Sultan jalal ad din. Genghis Khan
Who is Sultan Jalal ad-Din? This is the eldest son of Khorezmshah Muhammad II, the ruler of Khorezm. He glorified his name by the fact that he put up a worthy resistance to Genghis Khan. The great Mongol conqueror himself treated Jalal ad-Din with great respect and set him as an example to his sons. The Mongols valued courage and courage most of all, and the son of Muhammad fully possessed these qualities. It was with his fearlessness that he conquered such an experienced warrior as Genghis Khan. But before talking about the exploits of the brave Sultan, let's get acquainted with the general political situation that preceded his activities.
By the end of the 12th century, Khorezm was considered one of the most powerful states in Central Asia. His possessions stretched from north to south from the Aral Sea to the Persian Gulf, and from west to east from the Iranian Highlands to the Pamirs. Khorezmshah Tekesh ruled this country, and the city of Gurganj was considered the capital. Tekesh died in 1200 and was succeeded by Muhammad II (1169-1221). He further pushed the boundaries of a huge power, and it seemed that there was no force capable of crushing the Khorezmians.
But Eastern wisdom says: “Do not say that you are the strongest, there will always be a person stronger than you; do not say that you are the smartest, there will always be a person smarter than you; don't say that you are the most beautiful, there will always be a person more beautiful than you." Alas, basking in the rays of glory, power and wealth, Mohammed II did not heed this simple truth when the army of Genghis Khan appeared on the eastern borders of his vast lands.
This outstanding historical figure united nomadic tribes to the north of China under his rule and began to pursue a large-scale policy of conquest. In 1216, the advanced detachments of the Mongols appeared on the border with Khorezm. Minor skirmishes began, in which the Mongols tested the stamina and combat skills of the Khorezmians.
But it did not reach a major military confrontation. A fragile peace was preserved, and Genghis Khan sent several rich trade caravans to the lands of Khorezm. One of them was looted and the merchants were killed.
After this incident, the Mongols sent a large embassy with generous gifts to Muhammad II. The leader of the nomads offered to conclude a mutually beneficial trade union. All this was stated in the message, and at the end of it, Genghis Khan called Muhammad a son. It was this appeal that drove the Khorezmshah out of himself. He considered it insulting, and anger brought down on the ambassadors. Almost all of them were slaughtered, and the rest were sent back to tell about the wrath of a powerful ruler.
However, Genghis Khan sent a second embassy in an attempt to smooth over the conflict. But the same fate awaited him. Only after that the leader of the nomads decided to start a war against Khorezm. It was unprofitable for Genghis Khan in this period of time, since the main forces were in China, but the impudence of the Khorezmians, who openly climbed on the rampage, changed the plans of the great conqueror. He withdrew an army of 120 thousand soldiers from China and moved it to Khorezm.
Before the invasion of the Mongols, many educated people lived in Khorezm
Hostilities began in 1219. At the same time, Khorezm had an army of almost 400 thousand soldiers. In Samarkand alone, there was a garrison of 120 thousand soldiers, reinforced by war elephants. In fact, all this power should have easily destroyed the tumens of Genghis Khan. But the main strategic mistake of the Khorezmshah was that he dispersed all his innumerable troops in cities and fortresses.
The fragmented army was unable to provide worthy resistance to the united Mongol force. Already in 1220, the Khwarezmian military power ceased to exist. Mohammed himself with a small detachment fled towards the Caspian Sea. There he was landed on one of the islands, where the former great ruler died in January 1221.
The struggle of Jalal ad-Din for the restoration of Khorezm
At this sad time for the country, Sultan Jalal ad-Din (1199-1231) entered the political arena. It is believed that when dying, Muhammad bequeathed him the throne, that is, made him a Khorezmshah. But the great ruler died in poverty on a small island, having no power, and therefore his last will can hardly be considered legitimate. At the same time, many historians call Jalal ad-Din a Khorezmshah since 1220. This does not change the essence, since this person did not have a great country under his control. He was only a banner, a symbol around which the enemies of the Mongols united.
For the first time, he declared himself on the territory of Iran, where he defeated a thousandth Mongolian unit with a small detachment. After that, detachments of warriors began to join him, and soon the Sultan's army reached 10 thousand people. With this army, he approached Kandahar, which was besieged by the Mongols. The invaders were utterly defeated, and the reputation of Sultan Jalal ad-Din grew rapidly. Everyone began to consider him a real Khorezmshah and the liberator of Central Asia from the Mongols.
Army of Jalal ad-Din
In 1221, the historical battle of Parvan (the territory of modern Afghanistan) took place. The Khorezmians had a 70,000-strong army, and the Mongol army consisted of 30,000 soldiers. They were commanded by Shigi-Khutuhu, half-brother of Genghis Khan. In this battle, the Mongols were utterly defeated. The victory served as a pretext for an uprising in many areas captured by the Mongols.
Understanding the threat of this defeat, Genghis Khan himself, at the head of a strong army, moved towards Sultan Jalal ad-Din. The decisive battle took place on the banks of the Indus River in December 1221. The Mongols won it. The Sultan himself, in order not to be captured, rushed, sitting on a horse, into the river from a high cliff. He safely swam across the wide waters, got ashore and shook his sword at the Mongols watching him from the opposite side of the Indus. This scene delighted Genghis Khan. He turned to his sons and said: “This is how my son should be!”
With 4 thousand soldiers, Sultan Jalal ad-Din went to India. There he encountered local rulers, who offered resistance to the newcomer Khorezm. In these battles, the Indians showed themselves to be weak warriors. It must be said that later on the lands of Iran, the Sultan did not have worthy opponents. Only the Mongols could defeat this fearless heir to Muhammad II.
Jalal ad-Din spent 3 whole years in India. He tried to make an alliance against the Mongols with the Mamluk dynasty that ruled in the Delhi Sultanate, but he was refused, not wanting to come into conflict with Genghis Khan. At the end of 1224, the Sultan left the hot lands and rushed to the west. His goal was to drive out the Mongols and restore Khorezm to its former borders. He invaded Northern Iran, captured a number of cities, overthrew the ruler of the Ildegizid state, Uzbek, and stormed the city of Tabriz.
In 1225, the Sultan organized a campaign against Georgia. In August, the battle of Garni took place, in which the Georgian army was defeated. In 1226, the Khorezmians captured Tbilisi, plundered and burned it. Queen Rusudan took refuge in Kutaisi with her court and was unable to offer worthy resistance to the invaders. But Jalal ad-Din was not going to stay in Georgia. He took away the army burdened with booty, and the weakened country was conquered by the Mongols in 1236.
Mongols army
It should be said that the Sultan did not have a clear plan to fight Genghis Khan. He seized the lands of local rulers who had already adapted to the power of the Mongols, planted his governors there, and they were quickly overthrown. It turned out that the newly minted Khorezmshah waged war with his own Muslims, and only those who dreamed of easy prey served him.
In 1228, the Sultanate of Konya, the Egyptian Ayyubid dynasty and the Cilician Armenian state took up arms against Jalal ad-Din. They came out against the Sultan with a single army and defeated his army. And in 1230, the rebellious sultan suffered a second defeat from the allied army in the battle of Yassemmen.
After that, the forces of the Khorezmians noticeably weakened. In 1231, a 30,000-strong Mongol army under the command of Chormagan came out against them. It easily cleared the northern regions of Iran from the detachments of the Sultan and his supporters. Jalal ad-Din tried to assemble a new army to resist the Mongols, but they advanced very quickly, and the Sultan had no choice but to run away from his pursuers.
The detachment of the failed Khorezmshah went to the mountains of Eastern Transcaucasia and thinned out with every fire. And the Mongols did not lag behind and pursued the fugitives with amazing tenacity. In the end, Sultan Jalal ad-Din was left alone and took refuge in a Kurdish village. Here one of the Kurds saw on him a rich belt studded with diamonds. After that, the fate of the heir to Muhammad II was decided. He was killed to get the belt. According to historians, this happened on August 15, 1231.
Monument to Jalal ad-Din
The memory of this man has survived centuries. In Uzbekistan, he is revered as a national hero. The Soviet writer Vasily Grigorievich Yan portrayed the image of this outstanding personality in his work "Genghis Khan", written in 1939. This was also done by Grigol Abashidze (a Georgian writer of the Soviet era) in his novel The Long Night, written in 1957.
“You will see the hidden meaning in couplets,
and enough"
Jalal ed-Din Rumi is the greatest Sufi poet who lived in the 13th century on the territory of Asia Minor. The nickname "Rumi" means "Asia Minor". The name means “glory of faith”. Grateful contemporaries called him Mevlana ("Our Lord"), considering Rumi their spiritual mentor.
“Jalal ed-Din Rumi was born in 1207 and by the age of 37 had become a brilliant scholar and popular teacher of the faith. But his life suddenly changed after meeting with a wandering dervish, Shams of Tabriz, about whom Rumi said: "What I used to consider divine, I met today in a human form." The emerging mystical friendship of these people led Rumi to unprecedented heights of spiritual enlightenment.
The sudden disappearance of Shams produced a spiritual metamorphosis in Rumi - the process of turning him from a scientist into an artist began and "his poetry soared to the sky."
Rumi's literary activity is not diverse, but very significant. Rumi does not have abstract phrases, hackneyed expressions. Each line is lived, suffered, deserved. Behind the external well-being of fate is a life full of inner search. In his poems, one can simultaneously hear the will of a powerful lord and the preaching of a hermit who renounced all earthly blessings, even his own name. (It is known that Rumi signed many works in the name of his teacher, Shans Tabrizi.)
There is a legend about how the writing of Mesnavi began. Khusam Celebi, Rumi's personal secretary and favorite student, had long begged Rumi to start writing down his poetic impromptu, one day, when the two of them were walking in Miram's gardens, Khusam resumed his persuasion. In response, Rumi took out the first 18 lines of the "Song of the Flute" from his turban. Thus began the 12-year collaboration between Rumi and Celebi on "Mesnavi" - Rumi dictated 6 volumes of this gigantic work to Husam.
"Mesnavi" (another name for this work is "Mesnavi-yi ma "navi" - "Couples about a hidden meaning" or "A poem about a hidden meaning") - the pinnacle of the poet's work, an essay conceived and implemented by him as a poetic (for ease of assimilation) guide for members of the informal fraternity he founded around 1240
This book has received universal recognition in the Muslim East and is often called the "Iranian Quran". In artistic terms, this is a brilliant encyclopedia of Iranian folklore of the Middle Ages. The strength of the poet lies in the fact that his ardent love for people, with their real sufferings, passions and joys, is manifested in an anti-orthodox mystical form. Rumi himself called his concept "worship of the Heart".
“Mesnavi” is a feeling of spiritual depth and intensity, intertwined complexity growing from Koranic verses, infinity and at the same time symmetry with a center in the transparent starry pool. In "Mesnavi" there are fantastic leaps from folklore to science, from humor to ecstatic poetry.
All of Rumi's poetry is a conversation inside and outside the mystical community of his students, "sokhbet" transcending space and time.
The poet died on December 17, 1272 in Konya and was buried there, escorted on his last journey by many people of all faiths - Muslims, Christians, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, etc. - who expressed respect for the person who sang the "religion of the heart" .- unanimity all people of different tribes and religions.
After death, look for me not in the ground,
And in the hearts of enlightened people.
Today, like 700 years ago, Rumi's poetry is alive and relevant. People again and again turn to his works, looking for answers to eternal questions from the “guide to the country of Truth”. Rumi's words were truly prophetic:
On the day I die, don't you wring your hands
Do not cry, do not repeat about separation!
That is not parting, but goodbye day.
The luminary has set, but will rise.
The grain fell into the ground - it will germinate!
It is no accident that Rumi is called “a mentor with a radiant heart, leading a caravan of love” (Jami). Everyone will find answers to their questions in his poems. Its lines are both a route map and a reminder to the traveler.
The Lord has placed a ladder at our feet.
You have to go step by step
her and go up to the roof.
You don't have to be a fatalist here.
You have legs, why pretend to be lame?
You have hands, why hide your fingers?
When the master gives the slave a shovel,
Without words it is clear what he wants.***
You are looking for knowledge in books - what an absurdity!
You seek pleasure in sweets - what an absurdity!
You are the sea of comprehension, hidden in a drop of dew,
You are the universe lurking in a body one and a half meters long.* * *
My friend! Is your grain ripe? Who are you?
Slave of food and wine or - a knight on the battlefield?* * *
Where are the ruins
There is hope to find a treasure -
So why don't you seek God's treasure
In a broken heart?***
Come again, please come again.
Whoever you are
Believers, unbelievers, heretics or pagans.
Even if you already promised a hundred times
And a hundred times broke the promise
This door is not the door of hopelessness and discouragement.
This door is open to everyone
Come, come as you are.
Sources:
1. Colman Barks. Essence of Rumi
2. Dmitry Zubov "Window between heart and heart". Jalaladdin Rumi
Yu. V. Seleznev
THE ACTIVITIES OF KHAN JELAL-AD-DIN IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE ERA OF THE BATTLE OF GRUNEWALD
The beginning of the 15th century is a time of significant changes in the system of international relations in the Central and Eastern European region. They were associated with the collapse of the Horde as a single state and the formation of independent khanates and hordes with an independent foreign policy. However, all these processes were not simultaneous and stretched over a long, half-century period.
Various aspects of international relations at the indicated time in connection with the process of the disintegration of the Horde were touched upon in the works of B. D. Grekov and A. Yu. Yakubovsky1, I. B. Grekov2, A. A. Gorsky3, B. M. Pudalov4, P. V. Chechenkova5, V.V. Trepavlov6, in a special study by M.G. Safargaliev7, and also by the author of this work8. Most of the works consider general historical processes, but to a lesser extent affect the activities of individual characters. Meanwhile, an analysis of the life and work of individual representatives of the elite of the steppe state will help to identify the features of foreign policy processes in the region, clarify the composition of various political groups, their international relations and orientations.
1 Grekov B. D., Yakubovsky A. Yu. The Golden Horde and its fall. M.; L. 1950. S. 398-401, 403, 406.
2 Grekov I. B. Eastern Europe and the decline of the Golden Horde (at the turn of the XIV-XV centuries). M., 1975.
3 Gorsky A. A. Moscow and the Horde. M., 2000.
4 Pudalov B. M. The struggle for the Nizhny Novgorod region in the first third of the XV century. (new sources) // The Volga region in the Middle Ages. N. Novgorod, 2001. S. 132-134.
5 Chechenkov P. V. The Golden Horde and the Nizhny Novgorod land at the end of the XIV - the first third of the XV centuries. // Volga region in the Middle Ages. N. Novgorod, 2001. S. 130-131.
6 Trepavlov VV History of the Nogai Horde. M., 2002.
7 Safargaliev M. G. The collapse of the Golden Horde. Saransk, 1960.
8 Seleznev Yu. V. "And God will change the Horde ..." (Russian-Horde relations at the end of the 14th - the first third of the 15th century). Voronezh, 2006.
Attempts to maintain the unity of the Dzhuchiev Ulus at the end of the 14th - beginning of the 15th century. were associated with the names of Khan Toktamysh and Emir Idig (Edigei), who were political opponents of each other. In 1405, as a result of their next clash, Toktamysh died. His sons entered the political arena.
Jalal-ad-Din, the ninth son of Toktamysh, began to play a very active role in the life of the region. His mother was Tagaybek Khatun. His half-brothers and sisters (from the same mother) were Kepek, Kerim-Berdi, Said-bek-Khoja-Khatun, Janik-Khancha-Khatun, Melik-Khancha-Khatun9.
For the first time, as a political leader of the opposition to Edigey, Jalal-ad-Din appears in 1407. Then he managed to seize the throne of the Horde for a short time. However, Edigei managed to force him out to Bulgar,10 where in the summer of 1407 Jalal-ad-Din was proclaimed khan. Despite this, Edigey defeated his troops11.
The Arab author Ibn Arabshah notes that after the death of Toktamysh, his sons “scattered in [different] directions,” and two of his sons, Jalal-ad-Din and Kerim-Berdi, went to Russia12. However, Russian sources have not preserved any traces of the stay of the princes in Moscow or in other principalities. Perhaps, having passed through the outskirts of the Russian lands, Jalal-ad-Din and Kerim-Berdi went to Lithuania (according to S.V. Morozova, Vitovt provided constant support to Toktamishhu and his sons)13. It is also possible that the stay of the Toktamysheviches in Russia was kept in the strictest confidence. Nevertheless, one of the accusations against Vasily I was precisely the harboring of the children of Toktamysh, which was considered the root cause of Edigey's invasion of Russia in 1408: "The hearing was such that you have Takhtamyshev's children"14. Important for resolving this issue may be the observation expressed by A. A. Gorsky that “Vasily was undoubtedly well personally acquainted with the sons of Tokhtamysh, since in his youth he lived in the Horde for about three years”15.
A curious piece of evidence is preserved in the Sofia II chronicle. According to him, in the summer of 1407, “Prince Vasily Dmitrievich and Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Tfersky went to the Horde along the Volza in court to Tsar Zeleni Saltan Takhtamyshevich, and at that time expel Tsar Shanibek Bulat-Saltan, and he himself went to the kingdom”16. However, most chronicles only mention the trip of Ivan of Tver, and without mentioning the name
9 SMOIZO. M.; L., 1941. V. 2. S. 62. - The pedigree of Jalal-ad-Din in the male ascending line is as follows: the ninth son of Toktamysh, the son of Tui-Khoja (Toi-Khoja), the eldest son of Kutluk-Khoja (Tuglu- Khoja), the eldest son of Kuichek (Kunchek), the son of Sarich, the fourth son of Urunk, the third son of Tuka-Timur, the thirteenth son of Jochi Khan, the eldest son of Genghis Khan (Seleznev Yu. V. Elite of the Golden Horde. Kazan, 2009. S. 71-72).
10 A coin of Jalal-ad-Din is known, struck in Bulgar in 810 AH (June 7, 1407 - May 26, 1408. Information provided by A.V. Pachkalov).
11 Safargaliev M. G. The collapse of the Golden Horde. S. 184.
12 SMOIZO. T. 1. S. 471-472; The Golden Horde in the sources (materials for the history of the Golden Horde or the ulus of Jochi). M., 2003. Vol. I: Arabic and Persian writings. S. 213.
13 Morozova S. V. The Golden Horde in Vitovt's Moscow policy // Slavs and their neighbors. Slavs and the nomadic world. M., 1998. S. 93.
14 Edigei's message to Grand Duke Vasily Dmitrievich // Gorsky A. A. Moscow and the Horde. M., 2000. Appendix II. pp. 196-197; PSRL. L., 1925. T. 4. Part 1. Issue. 2: Novgorod fourth chronicle. pp. 406-407; M., 1965. T. 11-12: Nikonovsky code. S. 211.
15 Gorsky A. A. Moscow and the Horde. S. 135.
16 PSRL. M., 2001. T. 6. Issue. 2: Sofia II chronicle. Stb. 27.
SottePagii
Jalal-ad-Dina17. Probably, the evidence of the Sophia II Chronicle must be recognized as unreliable. The inaccuracy of the message is probably caused by the erroneous identification of two events - a trip to the Horde by Ivan of Tver in 1407 and the departure of Vasily I of Moscow and Ivan of Tver to Jalal-ad-Din in 1412.
However, another interpretation can be given: that the Russian princes went to Bulgar to Jalal-ad-Din (it would be convenient to do it along the Volga) and perhaps even received labels. But he did not stay in power and was quickly expelled by Edigei. These trips lost their official status and were removed from the chronicles, accidentally remaining in the Sophia II chronicle. This, however, is unlikely.
According to Schiltberger, Khan Pulad "reigned for a year and a half and was expelled by Jalal-ad-Din"18. It was then, at the end of 1408, that Emir Edigey with the main forces of the Horde was near Moscow. The siege had to be stopped, as messengers arrived with the order of Pulad Khan to urgently return the troops to the steppe, since “a certain prince ... the king should be driven out or killed”19. Allied relations between Basil and Jalal-ad-Din in this context seem very likely.
Further, the name of the son of Toktamysh is found in one of Vitovt's letters to the master of the Livonian Order (dated October 9, 1409). It notes that Jalal-ad-Din and his brother “by that time (writing the letter. - Yu.S.) arrived in Grodno, just hoping to become the king of the Tatars and whom we helped to go to his people”20. M. G. Safargaliev quite rightly concludes that Jalal-ad-Din, with the help of Vitovt, seized power in the Horde, but after the return of Edigei’s troops from the campaign against Moscow, he was forced to reappear at the court of the Grand Duke of Lithuania21. At the same time, at the end of 1409, Vytautas concluded an agreement with Jalal-ad-Din on a military alliance against the Order22. The provisions of this agreement determined the participation of the Tatars, led by Jalal-ad-Din, in the Battle of Grunwald on July 15, 1410.
Then, at the end of 1409, the son of Toktamysh accompanies Vitovt to Brest-Russian, where he confers with Jagiello / Vladislav regarding the upcoming campaign against the Order. The Polish historian Jan Dlugosh further notes that after the negotiations, Vitovt, “the Grand Duke of Lithuania, leaves for Lithuania with the Tatar Khan, whom he kept in his country with everyone all winter and almost until the feast of St. his men and wives." Then Dlugosh notes that at the very beginning of hostilities, on June 25, 1410, Vitovt, following Jagiello at the Cherven Monastery, crossed the Vistula “with his
17 See, for example: PSRL. M., 2007. T. 18: Simeon Chronicle. P. 154: “On the same summer, July 20, Prince Ivan Tfersky went to the horde in court along the Volza to Tsar Shadibek; and at that time the silence was great, drive Shadebek from the kingdom of Bulat Saltan ... The same summer of Genvar, on the 25th, Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Tfersky left the horde ... ".
18 [Shiltberger I.] Journey of Ivan Shiltberger through Europe, Asia and Africa from 1394 to 1427 // Zapiski Novorossiyskogo universiteta. Odessa, 1867. T. 1. S. 35, 36.
19 PSRL. T. 11. S. 210.
20 Codex Epistolaris Vitoldi, Magni Ducis Lithuaniae, 1376-1430 / Collectus opera Antonii Prochaska // Monumenta medii aevi historica res gestas illustrantia. Cracoviae, 1882, vol. 6, p. 882.
21 Safargaliev M. G. The collapse of the Golden Horde. S. 184.
22 Codex Epistolaris Vitoldi. P. 187, 205.
army and the Tatar Khan, who had only three hundred soldiers with him. Then, for three days, Jagiello and Vitovt waited for the detachments to approach, “until the whole army approached”23.
It is possible that there were other detachments of the Tatars among these troops, but Dlugosh does not write anything about this. At the same time, L. V. Razumovskaya cites the opinion of S. Kuchinsky about the number of Tatar troops in 1000-2000 sabers24. M. Biskup calls the figure of 1000 horsemen25.
Under July 9, Dlugosh places the news of robberies on the march: “Lithuanians and Tatars rob, outrageously, churches and commit barbaric violence against women and girls.” At the request of the Polish chivalry, the two Lithuanians "most guilty" were hanged. It is significant that none of the Tatars was involved in the trial and punishment26.
During the Battle of Grunwald, a detachment of Tatars under the command of Jalal-ad-Din occupied the right flank of the Polish-Lithuanian troops27. Długosz reports that when “a battle broke out among the Lithuanians, Russians and Tatars, the Lithuanian army” fled in panic, and “most of them stopped fleeing only when they reached Lithuania”28. From the context of Dlugosh's narrative, one gets the impression that panic seized both the Tatars and the Russians (except for the three Smolensk regiments). However, Possilge's "Chronicle" mentions the participation of the Lithuanians in the final defeat of the order troops on the same day. It is possible that here we are witnessing the use of a favorite technique of nomadic troops - a feigned retreat in order to disrupt the ranks of the enemy. When the enemy detachments open the line, the cavalry, in full combat readiness, falls upon their enemy. This can be indirectly indicated by Dlugosh’s slip: “During the entire battle, the prince (Vitovt. - Yu. S.) acted among the Polish detachments and wedges, sending new and fresh warriors in return for tired and exhausted warriors and carefully monitoring the successes of both sides”29 . However, such an interpretation of the evidence from the sources about the flight of the Lithuanian troops remains only a cautious assumption30.
According to the reasoned opinion of M. G. Safargaliev, after the Battle of Grunwald in 1410, having ruined Poland, the troops of Jalal ad-Din retreated to the steppe, where he made another attempt to seize the Horde throne. He managed to gain a foothold in the Crimea, and then he launched an offensive against Azak. In 1411, a battle took place here between Khan Pulad and Jalal-ad-Din, in which the first one died. But Yedigey elevated Timur, the son of Timur-Kutlug, to the khan's throne. His troops
23 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. SPb., 2007. S. 57, 68-69.
24 Razumovskaya L.V. Jan Dlugosh and the Battle of Grunwald // Dlugosh Ya. Battle of Grunwald. SPb., 2007. S. 181.
25 Biskup M. The Great War of Poland and Lithuania with the Teutonic Order (1409-1411) in the light of the latest research // VI. 1991. No. 12. S. 16.
26 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. pp. 74-75.
27 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. pp. 90, 102.
28 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. S. 102.
29 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. S. 110.
30 See, for example: Ekdahl S. Die Flucht der Litauer in der Schlacht bei Tannenberg // Zeitschrift fur Ostforschung. 1963. T. 12. S. 11.
captured the Venetian colony of Tana and plundered it, and Jalal-ad-Din again fled to Vitovt31. It was there that Prince of Tver Alexander Ivanovich found him:
That same summer (1411. - Yu.S.) ... Prince Alexander Ivanovich Tfersky went from Tver to Lithuania and ran into the king and prince of the great Vitoft Kestutievich in Kyiv, and Zeleni-Saltan Tsarevich, Taxtamyshev's son, was there by Vitoft Kestutievich .
In addition, in the Nikon code it is noted that “Taro of the same summer, Taxtamyshev, the son of Saltan, took the Orda uluses and plundered them”32. Unable to stay in power and Edigei. Ibn Arabshah reports that ^mur-khan, to whom Edigey married his daughter33,
He did not hand over his reins to (Emir) Idik, saying: “There is neither glory nor honor behind him; I am an advanced ram (i.e., the head), who is obeyed, how can I begin to obey (another); I am a bull (that is, a leader) who is followed, so how can I myself go after another? Discord arose between the two of them, latent hypocrisy appeared on the part of the haters, disasters and misfortunes, wars and hostile actions began.
According to "Anonymous Iskander", the Horde emirs from the inner circle of ^mur "tend to destroy Idiga"35. Further, "Anonymous Iskander" continues:
Between them (Amur and Idigu. - Yu.S.) enmity and bitterness arose, so that they fought (with each other) once or twice. Since the Uzbeks always had a desire to manifest the power of the descendants of Genghis Khan, they, some out of imitation and some out of respect, went to serve the court of Mur-Sultan, and he became strong36.
Edigei was forced to flee and took refuge in Khorezm in April-May 1411.37 For about six months, the troops of ^mur, led by emirs Gazan and Dekna, besieged him there. However, they failed to capture it. And soon the news was received about the death of Nomur and the accession of Jalal-ad-Din. Thus, Jalal-ad-Din's coming to power in the Horde must be attributed to November-December 1411. This conclusion is confirmed by the data of Russian chronicles38, as well as the data of the Arab author Ibn Arabshah39.
From the "Russian ulus" the Nizhny Novgorod princes were the first to arrive to the new khan. In the summer of 1412, they returned from the Horde "a grant from the king ... the Greater Horde by their fatherland." From the context of the narrative, it remains unclear whether the Grand Duchy of Nizhny Novgorod-Suzdal was restored, or whether they received only the cities of this principality as appanages. After the death of Jalal-ad-Din, the Moscow prince made a military campaign against Nizhny Novgorod and drove the Borisovichs out of the city (1415)40.
At the same time, in the summer (c. July 28) of 1412, “from the Horde from Tsar Zeleni-Saltan Tokhtamyshevich ... the ambassador fiercely appeared in Tver, calling with him the Grand Duke Ivan
31 Safargaliev M. G. The collapse of the Golden Horde. pp. 186-187.
32 PSRL. T. 11. S. 215.
33 SMOIZO. T. 2. S. 134.
34 SMOIZO. T. 1. S. 472-473.
35 SMOIZO. T. 2. S. 134.
36 Ibid. S. 134.
37 Ibid. S. 193.
38 PSRL. T. 11. S. 219.
39 SMOIZO. T. 1. S. 473; Golden Horde in the sources. S. 214.
40 Cherepnin L.V. Formation of the Russian centralized state in the XIV-XV centuries. M., 1960. S. 736; Gorsky A. A. The fate of the Nizhny Novgorod and Suzdal principalities at the end of the XIV - the middle of the XV century. // Medieval Russia. M., 2004. Issue. 4. S. 155.
Mikhailovich Tverskoy to the Horde"41. During the stay of the ambassador in the Tver principality, civil strife broke out. The Grand Duke ordered the arrest of his brother Vasily, Prince Kashinsky. However, the latter managed to escape and get to Moscow, from where he went to the Horde.
On August 1, 1412, the Grand Duke of Moscow and Vladimir Vasily I went to the Horde “with a lot of wealth and with all his nobles, and with him Prince Ivan Vasilyevich Yaroslavsty”42. It is known that in October (according to the Nikon code)43 “on Dmitriev days (October 26. - Yu. S.), the Great Prince Vasily Dmitrievich of Moscow left the Horde.” In November-December (according to the Tver Chronicle) 44 1412, Vasily Dmitrievich returned from the steppe "granted by the tsar", "and with him Prince Vasily Mikhailovich Kashinsky." The last one on December 24, 1412 "came ... to Kashin from the Tatars." However, the Tver outpost did not let him into the city, and he again went to the Horde.
The Grand Duke of Tverskoy Ivan Mikhailovich was not in the principality. On August 15, 1412, he went along the Volga "to the courts" to the headquarters of the great khan. He stayed there until the spring of 1413. The Nikon code notes that before his appearance at the court of the Horde Khan, Jalal-ad-Din was “shot by his brother Kerim-Berdiya”45. It is significant that the story about the Horde strife in the Nikon code is clearly of Tver origin: Jalal-ad-din is called "our evil enemy." When describing the trips of other princes to the Horde, the khan did not receive such epithets. Apparently, Jalal-ad-Din issued a label on Kashin to Vasily Mikhailovich. This fact caused the displeasure of the chronicler.
Thus, we can establish the approximate date of the death of Khan Jalal ad-Din. As can be seen from the description of the stay at the headquarters of the Khan of Moscow Prince Vasily I, the road from the steppe (and, therefore, to the steppe) took a little less than two months (the prince left the Horde after October 26, and arrived in Moscow before December 24). Ivan Mikhailovich left Tver on August 15 and was supposed to arrive at headquarters before October 15. The waiting time for an audience with the Horde Khan was about 25/26 days46. It can be assumed that Vasily I left immediately after receiving the new Khan Kerim-Berdi. He left the steppe on October 26 and, therefore, officially became the Khan of Kerim-Berdi until October 1 - from that time on he could issue labels for possessions. Around this time - at the end of September - Vasily I also arrived in the Horde, but Jalal-ad-Din was still alive. From the above data it follows that Khan Jalal-ad-Din was killed between September 20 and 30, 1412.
The rather short political activity of Jalal-ad-Din, recorded by sources, is limited to 1407-1412. - just six years old. However, being one of the main contenders for the Horde throne, and then the Khan of the Horde, Jalal ad-Din turned out to be an important participant in the international life of the region. Constant attempts to seize the throne required the search for foreign policy support. Such
41 PSRL. T. 11. S. 218.
42 Ibid. S. 219; M., 1965. T. 15. Stb. 486.
43 Ibid. T. 11. S. 219.
44 Ibid. T. 15. Stb. 486.
45 Ibid. T. 11. S. 219-220.
46 See, for example: Galicia-Volyn Chronicle / Prepared. text, trans. and comment. O. P. Likhacheva // BLDR. SPb., 2000. T. 5. S. 256; Golden Horde in the sources. pp. 92-93.
SottePagii
he found, first of all, at the ally of his father, Khan Toktamysh - the Grand Duke of Lithuania Vitovt. There is every reason to believe that Jalal-ad-Din also had a military-political agreement with Vitovt's son-in-law Vasily I Dmitrievich, Prince of Moscow and Vladimir. At the beginning of 1412, ambassadors of Sigismund, then the king of Hungary (1387-1437) and German (1410-1437), were sent to the court of Jalal-ad-Din with a proposal to join the anti-Ottoman league, which included Byzantium. This proposal was approved and received a positive response47.
"Anonymous of Iskander" calls him worthy, respected, handsome and eloquent, but careless. This carelessness led Jalal-ad-Din to death, and the death of the khan interrupted all his possible steps to strengthen power within the Horde and restore the foreign political power of the Jochi Ulus in the Eastern European region.
The story of Dzhelal-ad-dyne's political activity fixed in the sources is rather short: it was limited to only six years (1407-1412). However, he was one of the central pretenders on the Horde's throne, and then he became its khan. In such a way Dzhelal-ad-Dyne turned into an important participant of the region’s international life. His permanent attempts to seize power made him seek foreign support. He found such a support from his father's co-belligerent Vytautas, the grand duke of Lithuania. It is believed that Dzhelal-ad-Dyne had the military accommodation whith Vitautas’s son-in-law Vasily Dmitrievich, the Moscow and Vladimir prince. At the beginning of 1412 the ambassadors of Hungarian and German king arrived at Dzhelal-ad-Dyne’s court. They offered him to join anti-Ottoman coalition where Byzantium was one of the members. This offer was approved and the positive answer was received.
The main permanent enemy of Dzhelal-ad-Dyne was Edigei (Idigu), the powerful emir, talented commander and outstanding politician of that time. The treaty with Vytautas caused the participation of Dzhelal-ad-Dyne’s armies in the Grjunvald battle, the results of which changed the geopolitical situation in the region.
"Anonymous of Iskander" called him worthy, respected, beautiful and eloquent, but careless. This carelessness has led to Dzhelal-ad-Dyne’s death, and the death of the khan has interrupted all possible ways to the reinforcement of power in the Horde and to the restoration of the power of the Ulus of Dzhuchi in Eastern Europe.
47 Zaitsev I. V. Between Moscow and Istanbul. Jochid states, Moscow and the Ottoman Empire (beginning of the 15th - first half of the 16th centuries). M., 2004. S. 53.
100 Great Generals of the Middle Ages Alexey Shishov
Jalal - hell - Din Akbar
Jalal - hell - Din Akbar
The militant grandson of Babur, who restored the powers of the Great Moghuls and found death at the hands of his defeated rebel son
Padishah of India Jalal - hell - Din Akbar
Babur's son, after the death of his conqueror Sher Khan, who became Shah, regained his father's throne, being the Afghan (Kabul) ruler. After that, Humayun declared himself a padishah. When an accident in the war ended his life, a bloody civil strife began in the Mughal state, that is, a struggle for the throne.
Humayun's direct heir was one of his illegitimate sons, thirteen-year-old Akbar. At that time he was in Punjab and did not possess any real military force. But next to him was the wise and practical adviser Bayram, who decided to put the pupil on the throne of Delhi.
Akbar and Bairam in the expected war for Delhi did not have the main thing - the troops. They could not get soldiers from Afghanistan, since Akbar's older brother, Mizar Mohammed Hakim, who became their opponent, ruled there. The second enemy for them was the former paternal military leader Hindu Hemu, who seized power in the capital Delhi and relied on the Turkic Afghans who settled in the Ganges River valley.
On the advice of Bayram, young Akbar, whose militancy was difficult to refuse, announced in the Punjab that an army was being recruited. There were many who wanted to fight among the Punjabis, since everyone was promised rich military booty and various honors. Already in October 1556, the pretender to the Mughal throne set out on a campaign against Delhi.
On November 5 of the same year, the second decisive battle for the Indian capital took place at Panipat. The ruler of Delhi, Hemu, was about to celebrate the victory, seeing how his huge army of 100,000, composed of the troops of Hindu rajas (princes), overcomes the 20,000th army of the Punjabis, who fought furiously, but still yielding to the strength of the enemy.
But suddenly a noticeable confusion arose in the ranks of the Delians when Hema was seriously wounded by a well-aimed arrow. Akbar and Bairam immediately took advantage of this circumstance: they ordered the staunchly defending Punjabis to counterattack with all their might. Attacking them 1500 (the figure in the sources is clearly overestimated!) Enemy war elephants fled and crushed the ranks of the Delians. As a result, the battle of Panipat was won by Akbar. The wounded Hemu was captured and executed.
According to the legend that has come down to us, the winners - the Mughals from the heads of the enemies who died in the Panipat battle - Indian warriors - built a tower as a warning to those who were ready to climb them with weapons in their hands.
The winners entered Delhi. Akbar declared himself a padishah under the name Jalal-ad-Din Akbar. So the state of the Great Moghuls was restored in its original form.
The first four years the new ruler spent on restoring the old rule in the medieval Indian empire, created by the conquering labors of his grandfather. The adviser Bairam was with the padishah in all matters with his right hand. But when the power of Jalal-ad-Din Akbar consolidated, he removed Bayram from governing the country and began to rule independently, starting to conquer.
But before starting military campaigns across the Hindustan peninsula, the great Mughal ruler Akbar completed the military reform, begun by Sher Shah, and laid down the basic scheme of the army organization of the state of the Great Moghuls. Its essence was as follows.
Strong, well-paid garrisons were placed in mountain fortresses, completely loyal to the ruler. Akbar markedly increased the number of soldiers armed with firearms in the Mughal army. Now he had up to 12 thousand muskets. There were more various, mainly field, artillery pieces. The bulk of the regular troops consisted of light cavalry, recruited for the most part from the warlike Rajputs. The bulk of the infantry in case of war consisted of militias.
Having dismissed the adviser Bayram, the padishah brought close to him another capable statesman and commander - the Hindu Raja Todar Mallu. He performed two important positions at the court at once - the first minister and adviser to the Delhi monarch on financial matters.
Akbar began his conquests. In 1561-1562, a huge Mughal army conquered the region of Malwa, which Sher Shah was never able to conquer to the end. The next five years were spent on the conquest of Rajputana, located in the Deccan. The war turned out to be long and stubborn.
Especially difficult for the Mughals was the siege of the strong fortress of Merta, the garrison of which consisted of the soldiers of Raja Malvar. The siege troops were led by the commander of the padishah - Sharf - ud - Din Hussein. The fortress held out for several months, but then hunger forced its defenders to surrender to the mercy of the victors. One of the Malvarian commanders, at the head of a detachment of 500 warriors, fought his way through the enemy ranks to liberation, losing half of his people in the process.
Rajputana finally fell only after the conquerors - the Mughals in 1567 took possession of the well-fortified city of Chitor, in which a large army of Rajputs closed. But their stamina and courage could not resist the enemy force.
After that, Akbar pacified the Rajput princes not with weapons, but with his decrees. He consolidated their power in their own principalities. Many existing laws of the Delhi Sultanate were repealed, and the Hindus were equalized in rights with the Muslims. The princes of Rajputana quickly realized all the benefits for themselves of a strong central government and subsequently became perhaps the most loyal allies of the Great Mughals.
But there was a Rajput ruler who never submitted to the padishah. It was the Mewar hero Pratam, who resisted the conquerors to the end. He and his warriors steadfastly defended the fortresses in the mountains and deserts of Rajputana, but did not fight off the persistent and consistent enemy in actions.
While the padishah was fighting in Rajputana, his older brother Mizar Mohammed Hakim, the Afghan ruler, raided the Punjab and began to devastate it. Akbar opposed his brother with a large army, but he did not tempt fate in battle and went back to Afghanistan.
In 1573, Mughal troops invaded Gujarat and in one military campaign captured a huge area in modern India. There, the ruler of the Mughal state first encountered the Europeans - the Portuguese, who sought to gain a foothold on the Indian coast. They built trading posts, which then turned into well-fortified forts.
After Gujarat, the Mughals conquered Bihar and Bengal, which were deposited after the death of Sher Shah from the state of the Great Moghuls. In all campaigns to the east along the valley of the Ganges, the army of the padishah relatively easily defeated those local princes who tried to defend their independence.
Akbar did what his grandfather and father dreamed of. During his life, fighting almost continuously, he conquered almost the entire Hindustan. But not all of his campaigns were crowned with complete success and significant territorial gains. In 1576, the Muslim sultans of the northern Deccan, having united, repelled the invasion of the Mughal army.
The elder brother of the padishah Hakim really wanted to win the neighboring Punjab from Akbar. In 1581 he again led the Afghans into the Punjab lands. The padishah came forward to meet him, but this time he did not limit himself only to the expulsion of the enemy from his own borders. Akbar invaded the possessions of Hakim and conquered them.
In the last years of his life, the already elderly Great Mogul was only engaged in the fact that he went on conquest campaigns. He annexed vast territories to his empire in just five years - Kashmir, Sindh, Orissa, Balochistan, Bir, Ahmadnagar and Kandesh.
But not everything was easy for him. So, in 1593, the Mughals, led by the commander of the padishah Mirza Khan, besieged the city of Ahmadnagar. It was defended by a garrison under the command of Chand - Bibi, the former ruler of Bijapur. After the besiegers punched a hole in the fortress wall, the garrison began to lean towards surrender. However, Chand-Bibi organized the restoration of the wall, and the defenders of Ahmadnagar held out until the signing of peace in 1596.
Under the terms of this peace treaty, Akbar agreed to leave the city he had not conquered alone. In 1600, after the death of the brave ruler of Chand - Bibi (she was killed by her military leaders - conspirators), the padishah hastened to capture Ahmadnagar by attack.
It is possible that Jalal-al-Din Akbar dreamed of greater greatness in military history. However, in 1600 he had to seriously deal with domestic, family affairs. Son Selim raised a rebellion against his father in the Ganges valley, which was suppressed only in 1603.
The padishah generously forgave the captured rebellious son, for which, in all likelihood, he paid with his life two years later. Selim, distinguished by well-known cunning, poisoned his father, the ruler - commander Akbar, the "mirror of glory" of the conquests of the Great Moghuls.
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From the book Scouts and residents of the GRU the author Kochik Valery"STRONGER THAN POWER AND MONEY": DZHELAL KORKMASOV, BORIS IVANOV, MARIA SKOKOVSKAYA. For the first time all together they met more than a hundred years ago in one of the most beautiful cities in the world, the capital of France - Paris. Russian police harassment forced them to leave the country. To France,
1231 A.D.
6739 from S.M., 628-629 (from 29.10) AH, year of the Hare (6.2.31-16.2.32)
Continuation of the war with the Jin. Death of Sultan Jalal ad-Din Mankburna (VIII). Death of Zhebe. War in Korea, its subjugation as a vassal of the Mongol Empire
E K E M O N G O L U L U S
YUAN SH. tsz.2. Tai-tsung (Ogedei).
In the spring, in the 2nd moon, the year of Xin-mao, the 3rd [from the establishment of the reign], they captured Fengxiang, attacked Aoyang, Hezhong and all [other] cities, and they [all] fell.
In the summer, in the 5th moon, [Ogedei] fled from the heat in Jiu-shijiuquan. [He] ordered Tolui to withdraw troops to Baoji. Jubhanu was sent as an ambassador, [he] was passing through the Song and the supps killed him. He was also sent as ambassador Ai Go-chan to Sung Xuiliang.
In the autumn, in the 8th moon, [Ugedei] blessed Yunzhong with [a visit]. For the first time, a state chancellery - zhongshusheng was established and changes were made in the ranks and ranks of the retinue: Yelü Chucai became the head of zhongshusheng Nianhe Chupshanyut became the first deputy chancellor, Chinkai became the second deputy chancellor.
In the same moon, in view of the fact that an ambassador was killed in Korea, Saritai was ordered to lead troops and punish her [Korea]. Over 40 cities were taken, the Korean van Kojon sent his younger brother Hwean-gon to ask to accept the surrender. Saritai, on his own responsibility, established positions and appointed [people] to them, distributing [duties] to pacify these lands, after which he returned back.
In winter, on the day of i-mao of the 10th moon, the emperor surrounded Hechzhong.
On the day of the chi-wei of the 12th moon, they occupied it.
SONG ZI-ZHEN. Yelü Chu-ts'ai.
When on the 8th moon in the autumn [of the year] xin-mao (29.VIII-27.IX.1231) his majesty arrived in Yunzhong (modern Datong), before him were placed all the silver and silk fabrics presented on account of taxes from all lu, as well as books [accounting] for grain in grain barns, and everything coincided with the figures, which were initially reported to the emperor [his excellency]. His Majesty, laughing, said [to him]: “How is it that you, without departing from us, managed to ensure such an influx of money and bread! I don’t know if there are others like you in the Southern State (Jin)!”
His Excellency said to [him]: “[There] are many more capable than me! I stayed in Yan[jing] because I have no talents.”
His Majesty himself poured out a large goblet [of wine] and offered it to him. On the same day, [he] presented [His Excellency] with the seal of zhong-shu sheng (great imperial secretariat), ordering [him] to be in charge of [zhong-shu sheng's] affairs, and entrusted him with all matters - small and large.
When the senior chief of lu Xuande, the great teacher (tai fu) Tu-hua, ruined over 10,000 shi of state bread and, relying on [his merits] of an old associate, secretly reported to the emperor, asking for release [from punishment], his majesty asked [ him], whether [this case] is known in zhong-shu [sheng]. When [Tu-hua] answered [him] that it is not known, his majesty took a whistling arrow and wanted to shoot, [but] scolded [Tu-hua] for a long time and drove [him], ordering [him] to report [on losses] to zhong-shu sheng and reimburse them. In addition, [he] ordered from now on to report all matters first of all to zhong-shu sheng, and then report to him.
When the emperor's favorite Kumus-Bukha, in a report to the emperor, proposed to resettle 10,000 households and assign them to the extraction of gold and silver, planting grapes and other [works], his excellency said [to his majesty]: “There was an order from Tai Zu that the people Shan-hou, like our people, gave soldiers and taxes and was useful at all times. It is better to forgive rather than kill the remaining people of Henan [who] can perform these duties. In addition, they can also fill the [abandoned] lands of Shanhou.”
His Majesty said: "You speak correctly!".
[His Excellency] reported to the emperor: “Today, the peasants in all lu are exhausted by epidemic diseases. It would be necessary to order all the Mongols, Muslims, Tanguts and others living in [one] place (i.e. settled) to pay taxes and bear duties on an equal basis with the local population.” Everything was put into practice.
Juwayni. part 1, chapter 30. About the campaign of the Emperor of the World kaan against the Chinese and the conquest of their country.
When the crown of power was safely placed on the head of the Emperor of the World, and the bride-empire was enclosed in the arms of his power, he, having sent troops to all countries of the world, fulfilled his intention and personally went to the land of the Chinese, accompanied by his brothers Chagatai and Ulut-noyon and others. princes, and also such a number of warriors like leviathans, that the desert, from the flash of their weapons and from the collision of their horses, became like a raging, heaving sea, the width and extent of which the human mind could not imagine, and the center and shores of which were not visible to the eye. The plain from the onslaught of the cavalry became like mountains, and the hills turned into a plain from the blows of horse hooves.
At the head of the army were noble knights, at the sight of which I intercept my throat and the mountain peaks collapsed.
First of all, they approached the city called Khojanfu-Balakasun and besieged it from all sides, starting from the banks of the Kara-Muren River. Having arranged their army in a ring, they erected new fortifications; and for forty days they fought furiously, and the Turkic archers (who, if they wish, can shoot down the stars with arrows) shot with such accuracy that every arrow they sent with the speed of a shooting star hit the target.
When the inhabitants of the city realized that resistance to the goad would not bring any fruit other than repentance, and arguing with fate meant inviting misfortune and averting [Fate], they asked for mercy, and out of weakness and fear, the villagers and townspeople
In the end, they laid down their heads on the threshold of the royal house, while the Chinese soldiers, up to the fog, boarded the ship they had built and sailed away. A great number of the townspeople, who stretched out their hands for battle, were sent "to the fire of the Lord and to His hell," and their children and youths were taken away in the fetters of slavery and sent to different places.
GLAD. About the performance of the kaan with his brother Tului Khan towards the Khitai region and about the conquest of what was hitherto still hostile (end).
In the next year, which was the year of the hare, AH 628, the soldiers had no food and supplies left, and they were very hungry and emaciated. It got to the point that they ate human meat, all animals and dry grass. We walked [in formation] through the mountains and lowlands until we reached the city, whose name is He-chung, on the banks of the Kara-muren River. He put him down. Forty days later, the inhabitants of the city asked for mercy and surrendered the city, and about one fog of soldiers boarded ships and fled. Their wives and children were taken into captivity, the region was plundered and set off [further].
SSM. XII. Reign of Ogodai.
§ 272. Ogodai Khan himself, in the year of the Hare, set out on a campaign against China. Zhebe was sent forward. Ogodai Khan immediately defeated the Kitad army and, breaking it like dry branches, crossed the Chab-chiyal pass and sent detachments in different directions to besiege various Kitad cities.
JIN SHI. IX. Ai Zong. Zheng-da 8th summer.
In the spring of the 1st month, Emperor Aizong sent the nobleman Fyn-yan-deng with a paper to the Mongolian kingdom to ask for peace. When Feng-yan-deng appeared at the camp of the Mongol sovereign in Go-hsien, Taizong asked him: "Do you know your commander-in-chief in Fyn-hsien-fu?"
Fyn-yan-deng replied that he knew him.
"What is he?" Taizong asked again.
"A zealous person in his position," answered Fyn-yan-den.
Then the emperor said to him: "When you persuade him to citizenship, you will be freed from death. Otherwise, you will be executed."
“I was an ambassador with a paper to conclude peace,” said Fyn-yan-deng, “it’s not my business to persuade the commander-in-chief to submit to citizenship. Moreover, if I go to persuade the commander-in-chief to submission, I will die; if I return to my state, I must die equally. Better to die today in this place."
The next day, Emperor Taizong, calling Feng-yen-teng, asked him again if he had decided on the proposal. Fyn-yan-deng answered him as before. The emperor asked him questions several times, but Fyn-yan-deng, holding on to justice, did not change.
“Fyn-yan-deng,” the emperor said at last, “your crime is worthy of execution, only from ancient times there was no law to kill ambassadors, therefore I will not execute you. But you value your beard like life.”
And for this he ordered his adjutants to cut off his beard. At this, Fyn-yan-deng did not hesitate a bit. He exiled Fyn-yan-deng to Fyn-chzheu.
In this month, the Mongol army surrounded Fyn-syan-fu. Generals Heda and Pua, who guarded the fortress of Tong-guan, put off day after day without moving. The ministers strongly revolted against the fact that Kheda and Pua did not come to the rescue. But the emperor told them: "When there is an opportunity, Heda and Pua, no doubt, seizing the time, will speak. If they are forced to fight, it is dangerous that there will be no benefit, and even greater disasters may occur."
Then the sovereign sent the nobles Bo-hua and Bali-men to retell in detail the words of the ministers and all the officials to Khed and Pua and ask them why they were not making a move. In six days he commanded them to return. Bo-hua and Bali-men, upon arrival in Tunguan, announced Heda and Pua the words of the emperor. Kheda replied that they did not find a convenient opportunity, and when it met, the army would certainly move. “Let the Mongols stop providing food,” Pua added, “then, if they want to fight, they won’t have time, if they want to stay in place, they won’t be able to. Thus, they themselves will reach exhaustion.”
But Bo-hua and Bali-men noticed from the sight of Hed and Pua that they were afraid of the Mongols. They also secretly asked the generals Fan-zhe, Ding-zhu and Chen-he-shang about this. “It is not true,” said these three generals, “that our generals intend to fight to weaken the enemy forces. The Mongol army is numerous. Is it easy to fight it?
Bo-hua and Bali-men, returning back, recounted to the emperor the words of the commanders.
"I knew in advance their cowardice," the sovereign said then.
And sending Bo-hua again, he spoke through him to the generals Heda and Pua: “It has been a long time since the city of Fyn-hsiang-fu was besieged by the enemies. It is dangerous that the army defending the city will not withstand the siege. Generals! show the appearance that you intend to fight in Hua-zheu. The Mongol troops, having learned about this, will no doubt go at you. Thus, the plight of the city will be somewhat alleviated. "
Kheda and Pua expressed readiness for this command. After this, when Bo-hua reached Zhong-mu on the way back, he was overtaken by a messenger sent from Heda and Pua with a report. Bo-hua read a report in which the following was falsely written: “At the command of Your Majesty, we set out with an army from the fortress to the border of the city of Hua-yin, located twenty li from it, where, having fought the Mongols, we could not win, Why did they enter the fortress again? "What is left to do now?" Bo-hua said with a sigh, turning his gaze to Heaven.
Even before the arrival of Bo-hua in the capital of Bian-jing, the emperor had already received news of this. Soon after this, the Mongols took the city of Fyn-hsyan-fu. Heda and Pua, leaving Tong-guan and Jing-zhao, the inhabitants of these places were transferred to He-nan.
In the 9th month, the Mongols attacked He-chung-fu. Commander-in-Chief Wang-gan went to help him with 10,000 troops. As Wang-gan's corps approached the city, the Jin army fought to the death without rest. After the destruction of his jack-up machines, (it) fought hand-to-hand for about a half-moon. Finally, the Jin army lost strength, and He-chung-fu was taken. General Cao-he Oke was captured by the enemy and killed, and General Ban Oke escaped with three thousand troops.
Then, after the Mongols occupied the Zhao-fyn-guan fortress, the inhabitants of Henan left the villages for cities and mountain fortresses and strengthened themselves in them. When Emperor Aizong received news of this, the following was presented to him from the military order: “The Mongol army, having taken a long journey, entered Wu-siu after two years. capital and send commanders to guard Lo-yang, Tung-kuan and Huai-men. It is necessary (we) to stock up on bread in abundance and, having strengthened the cities in the Henan region, leave the fields empty. Finally, we should command the inhabitants who did not enter the cities to defend themselves in mountain fortresses. Then the enemy, having gone deep, will not be able to make an attack and will not have a chance to give battle (in an open field). The enemy army, weakened in spirit, after the end of food supplies, without a fight on our part, will itself be removed. "
Emperor Aizong with a sigh on this said: “20 years have passed since we moved to the south. The people lost their fields and houses, sold their wives and children, delivering supplies for the army: and in peacetime we had more than two hundred thousand troops. But now, when the enemy has approached, we cannot fight him, we only want to defend the Bian-jing. Let's assume that the capital remains, but will it constitute a state? And what will my subjects say about me then? The existence and death of the state," continued the emperor, - depend on the will of Heaven. I must not only forget the people."
He then ordered by decree the generals of Heda and Pua to stand with the army in the districts of Xiang and Ding. When the Mongol army was crossing the Han-jian River, everyone urged Heda and Pua to attack the enemy, but Heda and Pua did not listen. And the Mongols crossed the river. Kheda and Pua entered into battle with the Mongol army on the south side of Mount Yushan, and the Mongols were defeated. While chasing them, a fog suddenly rose. Kheda and Pua united their troops, and the Mongol army, retreating thirty li, became a camp. When the fog disappeared, they saw a deep ditch ahead, into which, if not for this fog, the Mongols would have been overturned.
Heda and Pua reported this defeat to the emperor as a great victory. The ministers, believing this, presented congratulatory reports to the emperor and, having gathered in the Senate, made a feast. Senior Assistant Minister Li-si said with joy in words: "Without the current victory over the enemy, the disasters of the people would be inexpressible."
The inhabitants of villages and villages also believed in the victory and did not move from their seats. But after two or three days the Mongol cavalry came up and took many of them prisoner. When, after this, the main Mongol army, having divided into different roads, went to the capital of Bian-jing, Kheda and Pua went back to Teng-chzheu during the second watch of the night. The Mongols, having attacked them from the rear, took away all the burdens.
Abulgazi. part 4, ch.1. On the statehood of Ugadai-Khanov (prod).
Meanwhile, Sultan Jalaludin, who fled to India after the last battle with the Moghullas, having been notified of the death of Genghis Khanova, returned to the land of Iran, and took possession of the cities of Kirman and Shiras; and from there he came to the so-called province of Adirbeitsan, where he took possession of the city of Tabris, and almost all the other cities of that place, which Genghis Khan, during his campaign in the land of Iran, conquered the Moghul power. But Ugadai Khan, having been informed of this, sent two of his generals with 30,000 elected people who beat the army of Sultan Jalaludin, and forced him to seek refuge in the so-called land of Barek and Kurdistan, where he ended his unhappy life: for the inhabitants of this land do not satisfied that all his property was taken away from him, but also killed with all his people; so the surname of Sultan Mohammed Shah of Khorassm came to an end with him.
When Ugadai Khan corrected the internal disorders in his regions, and sent, as we have now announced, a noble army to the land of Iran; then he intended, without wasting any more time, to take up Chinese affairs. For this reason, he himself went with a strong army in the same year in which he entered the Moghul throne. Upon his arrival in China, he laid siege to the great city, standing on the banks of the Kara-Muran River. This city defended itself after forty days with great courage. But then, when they took it by storm, 12,000 of the noble inhabitants escaped with the help of their ships, while the rest were all cut down or taken into captivity.
GAN MU. Xin Mao, 4th summer. The Gin Kingdoms of Zheng-da's reign 8th summer.
The Mongols besieged the kingdom of Gin, the city of Fyn-hsiang. In the summer, in the 4th month, they took him.
The Mongols overlaid Fyn-syan-fu. The Niuchen Generals Wanyan-hada and Ira-buha, standing in one place, hesitated to reflect. The Niuchzhen Sovereign sent the Cabinet Secretary Bai-hua to compel them: but these Generals imagined that the northern army was numerous, and it was impossible to move thoughtlessly.
When Bai-hua returned, the Niuchzhen Sovereign sent him a second time to say: “That Feng-hsiang has long been under siege; it is dangerous that the besieged will not be able to hold out. It is necessary to withdraw the troops from Tkhun-kuan in order to clash with the troops on the northern bank of the Wei-shui river. It must be assumed that the northern troops, having heard about this, will not fail to turn on you, then the danger of the city of Fyn-syan will decrease somewhat.
Already after this, Khada and Bukha set out from the fortress, and on the boundary of the Hua-yin county, they entered into battle with the troops stationed on the northern bank of the Wei-shui river; and in the evening, having gathered an army, they went back to the fortress, and no longer thought about Fyn-hsiang. After this, the Mongols took possession of this city. Khada and Bukha transferred the inhabitants from Jing-zhao to He-nan, and left Wanyan-qingshanna with a garrison there.
The Gin Kingdoms General Wanyan-chen-ho-shan defeated the Mongol General Subut in the valley of Dao-hoi-gu. Guo-an-yong submitted to the Mongols, and was appointed commander-in-chief of the Shan-tung Road.
Guo-an-yong with Yang-miao-chzheng, the wife of General Li-quan, fled to Shan-tung, submitted to the Mongols, and was appointed commander-in-chief in the province of Shan-tung from them.
The Mongols, when attacking the kingdom of Gin, sent (to the kingdom of Song) Chobugan to ask for the passage of troops. In the autumn, in the seventh month, he arrived in Mian-chjeu, and was killed by the ruler of Zhang-yuan.
Li-chan-go, a defector of Niuchzhensky, told the Mongolian Tulei: “It has been about 20 years since the Niuchzhensky house moved to Bian, and it owes its calmness only to the Yellow River and the Tkhun-guan fortress. If, having set out from Bao-chi, you attack Han-chung, then in one month you can penetrate to Than-cheu and Dyn-cheu, and the main thing will be done.
Tulay believed this, and immediately suggested that the Mongolian Sovereign. Therefore, the Mongol Sovereign, having gathered the Generals, decided that in the 1st month of the coming year, by uniting the southern troops with the northern ones, to lay siege to Bian; Tulei was previously sent to Bao-ji, and Chobugan was sent to ask the Song Court to allow the Mongol troops to pass to He-nan on the eastern side of the Huai River, and to join his troops to the Mongols. Chobugan came to Qing-ye-yuan, in the Mian-zheu region, and the ruler of Zhang, the xuan was killed. Tulay, upon receiving the news of Chobugan's death, said, “The House of Song itself broke its word, broke its oath, and rejected friendship. From the present case it is clear on whose side justice is on.
Explanation. The Mongols, with their cunning, tried to destroy other people's kingdoms. They, asking for the passage of troops, were very afraid that the general opinion would be against them, and for a while they pretended to be polite. Quite the same, following their oppressive system, they could suppress an egg like a (mountain) Thai-shan. Zhen-xuan was unable to defend himself, and for all that, he arbitrarily killed the envoy. What could be worse than this act? Subsequently, the Mongols put this as a pretext for war, and from there enmity arose. And so injustice is on the side of the Song kingdom, and right is on the side of the Mongols: they themselves have indeed brought the war. For this reason, this is carefully recorded in order to signify the beginning of future disasters.
In the 8th month, Mongolian Tulei entered Wu-hsiu, and took Xing-yuan; after this he attacked Xian-zhin-guan.
The Mongolian Tulei, separated from 3,000 cavalry, entered Da-san-guan, defeated Feng-chzheu, went to the south side of Mount Hua-shan, cut down Yang-chzheu, laid siege to Wu-hsiu, cleared low mountains, cleared bare cliffs, and went out on the southeast side of Wu-hsiu city. After this, he overlaid Xing-yuan. The troops and inhabitants fled and several hundred thousand perished in the sands. The corps, separated to the West, went the other way, entered Mian-chzheu, took Da-an-jun, made a passage through the Yu-be-shan mountain, broke houses for rafts and crossed over the Chia-ling-jiang, entered Guan- phu; From there he went to Jia-myn, devastated the lands to the county Xi-shui-syan, took one hundred and forty cities and fortified places, and returned. The eastern corps, stationed between the cities of Xing-yuan and Yang-chzheu, went to Zhao-fyn-guan.
The Mongolian Sovereign appointed Yelü-chutsai as the President of the Senate.
On the proposal of Yelü-chutsai, it was decreed by law that the affairs of the people in the Roads, districts and districts should be managed by civil chiefs; temniki would manage only the military unit, the state chambers would manage the collection of money and grain, and one place would not depend on another. When the Mongolian Sovereign arrived in Yun-chzheu, they gave him statements of state revenues, which in everything were found to be in agreement with the initial presentation of Yelu-chutsai. The sovereign, smiling, said to him: “How could you make such an influx of money and fabrics?”
On the same day he gave him the Senate seal for administration and entrusted all cases without exception.
The Mongols besieged and took the Gin kingdoms of the city of He-chung.
The Mongolian Sovereign closely overlaid He-chung. The Niuchzhen General Wanyan Qin-shannu, having abandoned Jing-zhao, returned to the east. The ruler of the office of Cao-ho-age and the commander-in-chief of Ban-tzu-age, due to the small number of their troops, decided to defend only half of the old city. The Mongols knocked down a pyramidal tower, two hundred feet high, and from it looked out for the interior of the city. Earthen embankments, underground diggings on all sides, everything was done for an attack. Day and night continued the stubborn battle. Breakers were all crushed. For about a crescent they fought in hand-to-hand combat; and when the strength of the besieged was exhausted, the city was taken. Tsab-ho-age personally grabbed a fight several dozen times, was finally taken prisoner and died. Ban-tzu-age with 3,000 defeated soldiers repulsed the ships and went to Vyn-xiang, but being eunuchs before the Sovereign, he was slandered in drudgery and put to death. Both Ages were relatives of the Nyuzhen Court. Cao-ho-age consoled himself by burning captives on burning straw, and Ban-tzu-age once called Hu-ban a tablet in the palace. From these two circumstances, names are given to them.
Note. Cao-ho from word for word means: fire from the grass, Ban-tzu - a board. Hu-ban is an elephant tablet, with which in ancient times Chinese nobles appeared before their Sovereign.
In the 10th month, the provinces (kingdoms of the Song) in Shu submitted to the Mongols.
Kui-zhu-yuan, the ruler of the province of Si-chuan fled to the capital. General Li-shih was instructed to take his place in Si-chuan and have a stay in Chen-du-fu, and Zhao-yan-na to be his assistant and have a stay in Xing-yuan-fu. Previously, Zhao-yan-ruled the city of Xi-ho for five years. Cui-yu-chih imagined that Yan-na was a very boastful person, but in fact he had nothing great, that he would not fail to slow down the course of state affairs, and therefore did not advise entrusting border authorities to him. The court did not take his advice.
The Mongols are at war with Gaoli.
According to the discovered case, that the Koreans killed the envoy.
In the 11th month, the Mongolian Tulei entered Zhao-fyn-guan: in the 12th month he crossed over the Han-jiang. The Gin Kingdoms The generals of Wanyan-hada and Ira-bukha returned from Shun-yan to Dyn-chzheu. The Mongols, pursuing them, took possession of their convoy.
Tulei besieged, and then entered Zhao-Fyn-guan; From there, through Gin-chzheu, turning to the east, he wanted to go to Bian-ching. The villagers all went to cities and fortified places. The Sovereign of Nyuzhen called the Ministers and officials of the prosecutor's order to a council, in which everyone unanimously said: “The northern army, embarking on the dangers of a distant path, after two years already entered Wu-hsiu. She is exhausted to the extreme; As for us, it is necessary to deploy troops in Sui-chjeu, Chzheng-chjeu, Chang-wu, Gui-de and in counties near the capital, and entrust the Generals with the protection of the cities: Lo-yang, Thun-kuan and Huai-myn. Stock up a large amount of bread in the capital, and order the inhabitants of the He-nan country to fortify themselves in the fields, so that the enemies, wishing to attack, could not, and wishing to fight, had no chance. As soon as the army becomes weak in spirit and food supplies run out, then without an attack they will go back themselves.
The Nyuzhensky Sovereign, taking a deep breath, said: “It has been 20 years since we crossed over to the south. The subjects lost their fields and houses, sold their wives and children in order to deliver maintenance to the troops. Now the enemy has come, and we cannot give battle. In vain we assume a defensive position. The capital, although it exists, does not constitute a kingdom. What will the empire say about me? I thought it over quite maturely. Existence and death depend on the heavenly command. I just have to keep my subjects.”
And so he ordered the Generals to settle in Xiang-chzheu and Dyn-chzheu.
In the 12th month, Generals Wanyan-hada and Ira-bukha entered Dyn-chzheu with an army. They were joined by Generals Yang-wo-yan, Wanyan-chen-ho-shan and Wushan with their troops. As a result, they went to take a position in Shun-yang. Tulei with his troops stood at the Han-jiang River. Wan-yan-khada and Ira-bukha called the Generals for advice, and suggested to them: should they cut off Hin-jiang at Huang-hua and give battle, or allow the enemy to cross this river, and then engage in battle with him?
Chang-hoi and Ada-mao imagined that it would be more convenient to cut off Jiang; but if we are allowed to cross, then we will be left without support, and we will certainly come into confusion. Ira-Bukha said to this: “Even if they were in the sandy steppes, it would be necessary to call them here; how much more, when did they themselves come?
The Mongol troops had already completed the crossing, and Vanyan-khada and Ira-bukha had just approached Yu-shan and occupied different points; the infantry was placed in front of these mountains, and the cavalry was placed behind them. The Mongol troops, noticing that they would not go further, lined up like goose wings, went around the foothills, went into the rear of the Nyuzhen cavalry, and approached in three columns. Wanyan-hada said that, judging by the circumstances, it was not yet time to fight today. But the Mongol cavalry instantly rushed forward, and the Nyuzhensky troops were forced to join the business. They grappled with short weapons. After a triple skirmish, the Mongolian troops retreated somewhat. Those who stood in the west, seeing the corps of General Ira-bukha, bypassed the plate cavalry to the rear and capsized on it. General Fuchagdinzhu fought hard and forced them to retreat. Wanyan-hada said: “The enemy army, consisting of 30,000, does not have a convoy; standing in front of us for two or three days will not have food, and if: taking advantage of the retreat to attack them, we will undoubtedly win.
But Ira-buha said to this: “The road through the Han-jiang has already been crossed; The Yellow River has not yet risen: they have gone far, and where will they turn now? There's no reason to be in such a hurry."
And so they did not dare to pursue. The next day, the Mongolian troops suddenly became invisible. Already on the return of the horse detours, they learned that the Mongols had been standing for four days in the forest on the opposite bank before Guan-hua; during the day they prepare food, and at night they do not get off their horses. Beyond the forest, not the slightest noise could be heard. Wanyan-khada and Ira-bukha were supposed to enter Dyn-chzheu to eat food. In the morning we came to the back side of the forest. The Mongols suddenly came forward. Khada and Bukha entered into battle with them, but during this fight, about a hundred cavalry Mongols attacked the convoy of the commanders-in-chief, and recaptured it. The Nyuzhensky troops had not yet concentrated, as in the second watch of the night Khada and Bukh entered Dyn-chzheu. The frightened soldiers lost their way, and already by ringing the bells they gathered them. Khada and Buha, concealing their loss, reported that they had won an important victory. The ranks brought congratulations to the Sovereign. The ministers instituted a feast in the Senate. Lo-si, senior assistant to the Ministers, shedding tears of joy, said: "If not for a real victory, then the disasters of the people would be indescribable."
So sincerely he believed in the victory. After this, the peasants, guarding the cities and fortifications, all dispersed and returned to their villages. A few days later, Mongolian cavalry troops broke in, and many were taken prisoner.
Comment. The answer of Sovereign Nyuzhensky included in the explanation is truly prudent: but how can one, betraying the fate of the throne to the will of Heaven, not think about measures to protect oneself?
AL ASIR. On the attack of the Tatars on Azerbaijan and what happened to them.
At the beginning of this year, the Tatars came from the country of Maverannahr to Azerbaijan, and we have already told about this earlier, how they captured Maverannahr, and about what they did in Khorasan and in other countries, [committing] robberies, destroying and killing. Their king settled in Maverannahr, and [therefore] the cities of Maverannahr were restored again. [Tatars] built a city similar to the great capital of Khorezm. And the cities of Khorasan remained destroyed, and none of the Muslims dared to settle in them. As for the Tatars, after every small [interval] their tribe was replaced by another, and they robbed everything that they could see there. The cities were destroyed and they continued to perform their [deeds] until one group of them appeared [in Azerbaijan] in 625. Between them and Jalal ad-din was what we have told, and they remained in the same [position]. And now, when this time has come, and Jalal ad-din was defeated by Ala ad-din Kayqubaz and al-Ashraf, as we have [already] told about this.
In 627, the head of the Ismaili heretics sent a message to the Tatars, informing them of the weakness [of the forces] of Jalal ad-din, and of the defeat that had befallen him, prompting them to persecute him, [taking advantage of] his weakness. They guaranteed them victory over him, [because of] his weakness, which [Ala ad-din and al-Ashraf] brought on him. Jalal al-Din had a bad reputation and bad administration of the country. He did not leave any of the kings neighboring him, with whom he would not be at enmity, and did not dispute property with him. He mistreated his neighbors. Therefore, [when] he first appeared in Isfahan, he gathered troops and went to Khuzistan. He besieged the city of Shushtar, which belonged to the caliph, and held the siege.
[Then] he went to Daquqa and plundered it, and killed many people there, and it also belonged to the caliph. Then he took possession of Azerbaijan, which belonged to Uzbek, and captured it. Then he went to the Georgians and defeated them and fought with them. Then he was at enmity with al-Malik al-Ashraf, the ruler of Khilat. Then he was at enmity with Ala ad-Din, the ruler of the country ar-Rum, and was at enmity with the Ismailis, and plundered their country and committed many murders in it and [forcibly] appointed them an annual tribute in [the form of] property. He also [was at enmity] with others. And all the kings turned away from him, and did not give him a hand [help].
When the Tatars received a letter from the leader of the Ismailis, urging them to persecute Jalal ad-din, one of their groups hurried [to leave], and they entered his country and captured Ray, Hamadan and the cities [located] between them. Then they went to Azerbaijan, destroying, robbing and killing those of its inhabitants whom they defeated. And Jalal ad-din could not meet them, and could not keep them from [capturing] the country. He was filled with fear and horror. Added to this was the fact that his army was against him. His vizier left his obedience [together] with a large group of troops. The reason was one foreigner, who showed dementia Jalal ad-din, like which [still] was not heard. He was his (Jalal ad-din) servant-eunuch, whom Jalal ad-din loved [very much], and his name was Kilich. It happened that this servant died, and [Jalal ad-din] expressed great sorrow and sorrow for him, the like of which [has] not been heard before, like Majnun after Layli. He ordered the soldiers and emirs to go to his funeral on foot, and his emirs and vizier forced him to mount a horse.
When he arrived in Tabriz, he sent [a messenger] to the inhabitants of the city to meet the coffin of [his] servant, and they did so. But he did not approve of their [actions], because they did not move away [from the city] and did not express sorrow and lamentation, in addition to what they did. And [Jalal ad-din] wanted to punish them for this, but his emirs stood up for them, and he left them. But after that the eunuch was not buried. [Jalal ad-din] took him with him wherever he went, and beat himself in the face and cried, and refused food. When food was brought to him, he said: "Take it to Kylych, and no one dared to say that he died."
One day someone said to him: "He is dead", and [Jalal ad-din] killed the one who told him this.
And they brought food to him (Kylych), and returned, and said: "He accepts the land." [Then] he said: "I [became] better than [before]."
His emirs were overcome with anger and arrogance from such a position, and this led them to leave his obedience, and move from him to the vizier. [Seeing this] Jalal ad-din was amazed, not knowing what to do, especially when the Tatars came forward. And at this time the eunuch servant was buried. [Jalal ad-din] wrote to the vizier, endowing him with money, and deceiving him until he came to him. When [the vizier] came to him, a few days later, Jalal ad-din killed him. This is a strange funny story, the like of which has never been heard before.
AL ASIR. About the capture of Maraga by the Tatars.
This year the Tatars laid siege to the [city] of Maragha in Azerbaijan. Its inhabitants resisted [him], but then obeyed and surrendered to him after demanding [guarantees of] inviolability. They (the Tatars) gave them [guarantees] of inviolability and took over the city, and killed as many [people] in it as they had [never] killed before. [Then] they appointed a shikhna in the city. At this time, the position of the Tatars became dangerous, and people in Azerbaijan began to be very afraid of them. Almighty Allah protects Islam and Muslims with his support, but we do not see [anyone] among the kings of Muslims who would have a desire to [commit] jihad, and [provide] assistance to religion. Each of them lends himself to entertainment and games, and [is busy] oppressing his subjects. And this is the most terrible for me of the enemies. Allah Almighty said: "Beware of temptation, and it will not come upon [you], and those who oppressed you, in particular."
AL ASIR. About the arrival of Jalal ad-din in Amad, and his defeat around him, and what happened to him.
When Jalal ad-din saw what the Tatars were doing in the country of Azerbaijan, and the latter stopped there, killed, robbed, destroyed villages and took away property [of people]. They were going to pursue [Jalal ad-din]. Seeing his weakness and weakness, [Jalal ad-din] left Azerbaijan for the country of Khilat. He sent [a messenger] to her governor from al-Malik al-Ashraf, and told him: "We have not come for war, and not for [causing you] harm. Fear of this enemy has brought us to your country."
He was going to go to Diyar Bakr and al-Jazira, and go to the gates of the caliph to call for help from him and all [other] kings against the Tatars. He asked them to help for their own protection, and warned them of the consequences of their neglect. [When] he arrived in Khilat, [the news] reached him that the Tatars were looking for him, and that they were hurrying in his footsteps. And he went to Amad, and laid an ambush in several places, fearing a night attack. Then a group of Tatars arrived who pursued him, and they came to him not along the path where the ambush was, [but along another path]. They attacked him at night when he was on the outskirts of the city of Amada. And [Jalal ad-din] left, turning to flight, on his way. All the troops that were with him scattered in different directions. A group of his troops went to Harran, and they were attacked by Emir Sawab, the governor of al-Malik al-Kamil in Harran, together with [his] army, and they captured [everything] that they had from property, weapons and horseback. [Another] group from [Jalal ad-din's troops] went to Nasibin, Mosul, Sinjar, Irbil and other cities. [There] they were snatched up by the rulers and their inhabitants, and with them [satisfied] their desire everyone, even a peasant and a Kurd, and a Bedouin, and others. [Thus] they took revenge on them and punished them for those of their vile deeds and bad deeds [committed] in Khilat and other [places], and for what they did from bad deeds.
Allah does not love corrupt [people]. And so, to the weakness of Jalal ad-din was added another [great] weakness, and to weakness - weakness, because of those of his troops who left him, and from what happened to them, at the time when the Tatars committed with them such a [defeat]. And he left them (Tatars), turning to flight. [The Tatars] entered Diyar Bakr in search of him, since they did not know where he went and what path he followed. Praise be to the one who replaced their calmness with fear, and strength with humility, and abundance with a lack.
AL ASIR. About the arrival of a group of Tatars in Irbil and Dakuka.
In the [month] Zul-Hijjah (12th), a group of Tatars arrived from Azerbaijan in the vicinity of Irbil. They killed Turkmens, Kurds, Juzkans and others on their way, until they entered the city of Irbil and plundered the villages. They killed all [those] whom they defeated from the inhabitants of those parts, and committed heinous deeds, the likes of which [still] no one except them did. Muzaffar ad-din, the ruler of Irbil, went out with his troops and called for help from the troops of Mosul, and they came to him. When [the rumor] about the return of the Tatars to Azerbaijan reached him, he remained in his country and did not pursue them. [Tatars] arrived in the city of al-Karhini, the city of Dakuku, and other [cities], and returned [from there] in good health, and no one frightened them. Not a single rider came forward before them. These misfortunes and events, the likes of which [still] have not been seen by people from ancient times until recently. Allah, the Blessed and the Most High, is merciful to the Muslims, and merciful to them, and repels this enemy from them. This year has passed, and we have not learned [any] news about Jalal ad-din, and we do not know whether he was killed, or disappeared and does not show himself, fearing the Tatars, or left the country and [left] to another.
Juwayni. part 2, chapter 20. About how the Sultan went to war against the Sultan of Rum (end).
The Sultan spent the winter of 628/1230 in Urmia and Ushna. Sharaf al-Chulk Yulduzchi, to whom he entrusted his harem in the fortress of Giran, was falsely accused of having fixed greedy eyes on his harem and his treasury in the absence of the Sultan, when there was no news about him. The message about this reached the sultan, and when he came to that area, Yulduzchi, out of fear of the sultan and fears [regarding the consequences] of these slanders, refused to leave the walls of the fortress and asked the sultan for a safe-conduct. At his request, the sultan sent Buku Khan to him, who forced him to leave by force of persuasion.
When he reached the place where the horses of the ministers were tied, he was stopped and the important officials of the divan and other nobles accompanying him, seeing the state of his affairs, immediately separated from him one by one, and the vizier remained standing alone. Then Jalal ad-Din uttered the following words: "I raised Yulduzchi from the bottom of humiliation and lifted him to the pinnacle of greatness, and from the base, strewn with garbage, to the peak of high position. And this is how he repaid my kindness."
He ordered the young servants to take away his horses, and hand him over to the commandant of the fortress, and after a while, under the influence of slanderous incitement of envious people and false accusations of enemies, he threw him into the prison of eternity - no, into the dungeon of the grave. He later repented of his deed. After that, he went to Diyar-Bekr, and when the Mongol army returned to Chormagun, the latter strongly scolded them for turning back and stopping looking for the Sultan. At the very moment, he said, when such an enemy lost his strength and dropped the veil of concealment, how could they give him a respite and weaken the search? And he sent after them like lightning Taimas and other chief emirs with a detachment of vengeful Turks like those who were eager to avenge Gurgin for Afrasiab.
Then the sultan sent Butsu Khan back to reconnoiter the situation and find out about the movement of the Mongol army. When he arrived in Azerbaijan, he was informed that they had beaten the retreat drums and also left Iraq, and that there was no news of them in these parts. Not following the road of caution, as befits and how the faithful servants of the Court, the emirs of the empire, should act, Buku Khan turned back and brought the good news to the Sultan about the departure of the Mongols, and rejoicing at this, -
The king ordered the musicians to play, and the palace became like a spring garden.
And nothing is dear to me in drunkenness, except that it dulls my senses, and I do not know the pain of misfortune.
It is said that once Mutawakkil scolded his courtier for spending his time indulging in pleasures and unseemly pursuits. The man answered thus: "I have made a pleasant pastime my ally against Fate, for one can endure all the cares of this world only if one allows oneself a little fun."
However, the circumstances are different.
In a word, the ministers and chiefs, like the Sultan himself, neglected to take care of their lives and let goblets go around. Despite the hopelessness of their cause, they again chose the path of chants, and while the instruments of war were being prepared, they took up harps and tambourines, they preferred the bellies of women to the backs of horses and chose slender beauties instead of lean stallions ...
Two or three days passed in carefree fun. And suddenly the pregnant night gave birth to her child - Misfortune, and at midnight, when the throne of the Sultan named Wisdom was seized by a demon called Ignorance, and the depth of the heart became the center of human greed, and the lofty thoughts of these noble horses were pacified by the bridle of lust, and drunkenness deprived the emir and vizier of prudence and foresight, and the army of Sleep took possession of the world of reason and all the soldiers, and most of the guards were shackled and immobilized by intoxication, - at this time
When a third of the night passed and the morning star appeared in the revolving firmament, the Tatar army, which consisted of mighty warriors, led by Taimas, attacked people who did not have guards and guards. And by a strange coincidence, when Kaan instructed Chormagun to destroy the sultan and appointed several emirs for this, he turned to Taymas and said: "Of all these people, it is you who will deal the last blow to the sultan."
And so it happened. Acting with caution, thinking that the people in front of them were also watching and waiting, the Mongols advanced silently, like crawling ants. Orkhan found out about their approach and immediately found himself at the bed of the Sultan. The Sultan saw his first dream, forgetting that
Events can happen even at dawn
As for sleep, it replaces my joy,
It is sweeter than awakening, which banishes peace.
When sleep was so rudely driven out of him, he ceased to doubt the power of the Almighty Lord and clearly saw and realized that the hem of intention was firmly clamped in the hand of Providence - that the stallion of Wisdom lay helplessly at the feet of Fate; that the arrows of knowledge from the bow of Possibility broke without hitting their targets; that Calamity stood between him and Safety; and that he stopped at the stage of Evil. Without waiting for the evening, the strange visitor began to drink at dawn, and Peace and Safety girded their loins, preparing to leave. But this time the guest was a fierce warrior, and the host knew how to get rid of a hangover. He ordered cold water to be brought and poured it over his head, as if to signal that he was done with his folly, and with a heart burning like a forge, and with eyes from which tears flowed incessantly, like water from a cracked jug, he set off. with a small retinue and a great cry, saying goodbye to his mistress Empire - no, reaping what he sowed in the field of his luck
If the eyes of the night do not immediately notice us, we will consider it a boon.
O day of youth, may your night be beautiful! You and I witnessed the Day of Judgment.
And when the sultan was about to leave with a small detachment, he ordered Orhan not to remove his banner and to resist, so that he could buy a little time. Obeying the order of the Sultan, he fought unsuccessfully for some time, and when he showed his back to the Mongols, they, mistaking him for the Sultan, rushed after him like eagles. When they realized that they had missed their main goal, they returned to the camp, where they put the officers, soldiers and nobles of the state to the sword, turning them into food for flies and a delicacy for wolves ...
How the Sultan met his end is told in different ways. Some say that, having reached the mountains of Amid, he camped for the night in a certain place, and a detachment of Kurds decided to steal his clothes and killed him with a blow to the chest, not knowing what they had done and what prey they had caught. This, however, is not surprising: wherever huma appears, it gets from the claws of an owl, and the lion gets tired to death from the attacks of stray dogs. And as it turned out, those Kurds entered the city dressed in his clothes, and some of his retinue recognized his dress and his weapons, and the ruler of Amid, when the circumstances of the case were told to him, ordered the Kurds to be put to death, and dig a grave, and bury the murdered man, who was considered the Sultan. However, others say that his retinue took his clothes, and he himself dressed in rags and became a Sufi, and wandered around different countries and lived among the peoples of Islam. But be that as it may, he left this world, having received from him a ruthless cruel blow.
Years later, when rumors arose among the people that the Sultan had been seen in such and such a place, especially in Iraq, Sharaf al-Din Ali of Tabresh, who was vizier of Iraq, carefully investigated such reports for some time; and again and again throughout the cities and villages the joyful news spread that the Sultan was in such and such a fortress or such and such a city.
In 633/1254-1255 a man mutinied in Ustundar and claimed to be a sultan, and his fame spread everywhere. During the reign of Chin Temur, the Mongolian emirs sent people who had seen and knew the Sultan to look at that person. He was put to death for his lies. Lots of crazy things on earth.
To be brief, I will say that all these rumors and reports had no consequences. “Everything perishes except His face. He has the decision, and to Him you will be returned!”
NASAWI. ch.96. About the appearance of the vanguard of the Tatars at the borders of Azerbaijan and the transfer of the Sultan from Tabriz to Mukan.
The Sultan sent one of his pakhlavans, Yilan-Bug, to Iraq to collect information about the Tatars. When he reached the Sharviyaz valley, located between Zanjan and Abkhar, he encountered the vanguard of the Tatars. There were fourteen people with him, of whom only he escaped and returned to Tabriz with disturbing news.
The Sultan believed that the Tatars would spend the winter in Iraq and move to Azerbaijan only in the spring. But he entertained himself with false hope and unrealizable proposals. This news reached him after his return from ar-Rum, before he had time to put in order what was scattered, mend what was broken and, after the defeat, heal the wounds inflicted on his army. The Sultan went from Tabriz to Muqan, where his troops were scattered over the winter quarters. He said goodbye to [Shams ad-Din] at-Tikriti and sent with him Mukhtass ad-Din, the son of the Naib of Iraq Sharaf ad-Din Ali, as an ambassador from his side.
However, the danger approached so quickly that the Sultan had no time to attend to the affairs of his harem and loved ones and send them to one of his fortified fortresses. He left them in Tabriz, believing that this day is his last meeting with his dear [people]. He left Sharaf al-Mulk in Tabriz, and he himself, with his personal servants, went to Muqan, without stopping on the way, in order to have time to gather his scattered troops and scattered detachments.
In those days, the Sultan took with him from the faces of my occupations only me. On the way with him there was always one interlocutor - Mujir ad-Din Yakub ibn al-Malik al-Adil. And I noticed that when Sultan Mujir ad-Din was not near, tears rolled from his eyes and fell on his cheeks. It seemed that the Sultan had a presentiment that his power would fall, and he himself foresaw his own death. He thought about parting with his family and loved ones, that he would no longer see them, that he had left them in the open, defenseless against enemies.
When we reached the village of Arminan, the Sultan got off his horse, which was immediately taken away, and called me to him. I came to him, and he gave me a letter which he had received from the Vali of the fortress of Balak, in the district of Zanjan. He wrote: “The Tatars, who encountered Yilan-Bugu between Abkhar and Zanjan, have already arrived in the Zanjan valley. I sent a man to them who counted them. There were seven hundred of them."
The Sultan was glad of this, as if he had laid aside a burden of worries. He said: "It is clear that this detachment was sent only to take Zanjan in order to gain a foothold in it."
I noticed that this group is the vanguard of the Tatars, and most of their troops follow him, but he did not like this remark. He said: "The Tatars would send in our direction the vanguard of not seven hundred, but seven thousand horsemen."
But it was not the time to argue with the Sultan about the true state [of affairs]. It was necessary to talk to him only about things that would alleviate the anxiety of his heart.
From there (from Arminan), the sultan went to Mukan and, having arrived there, found his troops scattered - some of them were in Mukan, others chose Shirvan for wintering, and some reached Shamkur. The Sultan sent out pakhlavans after them with arrows, indicating a signal for gathering and calling. But the Tatars attacked the troops before they had gathered. Therefore, the plan of the Sultan to gather troops was destroyed and the outline of his plan was dissolved. “And when Allah wills evil to people, then there is no way to avert it, they have no intercessor besides Him.”
One day, the Sultan went hunting in Muqan and said to me: “Hurry before me to that hill,” he pointed to the hill ahead of me, “and write me a decree on the name of Iba Sharaf al-Mulk in Ardabil and a decree [on the name] Khusam ad-Din Tegin-Tash, [naiba] in the fortress of Firuzabad, that we sent [troops] of Shikhna of Khorasan Emir Yigan Sunkur and Shikhna of Mazandaran Emir Arslan-Pakhlavan as reconnaissance to find out about the [movement] of the Tatars. We order them both, so that they prepare horses both in Ardabil and Firuzabad, and that they (the governors of both cities) provide everything for the trained horses during this period and they would not need anything.
I galloped to the hill and wrote these decrees, and when the Sultan rode up to me, they were ready. I gave them to him and he signed. The [emirs] mentioned took these letters in order to leave at once. But then the news reached me that both of them remained in their homes until the Tatars attacked the Sultan in Mukan and took him by surprise. And he relied on his intelligence and counted on the news that should have come from [both] emirs.
NASAWI. ch.97. On the attack of the Tatars on the Sultan on the border of Shirkabut.
When the sultan's reconnaissance set off and his pakhlavans were sent to gather troops, the sultan took up hunting. He was with a small number of people - he had about a thousand horsemen from his personal guard.
One night he stopped near Shirkabut - a fortress built on a hill in Mukan. It was surrounded by a deep and wide ditch, water flowed out of it and, overflowing, irrigated the area. It was possible to pass through the moat into the fortress only by a bridge, which was raised if necessary. The fortress was destroyed at the first appearance of the Tatars, but Sharaf al-Mulk restored it when he appropriated the canals diverted from the Araks. We have already talked about this.
Silahdar Dökchek-noyan was sent by the Sultan from Khilat, during his siege, to Khorezm as a [commander] of intelligence in order to report information about the Tatars. The one mentioned captured a number of [Tatars] within Khorezm. He killed most of them, and brought the rest to Khilat.
Among those delivered was a certain Tatar, and the Sultan left him alone alive. When the sultan arrived at the fortress of Shirkabut, he ordered that this Tatar be seized as a precaution so that at such a time he would not run away to his own people and inform them of the situation of the sultan and the fragmentation of his troops. The family and children of the Tatar were in Khorezm [with the Tatars].
The Sultan handed him over to me and said: “Go up with him to the Shirkabut fortress, put him in chains there and hand over to Sharaf al-Mulk in this fortress.”
I carried out this order, but night had already fallen, and I stayed overnight in the fortress. Of my people, only three were with me, and the rest of my companions and what was with me on this trip: property, horses, tents - everything remained in the camp.
When morning came, I returned to my office to find that all the tents were empty, things were scattered, the cheetahs were tied, and the falcons were closed in cages. As if there were no friends between al-Hujun and al-Safa, and no one in Mecca spent the evenings in conversation. Then I realized that what we feared had happened: the Sultan was attacked at night, and I did not know if he survived. I had no doubt that the fortress of Shirkabut would not withstand the siege of the Tatars, and therefore I began to follow the path of the Sultan and the Tatars pursuing him.
The land was shy for me where it was wide, and I threw everything I had. I rode, convinced that a group of Tatars pursuing the Sultan was in front of me, and most of their troops were behind.
Then I got to Sultan-Jui. This is the canal that Sharaf al-Mulk diverted from the Arak River. I found there, on the bridge, countless herds of Turkmen sheep. They were driven across the bridge, and I could not even choose places on the bridge to cross. I took a risk and sent the horse into the river, and Allah was pleased that I escaped. After that, I arrived at Baylakan and in front of him I learned that Sharaf al-Mulk was here and with him the Sultan's harem and treasury vaults. However, I decided not to meet him, for fear of an encounter that would lead to repentance and cause suffering.
I had several horses and fabrics in Bailakan. I decided that this could be ignored, and continued on my way even at night, until I arrived in Ganja.
The Tatars appeared there on the second day after my arrival. The officials of the divan who accompanied Sharaf al-Mulk at that time, like me, changed their opinion about him, since he raised an open rebellion when the coals of the Tatar raid flared up and the position of the Tatars strengthened. Sharaf al-Mulk began to demand money from them (the officials of the divan), and they were squeezed in stocks, subjected to torment. If Allah had not given them [life] with the advent of the Sultan and the exit of Sharaf al-Mulk from the fortress of Hayzan, then they would have been among the dead and among the destroyed.
NASAWI. ch.105. About a note that came from Khilat to Mayafarikin, reporting that the Tatars crossed over to Berkri in search of a sultan, and about my return from al-Malik al-Muzaffar.
When I said goodbye to al-Malik al-Muzaffar, a note came from Berkri, which mentioned that the Tatars had crossed to the city, finding out news about the sultan, following him on his heels. Al-Malik al-Muzaffar sent this note to me and said: “People have already crossed over to the outskirts of Khilat and are looking for the Sultan, and in these days a meeting between them is inevitable. What do you think, why don't you stay with me and we'll see what happens."
I read: “These who sit among the believers, who do not suffer harm, and strive in the way of Allah, are not equal.” I am not dearer than the Sultan, and not from among those who chose [by lot] life after him.
When I came to say goodbye to him, I told him: “Only one of two situations is possible - [the case will turn] either in favor of the Sultan or against him. And it doesn't matter - any of them will turn into repentance for you and will result in censure.
He asked, "How is that?"
I replied: “If [victory] is for the Sultan, then you, refusing to help him, can spend all the treasures of the earth to satisfy him, but it will be useless. And if [circumstances] turn out to be against him, then you will remember him when you experience the neighborhood of the Tatars, but regret will no longer help.
He said: "I do not doubt the correctness of these words, but I myself am subject."
Then I parted with him and galloped towards Khani, because the continuously incoming information spoke of the appearance of the Sultan's banners on the borders of Jabakhdzhur. At sunset, I stopped at a village called Magara (“cave”) to feed the horses, then to continue the journey all night. [Here] I dozed off and had a dream, as if my head was in my lap, and the hair on my head and beard disappeared, as if burned. Then, in a dream, I interpreted my dream and said to myself: “The head is the Sultan: he will perish and not be saved. The beard means the sultan's wives: they will become slaves in captivity, and hair is property that will be destroyed.
What I saw horrified me, and I woke up in a fright. I continued driving, and sadness took possession of me so that I was silent all night until I arrived at Hani. There, in the valley, I found a military convoy and the wives of soldiers. I learned that the Sultan was in ambush in Jabakhdzhur and that he had been informed of the arrival of the Tatars. And Koke Bedzhkem (?) - one of the Tatar emirs, the leader of a thousand horsemen - left the Tatars and went over to the Sultan, fearing for his life because of the misconduct he had committed, and informed him (the Sultan) that the Tatars had shod horses to pursue the Sultan , wherever he was. He advised the sultan to leave the booty in the way of the Tatars, and to hide himself in an ambush while they were busy with [this] bait, and to drink them from the cup of death with the hands of vengeance. His advice was sound, and the Sultan equipped Utur Khan - and he always distinguished and brought him closer, believing that his loyalty and courage did not require testing and did not need proof - at the head of four thousand horsemen as the vanguard. He ordered Utur Khan to drag the Tatars with him when they approached, so that they would reach for the lair of death and come to the place of repentance. But the mentioned (Utur Khan) returned and reported that the Tatars had moved away from the borders of Manazdzhird. It was a lie dictated to him by his weakness, cowardice and fear of the coming end. Yes!
When the news came about the Sultan and his ambush in Jabakhdzhur, I went to serve him. I met him on the way when he was returning to the carts. He spoke to me first, asking what was the answer to [his] message. I repeated to him everything I heard from al-Malik al-Muzaffar, and then mentioned the note and the crossing of the Tatars to Berkri.
He told me about the arrival of Koke Bejkem and how he informed him of their readiness to attack him, told me the whole story about the ambush and how the vanguard returned, informing about the departure of the Tatars from Manazdzhird. I replied: “The fact that they returned after setting out with the intention of meeting in battle is very strange!”
The Sultan said: “This is not surprising because the Tatars left to fight us in the region of Khilat, and when they found out that we were in the center of the country of al-Sham, they thought that [its rulers] entered into an alliance with us and joined to us, so they came back."
But I ended the conversation, and did not agree [with him], considering it impossible that the Tatars returned without fighting.
NASAWI. ch.106. About the stop of the Sultan in the district of Amida and about his decision to go to Isfahan. Rejection of this opinion after the arrival of the ambassador of the ruler Amid al-Malik al-Masud. Tatar attack on the Sultan on the morning of the second day after his arrival.
When the sultan stopped in the city of Hani, he called the khans and emirs to him and asked [me] to repeat the answer to his message. I read them the signs of hopelessness and let them know that they were hitting cold iron and that there was no helper or accomplice. Then they agreed that they would leave their carts at Diyar Bakr and go light with their dear women and children to Isfahan, just as they had previously gone there, tired and broken, and he (Isfahan) added strength to the tired and encouraged the dejected .
Then, on the 2nd day after that, Alam ad-Din Sanjar, nicknamed Kasab as-Sukkar, an ambassador from the ruler of Amid, arrived with a letter that contained an expression of service and submission. He tempted [the sultan] to march on ar-Rum, inciting him to seize this country, and wrote: “Truly, [ar-Rum] is an achievable goal for the sultan, and as soon as he goes there, he will take possession of the country, having no rivals, and will rule them unhindered. And if the sultan defeats Malik ar-Rum and relies on friendly Kipchaks who want to [serve] him, then the Tatars will be afraid of him, and [by this] victory will be achieved.
Further in the letter, he mentioned that if the sultan decides to do this, then he himself will come to him with four thousand horsemen and will not leave the [sultan's] service until this state is subordinated and becomes part of the sultan's possessions.
The ruler of ar-Rum in that year aroused anger in the soul of the ruler of Amid al-Malik al-Masud, capturing several of his fortresses.
The Sultan reacted favorably to his words, stepping back from his earlier intention to go to Isfahan. He headed towards Amid and stopped at a bridge near the city. He could be compared to a drowning man who, not knowing how to swim, clutches at straws. He drank that night (August 16-17, 1231) and became intoxicated, and due to intoxication, his head was spinning and breathing was difficult, and [it was clear that] sobering would come only when the trumpet blew and “that which in the graves."
Late at night, a Turkmen came to the Sultan and said: “I saw troops at your yesterday’s camp, whose clothes are not similar to the clothes of your troops, with horses, most of which are gray in color.”
But the Sultan caught him in a lie and said: "This is an invention of those who do not like our stay in this country."
And he continued to enjoy all night until dawn, and in the morning he and his troops were surrounded by Tatars. (Poems).
And they (the troops of the Sultan) were scattered by the hands of Saba throughout the countries, just as parables spread.
I sat for a long time that night writing letters, but at the end of the night I was overcome by sleep, and I did not feel anything until I was awakened by the ghouls, shouting: “Get up! Judgment Day has arrived!"
I quickly dressed and hurried out, leaving everything I had in the dwelling, and said: (poems)
When I got on my horse, I saw a detachment of Tatars surrounding the sultan's tent, and he, drunk, was still sleeping. But suddenly Ur-khan appeared with his banner and soldiers and attacked them, driving them away from the tent. Several servants of the Sultan entered [the tent], took the Sultan by the hand and led him out. He was in a white shirt, they put him on a horse and rode off. At that time, he remembered only about Malik Fars, the daughter of the atabeg Sad.
He ordered Damir-Kiyik (Iron Awl) and Amir-shikar Dort-Aba to go to her and serve her where she would be after her flight.
When the sultan saw that the Tatars were chasing him, he ordered Ur-khan to separate from him with his troops so that the Tatars would pursue him with a detachment, and the sultan himself could be freed from them. It was his mistake. After all, when Ur-khan separated from him, many strong warriors immediately joined him, and when he reached Irbil, there were 4,000 horsemen with him, and he went to Isfahan. He owned it for some time, until the Tatars attacked the city. After that, Ur-khan until this year, that is, until 639 (1241-1242), was in custody in Fars.
Several of those who remained with the Sultan after he separated from Ur Khan, such as Utur Khan, Amir Ahur Talsab (?) and the herdsman Mahmud ibn Sad ad-Din, told me the following. When the sultan separated from Ur-khan, he went to the fortifications of Amid, and the chase followed him. Amid at that time was in turmoil, and its inhabitants thought that the Khorezmians wanted to deal treacherously with them. Therefore, they began to fight with the Sultan, threw stones at him and drove him away.
When he lost hope of entering the city, he swerved to the left of the city, and was joined by about a hundred horsemen from among the faithful people. Then fear threw him along with them to the borders of al-Jazira, where there were fortified passages, but he was prevented from going there, and those who were thirsty [to seize the Sultan] were already waiting for him in the gorges. Some of them were killed by Shikhna Hamadan Sarir-Malik.
Then Utur Khan advised the Sultan to turn back and said: "The safest path today is the path along which the Tatars walked towards us."
And he returned, following his opinion, so that his death was arranged by him (Utur Khan) from all sides. The Sultan reached one of the villages of Mayafarikin and got off his horse on the current, and let the horses graze, in order to then leave. [At this time] Utur Khan left him because of his cowardice and cowardice. He (Utur Khan) hoped that in the correspondence between him and al-Malik al-Muzaffar Shihab ad-Din Gazi there was an agreement that affirmed loyalty and mutual respect between them, but became evidence of bitterness in their agreement and the illusory nature of their friendship . Later, Utur Khan was captured and kept in prison until al-Malik al-Kamil demanded him, which happened in the year of his possession of Amid. He summoned him to his place in Egypt, where he fell from the roof and died.
The Sultan remained on the current, and the night hid him from all enemies, until the Tatars appeared again at dawn. He immediately jumped on a horse, and most of [his] detachment did not have time to mount their horses and were killed.
NASAWI. chapter 107. What happened to the Sultan and what was the end of his case.
When the attack [of the Tatars] separated me from the Sultan, after that I hid in a cave for three days, and finally fear threw me into Amid. Then, after a two-month stay in Amid, where I was not allowed to go out, I ended up in Irbil, and later, after various hardships and incessant misfortunes, ended up in Azerbaijan. Then, having endured difficulties, want and lack of money, I found myself half-naked in Mayafarikin. And no matter where in the Sultan's countries I stopped, people everywhere spread the rumor that the Sultan was alive, had gathered his troops and was preparing to march. This news was false, and hopes were deceptive, they were generated by love [for the Sultan] and created devotion and obedience to him. [I heard all this] until I returned to Mayafarikin and was convinced that he was dead. Then I felt disgusted with life and reproached fate for my salvation. I sighed bitterly and said: “Oh, if the Lord of Muhammad [the prophet] had not created Muhammad [the author]!”
And if it were possible in some way to delay the time of his death, then I would share the term of my life with him and would choose for myself in the lottery that arrow, which is shorter. But when I thought that the reins of choice had been snatched from the hands of those with power, I said with sadness in my soul and a burning coal in my heart:
I predicted that after you the flames would flare up
and the assembly was full after you, O Kulayb!
They discussed the circumstances of each misfortune,
and if you were present at the same time, they would not have uttered a word.
When the Tatars attacked him (the Sultan) in the village, as we have already said, his companions, who were captured, told the Tatars that it was the Sultan. They immediately gave chase, sending fifteen horsemen after him. Two of them caught up with him, but he killed them, and the rest lost hope of capturing him and returned.
Then the Sultan climbed the mountain, where the Kurds guarded the roads in order to capture booty. They, according to their custom, caught the Sultan and robbed, as they did with other [people] captured by them. When they wanted to kill him, he secretly told their leader: “I really am a sultan, and do not rush to decide my fate. You have a choice: either deliver me to al-Malik al-Muzaffar Shihab ad-Din and he will reward you, or send me to any of my countries and you will become a prince.”
And the man agreed to send him to his country. He took him to his tribe, to his village and left him with his wife, while he himself went to the mountains to bring horses.
During the absence of this man, a despicable villain suddenly appeared - a Kurd with a spear in his hand. He said to the woman: “What kind of Khorezmian is this? And why didn't you kill him?"
She replied: "There is nothing to say about this, my husband spared him when he found out that he was a sultan."
The Kurd replied: “How did you believe him that he was a Sultan? My brother, who is better than him, died in Khilat.”
And he struck him with a spear so that another blow was not required, and sent his soul to the eternal world.
So the villain neglected the right of his leader and stained the earth with forbidden blood. And it was by this [deed] that the heart of time was torn, the drink of fate was shed, because of it the banners of faith were lowered and the building of Islam was destroyed. The sky opened up, the lightnings of which were seen by the sons of faith, and the godless and ignoble were afraid of his swords.
And how many battles he gave in different parts of the earth, he broke out of the fangs of death in them and freed himself from the jaws of disasters! And when his time came, the death of a mighty lion happened from the paws of foxes. And only to the Almighty Allah complain about the troubles of time and the vicissitudes of fate! Yes!
After some time, al-Malik al-Muzaffar sent [people] to those mountains, and they gathered the things of the Sultan, took his horse, saddle, his famous sword and a stick that he inserted into his hair. When all this was delivered, all those present from among his close associates who were with him in those days, such as Utur Khan, Amir Ahur Talsab and others, testified that these were things taken from him. He also sent for the remains of the Sultan, and they were delivered and buried.
Indeed, this transgressing rascal caused great misfortune and left this world orphaned without him.
O he who caused blood to flow from the necks of enemies!
After you died, you made your eyes cry with blood.
If the vicissitudes of fate destroyed him,
look at the state and Islam:
Faith is defamed, and the state is broken,
and cut off the rope of majesty and glory.
KYRAKOS. chapter 19. About the death of Sultan Jalaladin and his disappearance from the face of the earth.
And Sultan Jalaladin returned with great disgrace to the country of Agvank - a fruitful and fertile valley called Mugan, and, having settled there, he wanted to gather an army. Then the Tatars, who forced him to flee from their homeland, attacked him, drove him to Amid, and there inflicted a severe defeat on his army. In this battle, that wicked ruler died. Others say that when he fled on foot, someone met him and, having recognized him, killed him, [avenging] for the blood of some of his relatives, whom he had once killed. And so evil was destroyed by evil.
Continuation: 1232. Ugedei's campaign against Jin
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