponded to the rules of Domostroy: the younger ones always obey the elders, the wife obeys her husband in everything, the children respect their parents. The families of the merchants were large, among their children there were many adopted. Children began their labor activity early, from the age of 15-16.

Hard-working merchants were very fond of the holidays, they spent a lot of money on them in order to get real pleasure from the rest. Merchants' weddings were very fun, on a grand scale. A large number of guests were invited there, chic tables were laid, which were bursting with an abundance of food. They celebrated weddings for several days.
Matchmaking was an integral part of the tradition. Parents were directly involved in choosing a groom or bride. Most often, a couple was looked for based on financial considerations, everything was taken into account - from the position of the family in society, and ending with hereditary diseases. Usually, the wives of merchants were much younger than their husbands. Inter-class marriages were widespread. For example, at the end of the 18th century, about 15% of merchant marriages were intra-class. The rest of the merchants' wives came from peasants. In the first half of the 19th century, merchants began to marry bourgeois more often.

A special event for the merchants was the birth of a child. The appearance of the baby was associated with the continuation of the family. Immediately after the birth, they tried to baptize the children as soon as possible. Baptism usually took place on the eighth day after birth or on the fortieth. At baptism, a child must have godparents. A godfather or relative was usually chosen as a godfather. At baptism, a silver or gold cross was put on the baby, which remained on him all his life. After the end of the baptism, the merchant called all the relatives to celebrate the baptism. On the occasion of the birth of a child, it was customary to feed and treat the poor.

The merchants were also the keepers of the traditions of the original Russian cuisine. All the recipes of their cuisine were traditional, received from their fathers and grandfathers, the recipes for some new dishes were borrowed little. Merchant families had a special love for tea parties. Various topics were discussed during tea drinking: family affairs, city news, plans for the future. Often, merchants concluded deals worth millions of rubles over tea.
The main thing in the tea drinking ceremony, of course, was a large beautiful Russian samovar. By tradition, the samovar was placed in the center of the table, and cups and plates with pastries and crushed sugar were placed around it. The head of the family was the first to pour tea for himself, then tea was poured for everyone else in order of seniority. Such tea parties could last for 4-5 hours, during which time it was necessary to put the samovar several times and change dishes with snacks, and each of the participants in the tea party drank up to 8 cups of tea.

Since the merchant families were large, the houses were built of the appropriate size. Around the house there were stables, sheds, a bathhouse and a garden. The house usually consisted of two parts - front and residential. In the front part there was always a living room. In most merchants' houses, the front rooms were decorated luxuriously, but not always tastefully. Merchants liked to hang their portraits and portraits of their ancestors in the front rooms, and there were many beautiful and expensive knick-knacks in the glass cabinets. The most interesting thing in the houses of merchants was that in the front rooms all the window sills were filled with various bottles of homemade liqueurs and tinctures, so the windows in the rooms did not open well and were rarely ventilated. The living rooms were located at the back of the house, and looked much more modest.

At the beginning of the 19th century, merchants began to divide into two groups: fashionistas who wear European clothes, read books and use perfume, and conservatives - adherents of the old testaments and the "Russian dress". As a rule, the division into these two groups took place according to the age principle.
Merchant youth spent a lot of money on European clothes, festivities with gypsies, and gambling. Merchant women cut their dresses according to European patterns, but over chic outfits they often put on shawls, shower jackets, and did not forget to tie colorful scarves. Just like the rooms, dresses were festive and casual. Everyday clothes were worn at home, went to the market or to close neighbors. Festive dresses were worn exclusively in church, at dinner parties and at fairs.
Rich merchants' wives wore a lot of expensive jewelry - gold rings and earrings, pearl necklaces, gold or silver hair combs of fine workmanship.

The merchant class is a class that has made a great contribution to the development of the Russian state, and hundreds of years later, the fruits of the merchants' activities make up a significant part of the cultural heritage of the Russian people.

Patronage was the main tradition of merchants. Charity, which the merchants were engaged in, was supported not only by the Christian moral principle, the desire to fulfill the duty of the possessor in relation to the have-not, but also the desire to leave a memory of himself. For example, at one time, Nizhny Novgorod merchant-shipowner Dmitry Vasilievich Sirotkin, ordering a mansion to architects, instructed: "Build such a house so that after my death it can be a museum." For this reason, the houses of merchants largely determined the face of the historical part of Russian cities.

A lot of merchants became famous for their contribution, both to the economy and to the culture of Russia. At the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century, medical clinics, aerodynamic and psychological institutes were built at the expense of wealthy merchants, geographical expeditions were organized, and theaters were created.

In Russia, the center of the merchant class, of course, was Moscow. It is in Moscow that the activity of merchants is especially noticeable. Thanks to the merchants, the Tretyakov Gallery, the Bakhrushinsky Theater Museum, the famous collection of icons by S.P. Ryabushinsky, the collection of Russian porcelain by A.V. Morozov, the famous publishing house of the merchant Soldatenkov, and much more appeared.

Russian merchants understood the role of charity in the development of the state, and often invested colossal sums of money in the construction of hospitals, shelters, temples and churches. At the end of the 19th century, the hospital buildings of the clinics of the Moscow Medical Academy were built with the money of merchants, which work to this day. An interesting fact is that at the time of construction, these hospital buildings were the best hospitals in Europe.

NOVOSIBIRSK ORDER.

As a rukoshsi

ZUEVA Elena Alexandrovna

RUSSIAN. MERCHANT. FAMILY IN SIBERIA. END OF THE 18TH- FIRST HALF OF THE HGH c.

"■ -.. Specialty 07.00.02" - Domestic history

Dissertation for the competition of scientific quilting.; candidate of historical sciences;

. . " ". Novosibirsk ""

The work was done at the Department of National History of the Novosibirsk Order of the Red Banner of Labor State University ici. Lenin Komsomol

Scientific adviser - Doctor of Historical Sciences,

Professor N.A. Minenko

official opponents. - Doctor of Historical Sciences

D.Ya.Rezun, . 1 Candidate of Historical Sciences ■ ". - ■ A.R. Ivonin

Lead institution; . - Novosibirsk State Pedagogical Institute

The defense will take place "¿5 / 21992 at ^ hours at a meeting of the specialized Council K.063.98.02 for the award of the degree of candidate of historical sciences" in the Novosibirsk Order of the Red Labor. Replace the Lenin Komsomol State University (630090, Novosibirsk, 90, Pirogov St., 2). . _ ; """■"

The dissertation can be found in the library of the Novosibirsk State University ""■"."-

Scientific Secretary..

specialized council,

Candidate of Historical Sciences, " . "

Associate Professor N.V. Kuksavova

I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF RLBOSH

Relevance of the research topic. Interest in the study of the merchant class is dictated, on the one hand, by the internal logic of the development of historical science itself, which has so far paid insufficient attention to the Russian merchant class, and on the other hand, by the realities of today's life (the appearance in our society of a newly-minted detachment of entrepreneurs, a gradual rethinking of not only the content concepts - such as "market", "private property", but g. attitude towards them.) No ... this class of businessmen and entrepreneurs - the merchant class - was one of the social groups that undoubtedly played an extremely important role in the history of Russia In the last quarter of the 18th century - the first half of the 20th century, it was not only the most economically strong part of the commercial and industrial population, but also the most privileged stratum of society after the nobility and clergy.

The participation of this estate in the development of capitalism was noticeable. Back in the late 1960s. In the course of the discussion on the question of the genesis of capitalism in Russia, it was persuasively stated that it was necessary to study the carriers of new phenomena in the economic life of the country. The merchant class was one of the sources of the formation of the bourgeoisie. The reconstruction of its history, therefore, is necessary for understanding the process of formation of capitalist relations in the country. ;

The study of tesh is also relevant in the culturological aspect, since the merchants were the bearers and transmitters of a certain social culture - a system of specific moral values ​​and ideas. They did a lot in general for the development of culture in the country. The Kuchtsy acted as patrons of the arts and created libraries, museums, theaters at their own expense, founded schools, built churches, hospitals, nurseries, patronized everything talented.

As for the Merchants" of Seabird, due to the specifics of the social composition of the population of this region (in particular, the almost complete absence of the nobility here), it largely determined the trends in the economic, social and cultural life of the region.

The development of the history of the Siberian merchants is undoubtedly significant for creating a complete picture of the history of the Russian merchants.

Among the most important problems that arise in this case is the history of the merchant family. It is known that the family, as the main cell of society, plays a leading role in the production and reproduction of life, the accumulation of property and its transmission by inheritance, the formation of individual consciousness. In the past, first of all, through the family, a person was included in social life, the family was the transmitter of the memory of generations and socio-psychological ideas, forms, rubbing the system and the code of social behavior of the individual. Turning to the most diverse social institutions, processes and relations in Russia during the period under review, it is difficult to find among them those to which the merchant family would remain neutral. Therefore, the study of the family opens up additional opportunities for a deeper understanding of the cardinal problems of feudalism (property relations, the institution of inheritance, life and culture, and spiritual life). ,

Familist researchers have fully proved that in the course of historical development, the family does not remain static. It, as in a "focus", reflects the whole variety of socio-economic and cultural changes taking place in society. Each major upheaval in the life of society causes changes in family and marriage relations. There is no family and family relations in general, every family, "and family relations have a certain," historically specific and supra-specific character. This finds expression, in particular, in the formation and regulation of the number, generational composition, structure and, accordingly, the type of family - intra-family "relationships. When considering these characteristics, different classes and estates have their own specifics. And the task of researchers is precisely to identify common and specific features in the family sphere among different peoples and social groups in different historical eras. . -"

The object of our research: and became a merchant family in Siberia at the end of the 18th century - the first half of the 19th century. Get in focus..! nz all merchants, namely those families who, according to legislative "stops (1775-85 and subsequent years) were

recorded in the composition of three merchant guilds / Due to certain specifics of family and marriage relations among non-Russian guild members (and such, taking into account the fact that their percentage in the total mass of the Siberian merchants was insignificant), the study is conducted exclusively on the materials of the Russian merchants.

Study of the topic. In the historical literature, one can find a lion's share of notes regarding individual shots and swear words. In the pre-revolutionary period, A.N. Radishchev, P.A. Slovtsoz, V.K. Andrievich. In the study of the history of the merchant family, a certain Eclad was introduced by local Siberian local historians. They will give a few, but accurate information about "the number of merchants, the size of their families and capitals (N.A. Abramov, N.A. Kostrov), made correct observations about the emergence of ancient merchant dynasties by the middle of the 19th century. (K.Ts.Golodnikov), revealed the attitude of the administration to the Siberian merchants (N.Shchukin).

The regionalists also turned to the history of the merchant family in Siberia: S.S. Shashkov, N.M. Yadrintsev, G.N. Potanin. They subordinated the solution of this issue to the task of exposing the politics of Gdrism. Thickening the colors of the historical palette, they wrote that "bad government" was the result of idleness, ignorance, and the humiliated position of women, including among the merchants.

The attitude of the merchants to their own enlightenment and the education of children was assessed differently by researchers. Some believed that merchants "lived without books, without reading" (P.A. Slovtsov, P.M. .Schukin, N.V. Latkan). G.N. Potanin found that the attitude of different local groups of the Siberian merchants to education was different. In his opinion, tomoshe merchants, unlike the Irkutsk ones, "did not insert into the city the offspring striving for education. .

In pre-revolutionary works, the "history of some merchant families" was considered, the activities of individual outstanding representatives of the evils of the merchant class: G.I. Shelekhov (I.V. Shcheglov, V.L. Priklonsky, P.I. I.D. Astaiev (A.V. Akg, riaiov), "Glazunov, Voroshilov and Pekholkoy" (Y. Koreyka), M. Shlyshsova and K. Spbiryakov (V.I. Vagin), Shchegolevs (N.V. Latkin ). .

In general, in pre-revolutionary historiography there was an accumulation and generalization of archival materials and personal observations. Problems were raised about the position of women in the family, the attitude of merchants to the education of children, the historical role of the Siberian merchants and the fate of its individual clans.

After 1917, the theme of the history of the merchant class receded into the background for a long time. The forces of historians were mainly concentrated "on the study of the history of the working class and the peasantry. A kind of impetus to the study of the history of the" exploiting classes "in Russia was the discussion on the problem of the transition from feudalism to capitalism, which unfolded in the 1960s. The study of the history of the Russian bourgeoisie, including including the merchant class, which is the main source of its formation, was put among the most important issues requiring thorough development.

The history of the merchants XVIII - the first half of the XIX century. found its reflection in the studies of Siberian scholars in the context of general issues related to the study of the history of individual cities and regions, the development of trade and crafts, urban self-government, the spiritual image of the townspeople (works by Z.G. Karpenko, M.M. Gromycho, F. A. Kudryavtseva, G. A. Vendrikha A. A. Kondrashenkova, V. V. Rabtsevich, L. S. Rafienko, A. N. Kopylova, "V. I. Kochedamova, O. N. Vilkova, D. I.Kopylova, N.A.Minenko, A.D.Kolesnikova, F.G.Safronova, D.Ya.Rezuna, G.F.Bykoni). .,.including studies by E.N. Evseev, V.P. Shaherov, V.P. Shpaltakov, V.P. Boyko, S.V. Evdokimova, N.F. .

Separate references to merchant families can be found in the collective work "History of Siberia" (vol. 2). The authors show the dynastic succession in trade and industry, which can be traced on the example of the activities of a number of merchant families in the city of Tileni.

Historians have recognized that after the reform of 1775, the number! merchants and their families in all Siberian cities were sharply reduced. D.I. commercial and industrial dynasties of the Kornilievs, Medvednikovs, Kremlins and others and the coming of them to replace the new dynasties of industrialists. An analysis of the personalities of the ir "-7tsg. of the merchant class allowed V.P. Shakhyarov to assert.

that the vast majority of surnames noted in Irkutsk in the first third of the nineteenth century advanced into the merchant class in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. As a result of a study of the socio-economic development of Transbaikalia at the end of the 18th century - the first half of the 19th century. S.V. Evdokimova established that there were no merchant dynasties in the western cities. To Eyvod that in the 50-60s. HEH c. a number of large merchant firms in Tomsk endure the krag, V.P. Shpalgakov comes.

The greatest contribution to the development of our problems was made by MM Gromyko. She traced the fortunes of the wealthy Ibgrian merchants Kornklevs (Tobolsk) and Pokhodyashnys (Verkhoturye). In the article "Socio-economic aspects of the study of the privileged estates of" feudal Siberia ", M.M. Gromyko made a successful attempt to identify the factors of mutual influence of family ties and socio-economic phenomena in the merchant environment. The public consciousness of the Siberian merchants also became the subject of her special study .. In the works of M. M. Gromyko, A. N. Koshlov and V. V. Rabtsevich, the idea is suggested that, in the Siberian merchant environment, the system of values ​​developed by the nobility was functioning.

So, in Soviet historiography, the genealogy of some, mostly the most famous, merchant families, dynastic succession in trade and industry was traced, important observations were made about the periodic renewal of the composition of entrepreneurs, """ about the disappearance from the scene in the first half of the 19th century known in the 18th century century commercial and industrial dynasties. remains .. little explored. Out of the field of view of historians were the problems of the size and structure of the family, intra-family relationships "(including property divisions and inheritance of property). . - , .

■ Purpose and objectives of the study. Purpose") of the study.is to reconstruct the history of a merchant.family in Siberia at the end of the 18th century - the first.half of the 19th century. Achieving this goal presupposes the re-singing of specific tasks: """ "."■ "

trace in the "dynamics of the number and: the structure of the merchant family, determine the factors that influenced the changes; -

Find out the mobility of the composition of merchant families, the degree of stability of merchant families;

Consider the question of the age of the spouses and the social origin of the ken in a merchant family;

Analyze intra-family relations (between husband and kena, parents and children), including in the property sphere;

To characterize the institution of guardianship and guardianship functioning among merchants.

The solution of the tasks set required a preliminary clarification of the main trends in the dynamics of the number of merchants both in Siberia as a whole and in its individual regions.

Chronological rzmkp works: the end of the 18th century - the first rug of the 19th century. The lower boundary of the study falls on the 1790s. This choice is explained by the fact that, according to the reforms of 1775-1785. Russian merchants were separated from the general mass of townspeople (townspeople). The legislative act!, were for the first time clearly “formulated the legal differences between mead. members of three merchant guilds. As a result, the composition of the Siberian merchants was noticeably updated.

As for the upper chronological edge, the tendency to consider the middle of the 19th century. as a milestone in the study of the history of this or that problem in Soviet historiography is traditional and fully justified. The major socio-economic changes that began at that time in society caused significant changes both in the structure of the family and in the nature of intra-family relations. ■

The territorial framework of the work includes the whole of Siberia. Developing on the basis of patterns common to the entire country, this region had certain demographic, social and other features that are also manifested in the marriage and family sphere. Siberia, as is known, did not know serfdom and among the main sources of replenishment of the merchant class here, in contrast to European Russia, there were no representatives of the nobility and immigrants from serfs. On the territory of Siberia in the period under review, there were many small, medium and large cities. Moreover, Irkutsk, Ttlen and Tomsk, which are given special attention in the work, were the eye centers of concentration of the merchant class.

The novelty of the study is determined by the fact that the dissertation is the first work specifically devoted to the history of the merchant family in Siberia. The samples raised in it are also new: the study of the composition of the spouses, relationships in the merchant family, its size and structural-generational composition, family divisions and inheritance, organization of guardianship and guardianship in the merchant environment. Into the orbit of the research, there is a rich and varied array of archival documents that were not previously involved by specialists.

Source base of the dissertation. Among the auto-hum sources used, materials of a statistical character can be singled out. These include revision tales, ledgers of accounting for the clergy's "capitals", registration ("capital") and "philistine" books, population records, lists of cities for registration in the merchant class, governors' reports (all kinds of! Statistical tables that accompany them attached), as well as the materials for recording the population of church parishes - metric leagues and confessional paintings.

The complex of involved clerical documentation is diverse and contains information about all aspects of the gray life of merchants: about the policy of the authorities in relation to the family, relationships within the family, guardianship, customs of inheritance and divisions, education of merchant children, etc.

The forensic materials used in the dissertation, I mainly relate to conflict situations, family sections, ¡pores with state and church authorities due to the violation by merchants of officially recognized norms of marriage and family life. "It was clear that judicial investigation cases are a tendentious source. 1K the emergence was associated with events - going beyond the norst" feudal law accepted in society.

The few testaments that have come down to us (spiritual | cre-gasti), contracts for property transactions are related to act material. They turned out to be indispensable sources in the study of family-property relations and, in particular, the customs of following property.

Sources of a legislative nature, which were also baked into the work, make it possible to judge changes in the policy of the state and the church in relation to the family and the merchant class.

A special group consists of memoirs, historical notes, and letters. The direct participants in the events, their authors knew firsthand "the family life of the Siberian merchants and covered in detail its various aspects in their writings.

The practical significance of the work. The materials and conclusions of the dissertation can be used in generalizing works on the history of Siberia, merchants, families, in works on the history of individual Siberian cities, in the preparation of textbooks, lectures and special courses.

Approbation of the dissertation. The main provisions and conclusions of the dissertation are presented in reports and communications at the XXIII, SHU, XXY and XXII All-Union Student Scientific Conferences "Student and Scientific and Technical Progress" (Novosibirsk, 1985-1988), at the XUL, XIX and XXI Mayavuzovsky scientific conferences (Novosibirsk, 1987, 1989 and 1991). The dissertation was discussed at a meeting of the Department of National History of the Novosibirsk State University.

Work structure. The thesis consists of an introduction, two chapters, a conclusion, notes, a list of sources and references, and suggestions.

P. BASIC WORK MAINTENANCE

The Introduction substantiates the scientific significance and relevance of tesh, reveals the degree of its "exploration, formulates the purpose and objectives of the study, determines its chronological and territorial framework, and gives a general description of the sources.

The first chapter ""The size and composition of the family of the Russian merchants of Siberia at the end of III! - the first half of the 19th century." consists of four paragraphs. It analyzes the number of Siberian merchants, their social mobility, the dynamics of the size and structural and generational composition of the family, the age of persons entering into marriage, and the social origin of wives in the merchant environment

I.I. The first paragraph gives a general idea of ​​the dynamics of the number of merchants in the period under review in Si- "iri as a whole and in its individual regions.

In the 60s. HUL in. the composition of the Siberian merchants was very heterogeneous - the amount of family capital ranged from a few rubles to several tens of thousands of rubles. After the spread to Siberia of the manifesto of March 17, 1775, all families with a capital of less than 500 rubles. were excluded from the supecheskih guilds, resulting in a sharp reduction in the number of Siberian merchants. The 1785 "Chartered Letter to the Cities" expanded the legal privileges of families belonging to the merchant class. As a result of urban reforms of 1775-1785. Siberian merchants became not only the most economically strong part of the commercial and industrial population of the region, but also the most privileged part of society after the nobility and clergy.

In general, during the end of the 18th - the first half of the 19th century. the share of Siberian merchants in the total mass of Russian merchants was very small and amounted to 2.02% in 1782, 6.2% in 1816, 5.3% in 1021, 1 in 1835, 7%, in the middle of the LH century. - more than 2.0%. During the period under review, the total number of Siberian merchants increased 1.5 times - from 2174 people. husband. sex in 1782 to 3404 people. husband. sex in 1851. But this growth was not linear. Late 18th - early 20s. HEH c. the property qualification for entry into the merchant class (any guild) increased twice and the authorities increased the amount of payments to the treasury from the minimum capital seven times, as a result of which the outflow of people from the guilds did not stop. Growth was especially noticeable in the 1835-1840s, which must be associated primarily with the intensification of the country's socio-economic development and, in particular, with the rapid growth of the gold mining industry in Siberia.

Replenishment of the merchant ranks went. mainly due to the entry of new families into them. The vast majority of merchant families in Siberia at the end of the 18th century - the first half of the 19th century. belonged to the third guild. There were few families in the first and second guilds, and they mostly lived in large shopping centers. The largest city in terms of the number of merchants during the entire period under review was Irkutsk.

1.2. A surname-by-surname comparison of guilders for different years, carried out in the second paragraph, made it possible to reveal the high mobility of their composition. In the middle of the XIX century. the composition of the Siberian gildeians was different than at the end of the 18th century. Merchant dynasties that continued their lineage from the 18th century. and those who inherited the professional occupations of their ancestors turned out to be few. The reason - the instability of the position of merchants. The absence of a strong foundation - a permanent and guaranteed source of income (as, for example, land - among the nobles) led to the systematic leaching of the most unstable elements from the merchant ranks and the annual renewal of the composition. A frequent occurrence was the transition to other estates, before the veto in the philistinism. Although the merchants of the 1st and 2nd guilds had significant capital and conducted large-scale trading operations, it was not easy for them to stay in their class. In general, mobility was so high that the number of children and grandchildren who inherited the status of fathers and grandfathers was not significant. In Irkutsk, compared with the end of the eighteenth century. by the mid 1830s. the composition of guild surnames was updated by 55%, in Kyakhta - by 98% by 1851, in Tomsk by the middle of the 19th century. - by 87 "%, in Tyumen by 1856 - by 72%.

Among those who for a long time maintained the family continuity of professional occupations in Irkutsk were the Sibiryakovs, Trapeznikovs, Savateevs, Kiselevs, Kuznetsovs, Litvintsevs, Malyshevs, Medvednikovs, Oprelkovs, Popovs, Pryanishnikovs, Salamatovs, Sizy, Soldatovs, Chupalovs, Shestu-, new, Shiryaev; in Tyumen - Al^sins, Barashkovs, Gilevs, Dyakonovs, Ikonnikovs, Kolmogorovs, Penyevskys, Prasolovs, Prosku ryakovs, Reshetnikovs, Sorokins, Chiralovs; in Tomsk - the Serebrenikovs, the Neupokoevs, the Shshushlovs.

1.3. In this paragraph, for the first time in historiography, an attempt is made to analyze the structural and generational composition and types of merchant families in Siberia. Calculations made on the basis of data from mass materials relating to Irkutsk, Tomsk, Tyumen, as well as selective data on other Siberian cities (Kyakhta, Tobolsk, Erkhneudinsk, Kirensk, Tara, Kysnetsk, Achinsk, etc.) make it possible to make a number of important conclusion, ev In particular, it is noted that during the end of the 19th century – the first half of the 19th century

tavu of merchant families and a decrease in the number of complex families. If at the end of the XVIII century. the ratio of simple and complex merchant families in Siberian cities was almost the same (Tomsk), with a slight preponderance towards large families (Tyumen) or small ones (Irkutsk), then in the middle of the 19th century. Everywhere, Siberian merchants were dominated by small, simple families.

Dynamics of the number and structure of the merchant family in Siberia at the end of the 18th century - the first half of the 19th century. not in the last queue was determined by the socio-economic changes that took place in the country and the region. The processes taking place in the sphere of culture and public consciousness were also important. The development of domestic and foreign trade, commodity-money relations, the intensification of life, the gradual breaking of the patriarchal life - all this liberated the personality, strengthened individualistic moods in it. The policy of the government also contributed to the fragmentation of families. The "Guild Law" of 1824 strictly limited the circle of persons who could be members of the same merchant family. When joining a guild, only spouses with unseparated children and grandchildren could be in one family. The rest, relatives (in particular, the family of the brother of the head of the family or his nephews) were "cut off" and (if they wished to be in the guild) had to submit their own application for registration in the merchant class. In addition, the law strictly limited the circle of persons who could "enter" into the hereditary capital.

An analysis of the sources showed that during the end of the 18th century in the first half of the 19th century. there was a reduction in the average population of Siberian merchant families. .

During the period under review, the Siberian merchant class was dominated by two-generation families. The ratio of l! between single-generation and three-generation families in different cities turned out to be different: in some houses - chre; ali. the first, in others - the second, in the third - both of them were equal in number.

If at the end of the XVIII century. most of the families of the 1st and 2nd guilds were complex in composition (in Tyumen there were 4 out of 5, in Tomsk - 3 out of 5, in Irka, zke - 12 out of 15), then in the middle of the 10th century the picture was different. Of the 10 families included in the 1st and 2nd guilds, only 2 were difficult in Tyumen, in Tomsk from I? - 4, in Kyakhta out of 10 - none.

1.4. Marriage relations had a significant influence on the fate of merchant families. For most married couples, the eldest was the man. Among such marriages, "unequal" ones stand out, when the husband turned out to be 10 or more years older than his wife. The percentage of "unequal" marriages fluctuated over time within even one city: from a few percent to half of all marriages. -"

Widespread existence at the end of the 18th - the first half of the 19th century. the merchants of Siberia had inter-class marriages. Moreover, the social origin of wives in the merchant environment at different stages turned out to be different. In particular, there was a gradual decrease in the proportion of marriages with the daughters of raznochintsy, Cossacks, peasants and an increase in the proportion of marriages with the daughters of philistines and merchants. The prevalence of inter-class marriages did not allow the merchants to turn into a closed (narrow-class) kas-y. At the same time, the trend towards class marriage endogamy was quite clearly indicated and was associated with the desire of the guilders through marriage and the establishment of family ties to enlist the support of their classmates, to strengthen their positions and financial position. Often, family ties (especially getting a rich dowry for the bride, joint participation of two merchant families in trading operations) served as a very significant help for the formation, development and strengthening of one's own entrepreneurial activity. The relative small number of guild families and the instability of their position pushed them to replenish with each other both within the same city and the entire Siberian region. . l

The second chapter "Intra-family relations" consists of four paragraphs. - It examines the relationship between spouses, between parents and children, analyzes the issues of disposing of family property and its inheritance, intra-family divisions, shows the functioning of the institution of kulak guardianship and guardianship.

2.1. According to official legislation, the wife was obliged to "obey her husband as the head of the" family "," to "abide" to him in love, reverence and "unlimited obedience". Upon marriage, a woman took the title and estate of flour, and subsequently her estate position was determined by the estate gender.

husband's marriage. In turn, the husband was obliged to beat "to provide his wife with food and support according to her condition and capabilities", to live in harmony with her, to protect her, "to apologize for her shortcomings and alleviate her infirmity."

Both spouses were ordered by secular and ecclesiastical authorities to live together (“smolder common cohabitation”), be faithful (“do not commit adultery”), respect each other (“refrain not only from deeds, but also from words that tend to injustice and violence "), in a family union "to enjoy the pleasures and tranquility."

The head of the family was the oldest man. He is the "feeder", "master in the house", "creating family court". Responsibility for the household and the household, which fell on the woman during her husband's frequent absences on business, as well as joint participation in business affairs with him (for example, the city merchant - the owner of the shop could not do business without the help of his wife), joint "profit" capital - all this increased the role of women in a merchant family, especially in a family that was simple in type.

The revelry and drunkenness of merchants that aggravate family life, which contemporaries report, "did take place, but they were not the norm and were condemned by public opinion. The merchant-"walker" spent his capital and left the merchant class for another class. From the merchant who with their "obscene behavior" they "aggravate the decent title of a merchant", try to get rid of them by excluding them from the merchant class, giving them to recruits. Archival documents and testimonies of contemporaries clearly show that conflict situations were an exception in the family relations of Siberian merchants. A vow, an ovka of mutual assistance and respect was the basis on which the relationship of the spouses was built.

2.2. The role of the family in the socialization of the younger generation was extremely great. The attitude towards children in the family was traditional: they were seen as the continuation of the family and support in old age. The upbringing of children was largely determined by what understanding of the methods of education, what life experience, principles and attitudes the parents themselves had. Approaches to the upbringing of boys and girls differed. The care of parents in relation to their son is to educate a businesslike, independent person,

successor to his father's profession. From an early age, they tried to attach boys to the business, so that by the age of 15-16 they became quite “serviceable merchants”. Before starting his own business, a merchant's son had to go through apprenticeship school, having worked together with his father or for some other wealthy merchant as a clerk. The hereditary character of the profession made it easier for the children of the guilds to conduct trading business. In commercial affairs, unseparated "children were much more dependent on their parents than separated ones. The latter were engaged in "business" on their own and could participate in trade operations with their parents as equal partners. Hence the apparent desire of young family members for independence. did not differ in particular "intricacy", they sought to grow up good housewives and mothers.

During the period under review, the Siberian guilders' views on the education of children underwent changes. At the end of the 18th century - the beginning of the 19th century. merchants preferred to teach. mostly only boys. Girls learned "literacy" by "self-taught", "as many as they could." Boys were taught by private individuals, or at home, less often in state educational institutions. Passing a short course of study was considered sufficient for them to be able to start practical work - to engage in trade, help parents with the housework.The acceleration of the economic and cultural development of Siberia in the first half of the 19th century stimulated the need for education among the merchants.The southern concept of education as a distraction from direct merchant activity gradually wriggled.In the middle of the 19th century, being literate was considered a must for the bush But there was no desire for a broad education. Most often, studies were limited to lessons from private teachers "and a full (or incomplete) course of a school (school, gymnasium). The ability to maintain schools "on" one's own bed" was largely determined by the level of wealth and wealth of the local merchants. But some wealthy merchants did everything so that their children received an education "like a noble": they invited teachers from educated exiles, sent children to study beyond the Urals in higher educational institutions Although for most of the merchant class education was not an end in itself, but a means of helping them in their main professional business.

2.3. In a large undivided merchant family during the period under review, there was a confrontation between two tendencies. On the one hand, the unwillingness to split up the total family capital, mixing in a cart, "falsely avoiding the division of the family," gaining a foothold "in the merchant rank through the joint predrinkma-gel activity of all adult males. The heads of such families but wanted to split capital between heirs.) nor tried to instill in the children that in order to preserve their financial power, it is necessary to conduct business in such a way as to use income from undivided capital.

On the other hand, another tendency was at work - the craving of the adult members of large families for isolation, independence, and independent housekeeping. This trend was especially intensified by the middle of the 19th century, although the family sections of the Siberian superstitions were a common and constant phenomenon throughout the entire period under consideration.

The formation of new families took place, firstly, by separating a separate family (the family of a married son), and secondly, as a result of the general division of the family (between parents and children, uncle and glaciers, son-in-law and widow-in-law, brothers). It is important to emphasize that the perishable family was the unit of division. Although the cases when, as a result of the partition, an individual became isolated, also smoldered? _"

All movable and immovable property was subject to division. The oscillator of the partition, as a rule, was as follows: a voluntary agreement between two or more parties on the partition - the partition itself. But the matter was not always limited to him. In some cases, it also had a continuation: one of the parties discovered the "withholding" or "appropriation" by the person participating in the division of the "excess part" or "hollow" in Eydacha of the due share. The consequence of this was the rotation of the victim to the authorities with a complaint about "having hidden from the outside" and demanding that the latter be inserted. And thanks to the intervention of the authorities, a "peaceful" division of property took place between the conflicting parties.

Sources indicate that often the divisions led to a lere-: an ode to separated (or separated and "remaining") families from the highest guild to the next, or even to their "falling out" from somewhere.

quality. However. The "individualization" of individual families in the "process of fragmentation of the merchant family was relative and was not identical with family individualization" in its modern sense. The division, in any case, of a large merchant family, was never accompanied by the cessation of economic cooperation, the weakening of the bonds of kinship solidarity. Separated relatives conducted joint trade affairs, lent each other money. But at the same time, their activities were often built within the strict framework of economic interests.

One of the main tasks of the family-Siberian merchants was to accumulate property and transfer it by inheritance. In the merchant environment, the receipt of a certain share of the inheritance (usually in the form of a division) sometimes took place even during the life of the fathers. After the death of the head, the inheritance was distributed among family members and relatives. Cash was inherited, large real estate (houses, factories, trading shops, land plots), bills of exchange, household utensils, livestock, goods; - in general, everything that constituted movable and immovable property.

Legal!, “the declaration of the will of the owner regarding his property after death.” was a spiritual testament. A very common practice of compiling "spiritual" not only by males but also by females is a certain evidence of the right of the head of the family to dispose of family property. The share of each of the heirs, "specified in the will, depended on the structure and size of the family, the number of separated children. But the main thing in determining the circle of heirs and dol: each of them was the will of the testator himself. corresponded in general to the legislation. V. the basis of the right of inheritance from the Siberian "merchants of the end of the 18th century - the first half of the 19th century. pattern related.beginning. "But when dividing k.labor-beginning-could turn out"reacting^in particular, to determine.the share of each of two or more brothers,:dividing-. their hereditary!!" parental capital (for a long time. jointly used). or their common "acquired" capital.

2.4. In a kulak family, all the threads of trading operations converged in the hands of the head of the family - the "owner". In the event of his death and the absence of adult men in the family, the widow and young children began to feel the need for a stable, guaranteed source of income. But due to a number of reasons (legal restrictions on the disposal of property, insufficient competence, workload at home, etc.), not every Edoza could professionally engage in trade. In this case, guardians and trustees assumed responsibility for preserving and increasing the property of minor heirs until they came of age. The composition of the latter could vary: mother and relative, one or two relatives, relatives and an outsider, one or two outsiders. Guardianship could also be entrusted to one of the surviving parents, without appointing other guardians to help him. ■ 1 " "■

The organization of guardianship and guardianship and control over them were carried out by special bodies created by the government - orphans' courts. Merchants themselves took an active part in guardianship: firstly, as members of orphan courts; secondly, as guardians and trustees over the person and property of minors, as well as widows.

The guardianship system was very widespread among the Siberian merchants in the period under study and was a social institution designed to provide legal protection of personal and property interests of widows and minor merchant children. .." , ■ "

The conclusion contains general conclusions. It is stated that at the end of the Shi - the first half. XX century. the number of Siberian merchants was "relatively small," the bulk of the families (about 90%) belonged to the 3rd guild, and the composition of the guilds was regularly (annually) updated. Does- . The conclusion is that the merchant's family was not just a single system connected by family ties, but at the same time it was also a hereditary trading company, which inevitably affected both the size of the family and the relationships of spouses, parents and children. With the unsightly moments taking place, in general, family relationships in the Siberian merchant family "at the end

KHUY - the first half of the XIX century. were built in an atmosphere of benevolence to mutually: "- support.

A number of the main provisions and conclusions of the dissertation are reflected in the following "publications of the author: .

1. "The book of records of the city dwellers" of the city of Tyumen in 1797 as a source on the history of the Siberian merchants // Materials

XXIII All-Union Scientific Student Conference: History. - Novosibirsk, 1985. - S. 34 - 37. .■

2. Leisure and entertainment of the Siberian merchants in the second half of the 18th century - the beginning of the 19th century. // Proceedings of the XXIV All-Union Scientific Student Conference: History. - Novosibirsk, I98S. -FROM. 43-47.-

3. Number and structure of a merchant family in the middle of the 18th century. (Based on the materials of the city of Irkutsk / // Proceedings of the XXI All-Union Scientific Student Conference: Ist (.ria. - Novosibirsk, 1987. - P. 33 - 37.

L Questions of the social and family bkt of the Siberian merchants in the 18th - the middle of the 19th century. in the works of Soviet researchers // Studying Siberia in the Soviet era: Bakhrushin Readings 1987 - Novosibirsk, 1987. - P. 142 - 148.

5. Dimensions and structural-generational composition of the family of the Tobolsk merchants according to the third revision // Proceedings of the XXII All-Union Scientific Student Conference: History. - Novosibirsk, 1988. - S. 24 - 28.

6. Statements of accounting for merchant capital as a historical source (based on the materials of Irkutsk at the end of the 18th century - the first half of the 19th century) // Mass sources on the history of Siberia: Bakhrushin Readings 1989 - Novosibirsk, 1939.- - P. .98 - 108.

7. Custody and guardianship of the Siberian merchants in the last quarter of the 18th century -. first half of the 19th century // Socio-cultural development of Siberia: Bakhrushinsky readings 1991, g. - Novosibirsk, J99I. - S. 25 - 34. ■

1. Bakhrushins

They come from the merchants of the city of Zaraisk, Ryazan province, where their family can be traced through scribe books until 1722. By profession, the Bakhrushins were “prasols”: they drove cattle from the Volga region to big cities in a herd. Cattle sometimes died along the way, skinned, taken to the city and sold to tanneries - this is how the history of their own business began.

Alexei Fedorovich Bakhrushin moved to Moscow from Zaraysk in the thirties of the nineteenth century. The family moved in carts, with all the belongings, and the youngest son Alexander, the future honorary citizen of the city of Moscow, was carried in a laundry basket. Alexei Fedorovich - became the first Moscow merchant Bakhrushin (he has been included in the Moscow merchant class since 1835).

Alexander Alekseevich Bakhrushin, the same honorary citizen of Moscow, was the father of the famous city figure Vladimir Alexandrovich, the collectors Sergei and Alexei Alexandrovich, and the grandfather of Professor Sergei Vladimirovich.

Speaking of collectors, this well-known passion for “gathering” was a hallmark of the Bakhrushins family. The collections of Alexei Petrovich and Alexei Alexandrovich are especially worth noting. The first collected Russian antiquities and, mainly, books. According to his spiritual will, he left the library to the Rumyantsev Museum, and porcelain and antiques to the Historical Museum, where there were two halls named after him. They said about him that he was terribly stingy, because "he goes every Sunday to Sukharevka and bargains like a Jew." But it is hardly possible to judge him for this, because every collector knows that the most pleasant thing is to find yourself a truly valuable thing, the merits of which others did not suspect.

The second, Alexei Alexandrovich, was a great lover of the theatre, chaired the Theater Society for a long time and was very popular in theatrical circles. Therefore, the Theater Museum became the world's only richest collection of everything that had anything to do with the theater.

Both in Moscow and in Zaraysk they were honorary citizens of the city - a very rare honor. During my stay in the City Duma there were only two honorary citizens of the city of Moscow: D. A. Bakhrushin and Prince V. M. Golitsyn, the former mayor.

Quote: “One of the largest and richest firms in Moscow is the Trading House of the Bakhrushin Brothers. They have leather and cloth business. The owners are still young people, with higher education, well-known philanthropists who donate hundreds of thousands. They conduct their business, albeit on new principles - that is, using the latest words of science, but according to old Moscow customs. Their offices and reception rooms, for example, leave much to be desired.” "New time".

2. Mammoth

The Mamontov family originates from the Zvenigorod merchant Ivan Mamontov, about whom practically nothing is known, except perhaps the year of birth - 1730, and the fact that he had a son, Fedor Ivanovich (1760). Most likely, Ivan Mamontov was engaged in farming and made a good fortune for himself, so that his sons were already rich people. One can guess about his charitable activities: a monument on his grave in Zvenigorod was erected by grateful residents for the services rendered to him in 1812.

Fedor Ivanovich had three sons - Ivan, Mikhail and Nikolai. Mikhail, apparently, was not married, in any case, he did not leave offspring. The other two brothers were the ancestors of two branches of the respectable and numerous Mammoth family.

Quote: “The brothers Ivan and Nikolai Fedorovich Mamontov came to Moscow rich people. Nikolai Fedorovich bought a large and beautiful house with a vast garden on Razgulay. By this time he had a large family.” (“P. M. Tretyakov”. A. Botkin).

The Mammoth youth, the children of Ivan Fedorovich and Nikolai Fedorovich, were well educated and gifted in various ways. The natural musicality of Savva Mamontov stood out especially, which played a big role in his adult life.

Savva Ivanovich will nominate Chaliapin; make popular Mussorgsky, rejected by many connoisseurs; will create in his theater a huge success for Rimsky-Korsakov's opera Sadko. He will be not only a philanthropist, but an adviser: the artists received valuable instructions from him on issues of make-up, gesture, costume and even singing.

One of the remarkable undertakings in the field of Russian folk art is closely connected with the name of Savva Ivanovich: the famous Abramtsevo. In new hands, it was revived and soon became one of the most cultural corners of Russia.

Quote: “The Mammoths became famous in a wide variety of fields: both in the field of industry, and, perhaps, especially in the field of art. The Mammoth family was very large, and the representatives of the second generation were no longer as rich as their parents, and in the third, the fragmentation of funds went even further. The origin of their wealth was a farmer's trade, which brought them closer to the notorious Kokorev. Therefore, when they appeared in Moscow, they immediately entered the rich merchant environment. (“Dark Kingdom”, N. Ostrovsky).

3. Shchukins

The founder of this one of the oldest trading companies in Moscow was Vasily Petrovich Shchukin, a native of the city of Borovsk, Kaluga province. In the late seventies of the 18th century, Vasily Petrovich established a trade in manufactured goods in Moscow and continued it for fifty years. His son, Ivan Vasilyevich, founded the Trading House "I. V. Schukin with his sons "The sons are Nikolai, Peter, Sergey and Dmitry Ivanovichi.
The trading house conducted extensive trade: goods were sent to all corners of Central Russia, as well as to Siberia, the Caucasus, the Urals, Central Asia and Persia. In recent years, the Trading House began to sell not only chintz, scarves, underwear, clothing and paper fabrics, but also woolen, silk and linen products.

The Shchukin brothers are known as great connoisseurs of art. Nikolai Ivanovich was a lover of antiquity: in his collection there were many old manuscripts, lace, and various fabrics. For the collected items on Malaya Gruzinskaya, he built a beautiful building in the Russian style. According to his will, his entire collection, together with the house, became the property of the Historical Museum.

Sergei Ivanovich Shchukin occupies a special place among Russian nugget collectors. It can be said that all French painting of the beginning of the current century: Gauguin, Van Gogh, Matisse, some of their predecessors, Renoir, Cezanne, Monet, Degas - was in the Shchukin collection.

Ridicule, rejection, misunderstanding by the society of the works of this or that master - did not have the slightest meaning for him. Often Shchukin bought paintings for a penny, not out of his stinginess and not out of a desire to oppress the artist - simply because they were not for sale and there was not even a price for them.

4. Ryabushinsky

In 1802, Mikhail Yakovlev “arrived” to the Moscow merchants from the settlement of the Rebushinskaya Pafnutyevo-Borovsky Monastery in the Kaluga province. He traded in the Canvas Row of Gostiny Dvor. But he went bankrupt during the Patriotic War of 1812, like many merchants. His revival as an entrepreneur was facilitated by the transition to the “split”. In 1820, the founder of the business joined the community of the Rogozhsky cemetery - the Moscow stronghold of the Old Believers of the "priestly sense", to which the richest merchant families of the capital belonged.

Mikhail Yakovlevich takes the surname Rebushinsky (that's how it was written then) in honor of his native settlement and joins the merchant class. He now trades in "paper goods", starts several weaving factories in Moscow and the Kaluga province, and leaves the children a capital of more than 2 million rubles. So the stern and devout Old Believer, who wore a common people's caftan and worked as a "master" at his manufactories, laid the foundation for the future prosperity of the family.

Quote: “I have always been struck by one feature - perhaps a characteristic feature of the whole family - this is internal family discipline. Not only in banking, but also in public affairs, each was assigned his own place according to the established rank, and in the first place was the elder brother, with whom others reckoned and, in a certain sense, obeyed him. (“Memoirs”, P. Buryshkin).

The Ryabushinskys were well-known collectors: icons, paintings, art objects, porcelain, furniture... It is not surprising that Nikolai Ryabushinsky, "the dissolute Nikolasha" (1877-1951), chose the world of art as his life's career. An extravagant lover of living "in a big way" entered the history of Russian art as the editor-publisher of the luxurious literary and artistic almanac "Golden Fleece", published in 1906-1909. Almanac under the banner of "pure art" managed to gather the best forces of the Russian "Silver Age": A. Blok, A. Bely, V. Bryusov, among the "seekers of the Golden Fleece" were the artists M. Dobuzhinsky, P. Kuznetsov, E. Lansere and many other. A. Benois, who collaborated in the magazine, assessed its publisher as "a curious figure, not mediocre, in any case special."

5. Demidovs

The founder of the Demidov dynasty of merchants, Nikita Demidovich Antufiev, better known by the surname Demidov (1656-1725), was a Tula blacksmith and advanced under Peter I, having received vast lands in the Urals for the construction of metallurgical plants. Nikita Demidovich had three sons: Akinfiy, Gregory and Nikita, among whom he distributed all his wealth.

In the famous Altai mines, which owed their discovery to Akinfiy Demidov, in 1736, the richest ore in terms of gold and silver content, native silver and horn silver ore, were found.

His eldest son Prokopy Akinfievich paid little attention to the management of his factories, which, in addition to his intervention, brought in huge income. He lived in Moscow, and surprised the townspeople with his eccentricities and costly undertakings. Prokopy Demidov also spent a lot on charity: 20,000 rubles for the establishment of a hospital for poor puerperas at the St. Petersburg Orphanage, 20,000 rubles for Moscow University on scholarships for the poorest students, 5,000 rubles for the main public school in Moscow.

6. Tretyakovs

They came from an old but not rich merchant family. Elisey Martynovich Tretyakov, the great-grandfather of Sergei and Pavel Mikhailovich, arrived in Moscow in 1774 from Maloyaroslavets as a seventy-year-old man with his wife and two sons, Zakhar and Osip. In Maloyaroslavets, the merchant family of the Tretyakovs existed since 1646.
The history of the Tretyakov family essentially boils down to the biography of two brothers, Pavel and Sergei Mikhailovich. During their lifetime, they were united by true kindred love and friendship. After their death, they will forever be remembered as the creators of the gallery named after the brothers Pavel and Sergei Tretyakov.

Both brothers continued their father's business, first trading, then industrial. They were linen workers, and flax in Russia has always been revered as a native Russian product. Slavophile economists (like Kokorev) have always praised flax and contrasted it with foreign American cotton.

This family was never considered one of the richest, although their commercial and industrial affairs were always successful. Pavel Mikhailovich spent a lot of money on creating his famous gallery and collecting a collection, sometimes to the detriment of the well-being of his own family.

Quote: “With a guide and a map in hand, zealously and carefully, he reviewed almost all European museums, moving from one large capital to another, from one small Italian, Dutch and German town to another. And he became a real, deep and subtle connoisseur of painting. ("Russian antiquity").

7. Soldatenkovs

They come from the peasants of the village of Prokunino, Kolomna district, Moscow province. The ancestor of the Soldatenkov family, Yegor Vasilyevich, has been in the Moscow merchant class since 1797. But this family became famous only in the middle of the 19th century, thanks to Kuzma Terentyevich.

He rented a shop in the old Gostiny Dvor, traded in paper yarn, and was engaged in a discount. Subsequently, he became a major shareholder in a number of manufactories, banks and insurance companies.

Kuzma Soldatenkov had a large library and a valuable collection of paintings, which he bequeathed to the Moscow Rumyantsev Museum. This collection is one of the earliest in terms of its compilation and the most remarkable in terms of its excellent and long existence.

But Soldatenkov's main contribution to Russian culture is considered publishing. His closest collaborator in this area was Mitrofan Shchepkin, a well-known city figure in Moscow. Under the leadership of Shchepkin, many issues devoted to the classics of economic science were published, for which special translations were made. This series of publications, called the "Shchepkinskaya Library", was the most valuable aid for students, but already in my time - the beginning of this century - many books became a bibliographic rarity.

Genealogy of the Moscow merchants of the XVIII century. (From the history of the formation of the Russian bourgeoisie) Aksenov Alexander Ivanovich

Ancient Moscow surnames of eminent citizens

The earliest news of the above names is associated with the Gusyatnikovs. In 1689, Sergei Gusyatnikov was appointed state kisser of the "Merchant's Chamber" of the Sable Treasury to receive sables and "soft junk" from the Siberian order 9 *. In 1713 he was still listed among the "available Moscow residents" 10 * , and from 1717 his son Pyotr Sergeevich Gusyatnikov 11 * took his place. The name of Peter is associated with the beginning of the rise of commercial and industrial activities of this kind, especially under his son Mikhail. Since the Gusyatnikov family has already been studied by E. A. Zvyagintsev, 12* there is no need to present here all the facts relating to its history. Therefore, we will focus only on some estimated, as well as uncovered points.

E. A. Zvyagintsev, revealing the mechanics of the accumulation of wealth by the Gusyatnikovs, rightly puts participation in farming out in the first place. However, he pays the main attention to the farming of the 50-60s of the 18th century, when the Gusyatnikovs already owned a hat and linen factories, and only casually mentions that Pyotr Sergeevich was a member of the company that was in charge of the vodka trade in the 1830s. Moscow 13*. Meanwhile, it was precisely this type of entrepreneurial activity that was one of the main sources of initial accumulation, which is confirmed by the materials of the investigative case “on the abuses of the Moscow drinking company associates” 14*.

Pyotr Gusyatnikov was among 13 companions who signed a contract in 1729 to collect drinking money 15*. In his “department” there were 17 taverns and a fartin in the Malaya Alekseevskaya and Rogozhskaya quarters of Moscow, behind the Yauza gates and “on the Pits” 16*, from which, as it turned out during the investigation, he received “profitable 100, 150 rubles” per month 17* . Peter's son, Mikhail, took an active part in the farming activity, bringing "combined" money to his father's house and confirming that "when pouring out in excess of real penny money, the father received 100, 150 rubles a month" 18*.

Unfortunately, we do not have any direct data on what the Gusyatnikovs did before they became tax-farmers. Only some idea is given by the record of the collection of quitrent money from shops and trading places in Moscow in 1737, according to which Mikhaila Gusyatnikov had 13 shops and 15 camps in different parts of Moscow 19*. Of course, there is no reason to believe that all of them were in the possession of his father, Pyotr Sergeevich, before 1729, since many of them could have been bought already from the tax revenue 20*. However, this news can be fully interpreted in the sense that the accumulation of the merchant's own capital, necessary for joining the company, was carried out from shop trade.

More indisputable is the fact that the savings from the revenues from drinking fees and sales were invested in industry. Within a decade after the expiration of the pay-off period, 21* Mikhail Gusyatnikov, who by that time had become the head of the 22* family, started two factories. In 1745, he and four of his comrades (Ivan Chernikov, Ivan Obrosimov, Panteley Arkhipov and Ivan Nozhevshchikov) were given a state-owned hat factory “to their maintenance”. According to the report of the owners of the factory in 1746, "for the first case", that is, for the construction of premises and the procurement of tools, they used 20 thousand rubles. 23*

The participation of M. Gusyatnikov in the hat company was decisive, and since 1747 he alone owned the factory. The amount of funds he had at his disposal can be inferred from the following facts. On May 10, 1748, the factory, located in the building of the old state-owned hat factory, burned down. In July of the same year, new construction began in the Gusyatnikovs' house in Zamoskvorechye (in the parish of the Church of the Life-Giving Trinity in Kozhevniki), and already from August to December, twice as many hats were made as in 1746.25* Two years later, in 1750 M. Gusyatnikov bought from the widow of Andrei Semenov his first linen factory, together with the village of Klishino (Zaraisky district of the Ryazan province), where it was located, and assigned peasants 26 *. In 1764, 250 pieces of flamca, 800 pieces of revenduk, 500 pieces of canvas and 800 arshins of kalaminka 27* were made at its 97 mills. Finally, a little later, in 1769, he already acts as the owner of another linen factory "sold" to him from I. I. Ovoshnikov. It is important to note that this purchase was used for an interfactory division of labor. Yarn for the new factory was made and bleached in Klishin 29*.

Finding out the sources of the Gusyatnikovs' capital, one cannot fail to note foreign trade, which was ignored by E. A. Zvyagintsev. And yet she occupied an important place in their activities. According to the list of the number and occupations of merchants in Moscow, compiled by the Moscow Magistrate in the early 60s, M.P. Gusyatnikov with his children Mikhaila and Ivan were among those who conduct foreign trade. The turnover of their trades, which they conducted "to the port of St. Petersburg and to Siberia", reached an enormous figure, 100 thousand rubles, and was one of the highest 30*. Among the goods they traded were red yuft, linen, hemp, furs 31*.

This composition shows that trade for the Gusyatnikovs was not only a means of selling goods manufactured in their factories. Neither leather, nor hemp, nor furs were the subject of their production. Therefore, it would be more correct to consider this activity as a source of accumulation of funds, which were then invested in industry, in the sphere of circulation through non-equivalent, in particular Siberian, trade. It is important to note that back in the 1930s, the Gusyatnikovs traded various goods with Ukraine. According to the notebook of the Moscow Big Customs “for all imported foreign goods” of 1737, the clerk of Mikhail Petrovich on January 13 “revealed”, according to the credit statement of the Sevsk border customs, 40 pounds (9 bales) of red spun paper (“Macedonian”), “purchased in Little Russian town of Pushsk" 32*. On August 20, M. P. Gusyatnikov himself brought from there 22 halves of the Shlen cloth of the “decree measure” 33*.

The power that the Gusyatnikovs achieved thanks to the most active entrepreneurial activity of Mikhail Petrovich was the foundation on which the life of his sons and grandsons was built.

In 1776, shortly before his death, 34* Mikhail Petrovich, as the head of the family, announced for the last time the amount of his capital, from which he had to pay one percent tax. It was equal to 40 thousand rubles. and exceeded all others declared by Moscow merchants 35*. There is reason to believe that this figure was significantly lower than the true amount of capital. It is no coincidence that after the division of the state of Mikhail Petrovich, his heirs in 1778 announced a total of 62 thousand rubles. 36* Presumably, the amounts of dowry given to his four daughters who married were also significant (Tatiana married the Tula merchant I. I. Pastukhov, Marya married the Moscow merchant M. I. Minyaev, Alexander married I. P. Kolosov , a future eminent citizen, and Elizabeth - for the valet of the royal court ("colonel rank") A. S. Popov) 37 *.

After the death of Mikhaila Petrovich, a significant part of his fortune was concentrated in the hands of his eldest son, Mikhail, who, in addition to the share of the inheritance assigned to him “of his capital, traded” the same amount - 10,500 rubles. He also disposed of the inheritance of his younger brothers, Semyon and Fyodor, "who had not yet arrived at the appointed time," that is, who had not reached the age of majority 38*. If we take into account that Semyon died in 1782, and Fyodor in 1791, 39* it becomes clear that their money, too, was eventually added to Mikhail's capital. It is worth noting that Mikhail Mikhailovich was married for the second time to the daughter of the 1st guild of the merchant V. V. Surovshchikov Vera and, presumably, received a considerable dowry for her.

However, Mikhail Mikhailovich died in 1792 40 * at a fairly young age, only 47 years old (he was born in 1745 41 *), and his sons Nikolai, Alexei and Alexander 42 * did not support the undertakings of their father and grandfather, did not at all were engaged in entrepreneurial activities and even at first after the death of their father did not maintain their own house, living with their uncle, Pyotr Mikhailovich 43*. But the inheritance received put them not only on a par with the richest merchants of their time, but also allowed them to achieve a high position in society.

In 1795-1800. they were included in the composition of Moscow eminent citizens, declaring capital from 50,100 to 51,000 rubles. 44 * Nikolai Mikhailovich made efforts to take advantage of the merits of his grandfather and father and acquire a noble title: he became the first of the Gusyatnikov family, who eventually achieved the nobility 45 * . His brother Alexei was later an eminent citizen "on the scientific side" 46*.

The largest representative of the Gusyatnikov family after Mikhail Petrovich was his second son, Peter. He did not receive such a large inheritance as Mikhail Mikhailovich, but he took on an entrepreneurial streak from his father, which allowed him to become "an outstanding wealthy Muscovite" 47*. In the 1990s, he was the only one among the Gusyatnikovs who was engaged in trade, having a bargain in "various written goods" 48*. In addition, at that time, together with his brother Sergei, he maintained the Klishinsky linen factory, the only industrial establishment of the Gusyatnikovs that remained in their possession.

Pyotr Mikhailavich immediately after the introduction of eminent citizenship received this title 49 *. Since 1797, he no longer declared capital as an eminent citizen 50 * and in 1801-1811. was listed as a merchant of the 1st guild 51*. It is difficult to establish the reason for leaving eminent citizens, but it was hardly connected with the property status, since until the end of his life (he died in 1816) he was the richest man 52*. Only at the linen factory in 1797-1799. 1350-1400 pieces of revenduk (about 70 thousand arshins) and 420-435 pieces of canvas were produced per year in the amount of 19,635, 19,738 and 19,830 rubles. 53* In addition, in 1799 the Gusyatnikovs had 34 shops in Moscow, of which 9 belonged to Pyotr Mikhailovich 54* . It is possible that in 1797 he did not declare capital and thereby dropped out of the eminent citizens, was due to some extent to the death on April 5, 1797 of his first wife, Anna Larionovna, daughter of the Tula merchant Lugin, and the youngest daughter, Elizabeth, who died on July 30, 1797. 55 Psychologically, the state of depression and inactivity caused by such events is quite understandable.

The fate of the children of Peter Mikhailovich is characterized by a departure from the merchant class. Mikhail, Peter and Vladimir were “dismissed” from the merchant class to the civil service 56* and to the university 57*, daughter Evgenia married the academic artist N. A. Maykov 58*. At the same time, it should be noted that the most prominent of them, Peter, who achieved the rank of nobility, in addition to the estate in the Volokolamsk district, also owned three linen factories in the Zaraisk district 59*.

The Babushkins, Kolosovs and Surovshchikovs belonged to the number of eminent citizens, whose birth came from the ancient tax collectors of the Moscow settlements. According to the 1st revision in 1725 in Basmannaya Sloboda Ivan Gavrilov son Babushkin, 53 years old, with his son Andrey, 31 years old 60 *, lived in his court, and behind the Moscow River in the house of his son-in-law, A. Skobenikov, he was a “natural” tax Butcher's fifty Pankrat Vasiliev son Kolosov, 17 years old 61*. The name of Vasily Vasilyev, son of Surovshchikov, aged 26, first occurs in 1747. salary, and not in "profit". In addition, the salary book of 1748, which strictly recorded all cases of arrival, does not say anything about this. The named families were not as powerful as the Gusyatnikovs, but in terms of the nature of their development they are largely similar, and the fates of their representatives intertwined in an amazing way during the 18th century.

Together with P. Gusyatnikov, Andrei Babushkin was in the company of Moscow drinking farmers 63 *. In his “department” there were 13 taverns and fartin, from which he had “profitable” 100, 150, 200 rubles. per month 64*. In addition, with a number of associates (I. Veselovsky, G. Trofimov, I. Rybinsky, M. Savin and A. Turchaninov), he traded in "Siberian goods", in particular fabrics: Chinese and Kamka 65 * .

In 1744, A. Babushkin bought a silk factory 66* from the widow of the famous manufacturer Alexei Spiridonov, located in the former Embassy Court 67*. The beginning of this factory dates back to 1717, when it was started by P. Shafirov and P. Tolstoy by decree of Peter I. In 1721, Matvey and Ilya Evreinov, Fyodor Startsov, Afanasy Pavlov, Fyodor Mylnikov, Matvey Korotkoy and Spiridon Anikeev “came into campaign with them”. In 1725, a year after the manufactory was given to the company "in full power", they divided it "by parties". Some were taken by the Evreinovs 68*, some were taken by all the rest with separate content. Later, Alexei Spiridonov, the son of Spiridon Anikeev, having married the daughter of Afanasy Pavlov, united in his hands the “non-Jewish” part 69 *, which went to A. Babushkin.

In 1745, the factory had 37 mills for the production of velvet, colored damasks, taffeta, stockings, and 76 people of various specialties worked, “and 150 people for unwinding silk for women and children” 70*. Probably, the latter were represented by the inhabitants of the villages, whom he was allowed to buy by decree of the Manufacture College "up to 200 households" 71*.

The production of the factory was constantly expanding, and since the 50s there were already 60 mills, which in 1762 served 128 artisans, and for unwinding silk - 150 women and children 72*. Moreover, if in 1754 the factory produced only five types of silk fabrics, then in 1759 there were 11 73 *, and from 1761 - 14 74 *. At that time, the factory no longer fit in the seven stone chambers of the Ambassador's Court, and two of the Babushkins' own houses in Staraya Basmannaya and one in Syromyatniki 75 * were allotted for it.

A. Babushkin's silk factory reached the "peak" of its development by the end of the 60s. In 1768-1769. it was equipped with 125 machines. It employed 211 craftsmen and laborers out of 112-156 people assigned (or bought) under the decree of 1736, 26 serfs and 80 civilian peasants 76*. During the first half of 1769, textiles were produced for 30,915 rubles 77*. For comparison, let's say that in the year of the establishment, i.e., for 11 months in 1744, velvets, damasks, dreams and taffeta were made for 1548 rubles, and in 1762 (for 6 months) - for 7863 rubles. 78*

A significant decline in production was obviously associated with the events of the plague and the plague riot in Moscow in 1771. In the first half of 1770, goods worth 32,991 rubles were made. But in the future, there is no information about the work of the factory until the first half of 1772, when in half a year fabrics were produced for only 7220 rubles. Only 50 mills were in operation at that time, which was probably due to a lack of manpower. Of those assigned to A. Babushkin, 54 people remained after the plague, serfs - 20 and "free" - 40 79 *. True, he managed in a fairly short time to get out of a difficult situation, replacing forced labor to a large extent with civilian wages. Already in the first half of 1773, the number of craftsmen and workers reached 197 people, of which 123 were “free” peasants and “according to passports”. Thanks to this, 105 mills were put into operation and fabrics were made for 25,328 rubles.80*

In the last years of the factory's existence, in 1776-1779, its production reached the level of the late 60s - early 70s. Despite this, in the 80s it was no longer found in the statements of the Commission on Commerce and the Manufactory Collegium on the state of factories and plants. Perhaps the reason for this was the death in 1774 of its founder 81* and a significant balance of unsold goods. During the 1970s, the factory's output was only sold at 66.6-66.7% 82*. True, even earlier this figure did not exceed 70%. But while Andrei Babushkin was alive, he apparently knew how not only to cover the shortage, but also to make a profit through trade. His goods went on sale "inside Russia" and were sold by himself, since he had bargaining and estates in the Moscow ranks, in particular in the Severov row 84 *. The heirs, divided 85* , were no longer able to withstand the competition 86* and apparently sold the factory.

In addition to silk, in 1750 A. Babushkin also started a linen factory, located in his house behind the Butcher's Gate in Novaya Basmannaya Sloboda 87 *, and later in Syromyatniki 88 * and in Mikhailovsky district 89 *. It can be assumed that this enterprise was not successful. Only during the first decade there is a slight expansion of production. From 1751 to 1759 the number of mills increased from 46 to 65, but the increase in production was small. This is apparently due to the fact that the factory from the very beginning experienced a shortage of labor, since the owner did not have permission to buy villages and peasants. In the same year, 1751, only 65 people were employed exclusively "on the basis of passports" 91*. This number was not even up to the norm of 1753, when it was determined to have 12 artisans for linen mills 92*.

The situation became even more acute in the 1960s. In 1768, only 10 "free" peasants worked at the factory, and there were no registered or purchased peasants at all. The lack of manpower led to a reduction in production capacity. In 1764-1770. in action there were only 20 94 * , and in 1773 - 8 camps, which served 8 peasants 95 * . Finally, in the second half of 1773, work at the factory "for lack of people was not carried out" 96*, and in the future there is no news about this factory.

Thus, from the end of the 70s, the Babushkins withdrew from industrial activity. The reason for this should be sought, apparently, in the entrepreneurial insolvency of Andrei Babushkin's sons. His eldest son, Ivan, was a lack of initiative and could not continue his father's work. Until the end of his days 97* he lived in the house of his second brother, Semyon, having no family of his own 98* .

The fates of the younger brothers were more prosperous, mainly due to successful marriages. Even during his father's lifetime, Semyon married the daughter of Ivan Romanovich Zhuravlev, 99 * , a representative of the largest family of Moscow merchants who had a cloth factory and were engaged in the second half of the 18th century. foreign trade in East and West 100* . True, in the future, the Babushkin family along the line of Semyon quickly faded away. He himself, despite the fact that he achieved the title of collegiate assessor 101 * , died a tradesman 102 * . His son, Nikolay, who had bargaining in the silver row, was at first a merchant of the 2nd 103*, and then of the 3rd guild 104*. Grandson Nikanor since 1831, after the death of his father in 1830, moved to the bourgeoisie 105 * , and granddaughter Nadezhda as early as 1850 was listed as a 3rd guild merchant 106 * .

Successful was the marriage of the last son of Andrei Babushkin, Peter. His wife was the only heiress of the drawing room of Dmitry Ivanovich Serebrenikov's hundred, Elizabeth 107 *. Peter married at the moment when the Serebrenikovs, who came from the Serpukhov Drawing Room of the Hundred, were at the top of the merchant hierarchy: they belonged to the 1st guild, had estates in the ranks and had a grain market 108*. It is possible that Dmitri Ivanovich, who died as a tradesman in the late 1980s and early 1990s, invested his entire fortune, inherited by Pyotr Babushkin, into his daughter's well-being. In the end, together with a part of Andrey Babushkin's inheritance, after Peter's death in 1793110* it passed to his daughter111*.

Alexandra Petrovna Babushkina, having announced in 1795 a capital of 50 thousand rubles, received the title of eminent citizen 112 *. Most likely, this title was necessary solely to soften public opinion in view of the upcoming wedding with Prince Yu. N. Volkonsky. Having married in the same 1795, Alexandra Petrovna also left the merchant class, receiving the nobility.

In close relations with the Gusyatnikovs and Babushkins there were also other families of eminent citizens, descendants of their old Moscow tax collectors - the Kolosovs and the Surovshchikovs.

The Kolosovs belonged not only to the old Moscow families, but also to the old Moscow manufacturers. In this respect they can only be compared with the Jews. Already in 1735, Pankrat Vasilievich Kolosov founded a silk factory, having a mill with tools ready for the establishment. According to the decree, he was to produce only scanned silk "against the Chinese style", ribbons, and also spin in gold and silver. At the same time, he did not receive permission to purchase serfs, but he could sell the goods in Russia or “wherever he wanted” at a free price of 113*. Only by the privilege given to him by the Manufactory College in 1744, simultaneously with the permission to make various silk fabrics (taffeta, dreams, etc.) 114*, did Pankrat Kolosov receive the right to buy 20 people 115* .

In 1750, he “got” the silk factory started in 1726 by Ivan Dudorov, together with the craftsmen and workers assigned to it, and “according to the former privilege” of this factory, he was “dismissed” from the merchant services and from standing. And five years later, in 1755, P.V. Kolosov acquired for 2 thousand rubles. the Mylnikovs' silk manufactory founded back in 1717 116*.

By permission, on March 21, 1762, he bought the village of Batyevo with 137 peasants from the Suzdal landowner P.I. Matyushkin. “Two parts” of them were left for arable farming, “making at machine mills and developing silks”, and “the third part was taken for craftsmanship” for the factory itself. As a result, by 1771, P.V. Kolosov had 228 "male" and 192 "female" souls bought, assigned and transferred to him from the former manufacturers. The plague in Moscow significantly devastated this train. In 1771, 179 men and 163 women died. As a result, by the 5th revision, only 69 men and 74 women remained out of the total number attributed and bought from Kolosov. The new owner of the Moscow factories, the son of Pankrat, Ivan Pankratievich Kolosov-big, who in 1773 bought a factory in the village of Ulitino, Bogorodsk district 118 *, complained in 1797 that work, due to the lack of people, "is carried out against the former with a decrease." So, if before 1771, 150 mills produced various silk fabrics worth 70-80 thousand rubles a year, then in two years, 1795 and 1796, 70 mills produced products worth 89 thousand rubles. 119*

There has certainly been a decline in production since 1771, although it has been somewhat exaggerated. Emphasizing it, I. P. Kolosov tried to draw the attention of the government to the causes. At the same time, along with a shortage of labor, he pointed out that the stop was due to the high cost of materials and silks and "from the peasants who multiplied handicraftsmen in villages and villages" 121 * .

It is characteristic that in the same period the position of the Yaroslavl silk factory of the Kolosovs, which was owned by Ivan Pankratievich's brother, Vasily, and after him by his sons Mikhail and Pankrat, was more stable. This factory was started back in 1723 by Maxim Zatrapeznov, and since 1741 was in the possession of the Yaroslavl merchant Afanasy Guryev, who was married to the daughter of Andrei Maksimovich Zatrapezny. In 1754, it was sold by Ivan Afanasyevich Guryev to the Moscow merchant Ilya Poluyaroslavtsev. Pankrat Vasilyevich Kolosov and his eldest son, Vasily, bought it in September 1763122*

According to the data of 1797, the number of people "purchased with the factory," i.e., acquired by the Kolosovs together with the factory in 1763, was 107 souls 123*. By 1798, the total number of assigned workers and artisans at the Yaroslavl factory reached 113 men and 117 women 124*. The silk production of the Kolosovs in Yaroslavl, which did not experience the upheavals of 1771, developed quite successfully until the end of the 18th century. This conclusion is confirmed by comparative data on the volume of production in 1763 and 1797. (data for interim years not available). If in the first four months after the purchase of the factory, scarves, lace, ribbons, belts were made at 49 mills for 2450 rubles. 98 kop.125 *, then for the first half of 1797, 102 mills produced 20,726 rubles. 126* a wide variety of silk fabrics: grassy mounds, konovat, multi-colored taffeta, scarves, lace, etc. 127*

The successful development of the silk business in Yaroslavl allowed Vasily Pankratievich to be the first of the Kolosovs and one of the first Moscow merchants to receive the title of eminent citizen. He died with this title in 1786.128*

His children Mikhail and Pankrat were also among the eminent citizens. Initially, after the death of their father, they announced a common capital with their uncles: Ivan the Great, Ivan the Lesser and Gavrila Pankratievich. This continued from 1788 to 1793, 129* until IP Kolosov-Bolshoi managed to ensure the successful course of affairs by participating in the drinking farm. In 1787-1791. together with his brother-in-laws Peter and Sergei Gusyatnikov 130*, as well as with Boris Evreinov, he owned part of the Moscow drinking farm, making a significant profit on the trade in wine and beer "unspecified measure" 131* .

In 1795-1796. Mikhail and Pankrat Vasilievich Kolosov declared their capital (50 thousand rubles) according to the category of eminent citizens 132 *, and Ivan Pankratievich-Bolshoi with his brothers in capital books has not passed since 1794. His son Ivan Ivanovich in 1801, already after the death of his father 133 *, was listed as a merchant of the 3rd guild, without bargaining and living with his uncles, Ivan the Lesser and Gavrila Pankratievich, also third guild merchants who ruled from 1800 Moscow and Ulitkinskaya silk factories 134*. Since 1810, I. P. Kolosov, the smaller one 135 * , and since 1814, Ivan Ivanovich Kolosov “did not declare capital and did not appear for the submission of revision tales” 136 * . The children of Gavrila Pankratievich, Vasily and Sergei, died in 1837 and 1839, respectively, without showing themselves in any way.

From the end of the 18th century, after the rise of 1795-1796, the Kolosov family began to decline along the line of the sons of Vasily Pankratievich. Already in 1799, Pankrat Vasilievich was forced to move to the bourgeois class 138 *, and his brother, Mikhail, according to the 6th and 7th revisions, was listed as a merchant of the 3rd guild 139 *, in his declining years, in 1825, together with son Vladimir also became a tradesman. In 1830 the same fate befell his other son, Mikhail Mikhailovich 140*.

True, representatives of both branches continued to maintain the above-mentioned factories until 1810 141* (later there is no news about them). Ivan the Lesser and Gavrila Kolosov, who received a state estate in the early 1980s, were even able to buy peasants, thus resolving the labor problem. At that time, they had 14 assigned and 153 bought people 142*. However, neither they nor the owners of the Yaroslavl factory managed to significantly increase production. On the contrary, the statements on the state of manufactories in Russia for 1809 indicate that the Kolosov factories at that time produced 1.5-2 times less goods than they were produced at the end of the 18th - beginning of the 19th centuries.143*

Characteristically, there is an increase in the number of unsold tissues. In a Moscow factory, for example, in 1801 goods worth 12,154 rubles were produced and sold for 4,412 rubles. At the Ulitkinsky factory, this gap was even greater: out of 16,143 rubles. goods sold for 6902 rubles144*

The reason for the reduction in production among the Kolosovs must be sought, apparently, in a sharp increase in the handicraft peasant industry, about which Ivan Pankratievich wrote, and the displacement of the old Moscow merchants, who were unable to rise to pass into the nobility, by the largest immigrants from it.

A special place among eminent citizens is occupied by the surname of the old Moscow merchants Surovshchikovs. In terms of the number of representatives, this genus, cut off along the male line in the second generation, is small. Vasily Vasilyevich had only two daughters, Natalya and Vera, and a son, Vasily. Their position and fate were determined solely by the success of their father's entrepreneurial activities, who, apparently, had extraordinary abilities. In 1748, when he was 27 years old, he belonged to the 1st guild, had a trade in the Sorovsky row and a cloth factory 146*. Probably, in this case we are talking about the factory that Vasily Surovshchikov kept in company with Prokofy Dokuchaev, Grigory Serikov and Alexei Bolotin in the 50s. It was started as early as 1720 by the fathers of his companions 147* and received substantial privileges. The landlords and their children were not only dismissed from services and standing, but for 15 years they received the right to duty-free trade. Twice, at the institution for three years and in 1744 for 10 years, they were given a loan from the treasury in the amount of 30 thousand rubles. In addition, they were allowed to buy "up to 2,000 souls with land," and in 1759 there were 2,106 artisans in the factory 148*.

In the future, the composition of the company has changed. According to the statement of the Manufactory College of 1769, this factory was maintained by the "society" together with V. V. Surovshchikov, Ilya Dokuchaev, Grigory Likhonin and M. P. Gusyatnikov 149 *. By this time, V. V. Surovshchikov had become related to the Gusyatnikovs, having married off his first daughter, Vera, to Mikhail.

The scope of production of the new owners was extremely wide, and in the 60s, among the cloth enterprises, their factory had no equal. On 120 cloth and 60 karasey mills, 100,959 arshins of army cloths, 31,336 arshins of fine cloths from foreign wool, 2,551 arshins of karazei were made, and 1,175 poods of madder bought in Kizlyar were remade 151*.

In addition to cloth, VV Surovshchikov for some time, in 1750-1754, also kept a tinsel factory 152*. However, the most significant part of his income was foreign trade. According to the statement of the Moscow magistrate in the early 60s, he traded "to the Temernikovsky water in Tsar Grad, to the St. Petersburg ports, to Amsterdam, to Gdansk." It can be said without exaggeration that, at least among Moscow merchants, VV Surovshchikov was the first in commerce with foreign countries. Unlike many others, he did not specialize in trading in a certain type of goods. In equal measure, he bought and sold cow's butter and Rhine wines, pressed caviar and vegetables with sugar, alum and paint, copper wire and sour, thread goods, silk and paper products, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, Turkish and Schlön (Polish) wool and others. His trade turnover was higher than that of all other merchants, and reached a colossal figure of 116 thousand rubles. 153*

How important foreign trade was in V. V. Surovshchikov’s activities is shown by the fact that his second daughter, Natalya, was married to Ivan Romanovich Zhuravlev, a merchant with China and Siberia, who was in the relationship with Andrei Babushkin.

Successful undertakings by V. V. Surovshchikov did not find a family continuation. Daughters here could not help. He pinned certain hopes on Son Basil, who was born in 1767. 155* However, they were not destined to come true. In 1792, after the death of his father 156*, 25-year-old Surovshchikov left for military service 157*. True, five years later he returned to the merchant class again and, declaring in 1797-1801. together with his mother 50 thousand rubles. capital, received the title of eminent citizen 158 *. This return, however, was rather symbolic, since he is not found either among the trading merchants or among the owners of factories. Therefore, it can be safely assumed that V. V. Surovshchikov, Jr. lived on his acquired wealth. With his death in 1811, the Surovshchikov family came to an end.

A common feature for all the considered surnames of eminent citizens, who came from the old Moscow taxpayers, is their close relationship with each other. In a number of cases, it was the result of business contacts, but marriage unions were decisive, putting these families in a close relationship, the center of which was the vast Gusyatnikov family (see Diagram 5).

Scheme 5

Scheme b

It is characteristic that merchant families were involved in the circle of family relations of eminent citizens, whose representatives, by the time marriage unions were formed, as a rule, had achieved a certain position and were in the 1st guild. We have already mentioned the Sitnikovs, Zhuravlevs, Serebrennikovs. Of the other most famous, we can note the name of the Batashevs, merchants of iron and cast iron, owners of iron and linen factories, who were in property with the Kolosovs and the famous St. Petersburg merchant Savva Yakovlev (see diagram 6).

The characteristic relations of the ancient Moscow eminent families were also established with some of the "profitable" eminent citizens. Babushkins, for example, were connected through large ones in the second half of the 18th century. cloth manufacturers and first guild merchants Babkins and Dolgovs, descended from Kaluga merchants (see Diagram 7).

In a kind of relationship with the Gusyatnikovs and Surovshchikovs were people from a well-known family of Kolomna merchants - the Meshchaninovs. The widow of M. M. Gusyatnikova, daughter of V. V. Surovshchikov Vera Vasilievna, after the death of her husband, married the son of an eminent citizen and collegiate assessor D. D. Meshchaninov, Markel, who had the title of court councilor 160 *.

In general, the circle of family ties of Moscow's old eminent families presents a very impressive picture (see Diagram 8) and is evidence of the social isolation of the merchants at the highest level. It is indicative in this regard that, as one moves away from these central families, matrimonial ties with merchants of the 2nd and 3rd guilds or representatives of the lower classes become more and more noticeable. As a rule, this concerns the unfortunate offspring of the genus or is associated with periods of decline. Therefore, in the vast majority of cases, by the nature of kinship, one can judge the position of the family or the whole clan.

Scheme 7

Scheme 8

The names of eminent citizens are enclosed in a frame

Another common feature in the development of the clans of eminent citizens - descendants of the old taxpayers - was that the condition for their prosperity was certainly the activity of one of the representatives of the clan, who had outstanding abilities and the necessary business qualities. For the Gusyatnikovs, this is Mikhail Petrovich, for the Babushkins - Andrei Ivanovich, for the Kolosovs - Pankrat Vasilyevich, for the Surovshchikovs - Vasily Vasilyevich. It was their efforts that created a strong family economic base.

It is indicative that its creation occurs mainly in the third quarter of the 18th century. Even in those cases when the rise of the clan began a little earlier, entrepreneurial activity reached its greatest extent in the 50-70s. It is characterized during this period by a combination of industrial and commercial occupations, and sometimes by participation in farms (the Gusyatnikovs) or other profitable enterprises. Its success was determined for enterprising people by the government's encouraging policy towards "decree" manufacturers. A number of decrees of this time on the prohibition of unordered production, on the permission of duty-free importation of wool from abroad for cloth factories, duty exemptions on Russian goods exported abroad for manufacturers associated with the foreign market, concessions (although not consistent) in the purchase of villages, lands and serfs 162* turned out to be fertile ground for the activities of these persons.

Differences in the development of the considered genera begin with the second generation of the founders of the "cause". Actually, they were expressed primarily in the fate of their children and grandchildren. Some of them achieved the title of a nobleman, others were crushed, dropping to the third guild merchants or going into the middle class. The essence of this phenomenon, however, consisted in one thing - in a departure from industrial and commercial activities, thanks to which fathers and grandfathers made it possible for their children and grandchildren to rise to the top of the hierarchical merchant ladder. For various reasons and various abilities, some were able to rise even higher, while others could not hold on without showing due activity in the new conditions. Their place in the economic field was taken by more active people, including a number of eminent citizens who were not connected by origin with the old Moscow merchant families.

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We have already talked about how the merchants, one of the most numerous and influential estates of our country, taught their children before the October Revolution of 1917. Today we will talk about the family life of merchants.

For merchants, the family was not only a personal matter - it formed an idea of ​​how influential, firm, and authoritative its head was. And this, in the final analysis, largely determined success both in business and in social activities. Therefore, it was so important to create a strong “cell of society”, based on the patriarchal norms accepted in society.

Shall a wife be afraid of her husband?

The roles in the merchant family were distributed very clearly: the husband was engaged in trade, was in charge of finances, paid taxes, and was also an “intermediary” between his household and the trade guild and, of course, the state. In a word, he was responsible for the well-being and social status of his relatives. The wife “provided the rear”: she took care of her husband and children and created comfortable living conditions for them.

Nikolai Nevrev "Everyday scene of the 17th century (Merchant and goods)" (early 1890s)

All this was spelled out in Russian legislation: by law, a woman was dependent on her husband. After the wedding, she accepted the title and estate of her husband, and was obliged to obey him in everything. The man, however, remained the owner of all movable and immovable property, and only he had the right to make important decisions for the family: from trade investments to issues of raising children. Even the merchant's wife could straighten her passport only with the permission of her husband. Add here the fact that in merchant unions the husband was usually, as a rule, older than his other half, and, therefore, more significant - and the picture loomed more gloomy. But was it really so?

Contemporaries note that even in the first half of the 19th century, in wealthy merchant families, mothers no longer took care of the household themselves, they were rather stewards of a considerable staff of servants. This freed them enough time for themselves and for creativity: as the Siberian memoirist Avdeeva-Polevaya wrote, they “Especially engaged in various needlework: they embroidered with silk, gold, foil, tambour and satin stitch; embroidered towels with different patterns.

If the head of the family went on a business trip, the wife often replaced him: she watched how things were going in the shop or store, made the necessary payments, etc. Such mutual assistance was a very common thing and testified that the merchants were by no means illiterate and helpless.

The fact that the position of merchant wives was not deprived of rights is also evidenced by the fact that the dowry or property acquired by the wife on her own was considered her property according to the law. True, in case of problems with her husband or with her father-in-law and mother-in-law, the merchant's wife sought help and support from her parents or other relatives. But this only says that in this environment it was customary to “not wash dirty linen in public” so as not to undermine the reputation of the family.

The practice of inheritance is also interesting: very often the head of the family bequeathed all the property to his wife, even in the presence of adult sons. Often, the widow took over the family business and skillfully increased her capital: for example, as Varvara Alekseevna Morozova, director of the Association of the Tver Paper Manufactory. She was widowed at 34, raised three sons alone, and was able to build a real textile empire in Russia. In addition, she was actively involved in charity work.

Konstantin Makovsky "Portrait of Varvara Morozova" (1884)

"Dark Kingdom" or reasonable severity?

Thanks to the books of some pre-revolutionary and Soviet writers, we imagine the life of the merchant class as a real "dark kingdom", not only in relation to women, but also in the upbringing of children. However, reality has little to do with this negativity.

First of all, we should not forget that the majority of merchants came from peasants - if not in the first, then in the second or third generation for sure. Just like the famous Pavel Mikhailovich Tretyakov, philanthropist and collector, founder of the Tretyakov Gallery, whose near ancestor was a serf in the Maloyaroslavets district. This means that in the merchant environment, the basic values ​​​​of the common people were inherited: children were raised in strictness, they were not spoiled too much and were not allowed to be lazy. From the heirs, they prepared the successors of the family and support in old age. Very great importance was attached to religious and moral education: reverence for the elders, loyalty to one's word, mercy for the orphans and the poor - all this was not an empty set of words in a merchant society. At the same time, parents day and night took care of the physical and moral well-being of their children.

Here is what Tomsk merchant S.S. Prasolov in his spiritual instruction to children: “I bequeath to live in love and harmony, to render due obedience and respect to my mother, and equally to brothers and sisters to show mutual sincere disposition to each other.” And such instructions worked - this is what can be read in the notes of a 19th-century traveler: “In general, Siberian merchant families are strong in mutual love and respect for their members. Family strife, especially between brothers and sisters, is the most unrealizable phenomenon. The younger generation looks to the older ones as experienced guides.”

Perov Vasily "Arrival of a governess in a merchant's house" (1866)

How was this education expressed in practice? The Soviet slogan "All the best for children" would be considered savagery by Russian merchants. Firstly, because there should not be “best pieces” in the family in principle. The first and largest piece went to the father - not exactly the "best", but the first and largest. The second piece is smaller - mothers, and then everyone else - grandfathers, grandmothers and, finally, children. And this rule applied to all spheres of life.

Secondly, all members of the family had to work for her well-being. Especially - continuers of business. Even in very wealthy families, sons were “put to work” at a very early age: boys began to engage in petty trade in a shop at the age of 6-7. They were gradually brought up to date, and by the age of 15-16, merchant offspring began to independently travel to other cities on company business, kept account books, bought and sold small quantities of goods. The fathers gave them a certain freedom of action, but at the same time demanded strict accountability.

Girls from the tenderest age were taught housekeeping, they were obliged to help their mother keep order and look after their younger brothers and sisters. In addition, merchant daughters were engaged in needlework, and they themselves often prepared a dowry for themselves, just like ordinary peasant women. In a word, zealous merchants from childhood prepared their daughters for the role of mother and wife. Often, the home education of girls was reduced only to the ability to read, write and count, but since the middle of the 19th century, a network of women's educational institutions has been developing in Russia, where the daughters of merchants receive a deeper education.

Vasily Pukirev "Receiving a dowry in a merchant family by painting" (1873)

“Yes, Russian merchants loved victory and won!”

A stereotype has developed about the Russian merchant: an ignorant tyrant, a despot who pushes his loved ones around, while at the same time a drunkard, a reveler, a glutton and a gambler. Of course, there were such characters among the merchants. But they didn’t stay afloat for a long time: completely different people, who were the majority, achieved success.

The merchants attached great importance to the observance of religious traditions: families in full force certainly took part in religious rites and holidays, making generous donations. In any family there were adopted children or pupils - it was considered quite common to take an orphan into upbringing. It is difficult to overestimate the social role of the merchants: in the 19th century, as a rule, it was the merchants who organized shelters, hospitals, free canteens, almshouses and rooming houses for the poor at their own expense. They also acted as sponsors for public libraries, people's houses and various educational institutions. In addition, they organized many useful events - from city holidays to meetings of the sobriety society.

One can talk about merchant patrons for a long time: many achievements of Russian culture and art would simply not have taken place without such figures as the Shchukin brothers, Savva Mamontov, Morozov, Bakhrushins, Tretyakovs and others. Perhaps Fyodor Chaliapin wrote about this best in his autobiography.

Ilya Repin "Portrait of Savva Mamontov" (1878)

And the great singer knew what he was talking about - it was the support of the merchant Mamontov that helped him become a star of the first magnitude: “A Russian peasant, having escaped from the village from an early age, begins to cobble together his well-being as a future merchant or industrialist in Moscow. He sells sbiten at the Khitrovy market, sells pies on stalls ... cheerfully shouts out his comrade and cunningly watches the stitches of life with a slanting eye ... And there, lo and behold, he already has a shop or a small factory. And then, go, he is already the 1st guild merchant. Wait - his eldest son is the first to buy the Gauguins, the first to buy Picasso, the first to take Matisse to Moscow. And we, the enlightened ones, look at all the Matisses, Manets and Renoirs, which are still incomprehensible to us, and critically say: "Samodur". Meanwhile, the petty tyrants, meanwhile, quietly accumulated wonderful treasures of art, created galleries, museums, first-class theaters, set up hospitals and shelters. Yes, Russian merchants loved victory and won.

Also read about what a 10-year-old girl could do 100 years ago in Rus'.