Biographies Characteristics Analysis

Self-propelled guns from Rasey: peasants in the era of mass migrations. XXIV

Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, who became General Secretary at the age of 73, was seriously ill, like everyone else. old man, who was on the verge of death, often recalled his childhood. Steppe expanses, dark silhouettes of mountains beyond the Yenisei, the fast flow of the great river, grain fields arose in my memory... He was the first and last leader Soviet Union and Russia, born in Siberia. His career - the extraordinary rise of a boy from the village of Bolshaya Tes to the leadership of a superpower - seemed to become a reflection complex history involving Siberia in history great country. The son of a peasant migrant from Ukraine, the grandson of a Yakut woman (where his high-cheeked face comes from), Chernenko embodied a new generation of Russians, generated by the great migration flow within the Russian Empire.

The spread of the Russian people across Eurasia at a speed unprecedented in world history is one of the most amazing phenomena of modern times. From 1552 (the conquest of Kazan) to 1648 (the voyage of Semyon Dezhnev and the expedition of Erofey Khabarov to the Amur), in less than a hundred years, the Russians mastered the territory from the Volga to the Pacific Ocean with a length of more than 5,000 km and an area of ​​over 10 million square meters. km - one and a half Australia. Moreover, this was done with minimal effort and expense, off-road, mostly on foot or by boat.

The epic discovery of Siberia is comparable only to the colonization of America by the Spaniards. The names of the pioneers Ermak, Khabarov, Dezhnev should be on a par with the names of the famous conquistadors Cortes and Pizarro, who, with two or three hundred people, conquered great empires, making their way through the jungles and mountains. By the middle of the 17th century, the borders of Russia were almost equal to the current ones. And this huge state was created not only in the shortest possible time, but also without straining the population, not burdened with high taxes, without recruiting a large standing army, without a cumbersome bureaucratic apparatus. The pre-Petrine monarchy, contrary to prevailing myths, was quite effective. And the task of discovering and annexing new lands in the East was “outsourced” to merchants, Cossacks, industrialists such as the Stroganovs, whose mercenary was Ermak Timofeevich, under whose banner dashing and “walking” people gathered.

The late start and at the same time the rapidity of the settlement of the Russian ethnos determined such a feature as the weak expression of linguistic differences. If in Italy or Germany, tiny in comparison with Russia, the Venetian and Sicilian dialects are mutually incomprehensible, as well as Plattdeutsch and Hochdeutsch, then the peasants of Siberia, the Cossacks of the Don and the Pomors of the North, separated by thousands of miles, spoke the same, understandable language with relatively small regional differences.

When there was no oil

If the Spaniards were driven to America by a thirst for gold, then desperate heads rushed to Siberia for furs - the most important export product of Rus' at that time. Sable fur played the same role in the 17th century as oil and gas do today. As the historian writes, “the desire to find a permanent source of furs, which at that time constituted a significant share of the budget revenue and was valued on the foreign and domestic markets, intensified the Russian government’s attempts to advance the state’s borders to the east.” Collecting yasak from the natives was the main motive for bringing under " high hand sovereign" of all new lands. Yasak was paid in “soft junk”, which the conquered tribes had to supply in a set amount.

In addition to the state turnover of furs (which included, in addition to yasak, tithe collection in kind, forced purchase by the treasury best views furs, strict control over its transportation and storage, etc.) there was private trade, whose volumes exceeded the first minimum by three times. Merchants, buyers and their servants made up a significant contingent of the first settlers.

And just as the Spanish emigration to America was sparse, only a small number of Russian people initially moved beyond the Urals. This was due to a number of reasons.

Firstly, there were no reliable means of transport or routes at that time. It was simply impossible for a peasant to break away from his home and go not to the neighboring volost, but thousands of miles away with his family. He had nothing and nowhere to eat on the way, just as he did not have the means and conditions to settle down in a new place. The main routes, primarily trade routes, to Siberia then went much further north than now. They began in front of the Urals near Cherdyn and Solikamsk, hidden in the tundra forests, because the open steppe was dangerous due to the raids of nomads. The first large trading settlements were located near the Arctic Circle - Mangazeya, Turukhansk. Nowadays, Tobolsk, Tomsk and Yeniseisk, now considered the northern boundary of settlement (“spot” oil and gas cities, are not taken into account), were located in the south of inhabited Siberia in the 17th-18th centuries.

Secondly, legislation from the Code of Laws of Ivan III of 1497 through the introduction of reserved and lesson years(the ban on peasants leaving the landowner on St. George’s Day) under Fyodor Ioannovich until the Council Code of 1649 objectively complicated the unauthorized resettlement of peasants. The state was interested in attaching workers to the land, which it gave to the nobles to feed for military service. The latter were not attracted to distant and unknown Siberia with its harsh climate. No wonder she never learned about serfdom.

Thirdly, after victories over Crimean Tatars and other steppe inhabitants, the lands of the so-called Wild Field - a huge territory on the southern border of the Moscow state - opened up for development. Starting from the 13th century, after the devastating campaigns of the Mongols, almost no one lived in the Wild Field (which is why it was called that), and yet these were the most fertile black soil lands south of Tula and Ryazan and to the Sea of ​​Azov. At the same time, the development of the recently annexed Volga region was underway. These two regions took over the main migration flows from the end of the 16th century.

It should be noted that the small number of migrants until the era of the Industrial Revolution, which opened up new transport opportunities and coincided with the demographic explosion in Europe, was typical for all countries of the Old World, and not just for Russia. The first English colony in North America was founded in 1607. But during the first century, no more than 175,000 people moved to the new continent from Britain, that is, less than 2,000 per year. The same modest figures characterize migration flows from Spain and Portugal to South and Central America in the 16th-18th centuries. Cramped sailing ships, scurvy, massive outbreaks of infectious diseases, lack of necessary information, infrastructure, and government support did not allow emigration to become widespread.

Robbers, convicts and Cossacks

The main initial bases for migration beyond the Urals were the outlying regions of Vyatka and the Russian North, where natural conditions corresponded to Siberian ones, and Russian population itself was a newcomer (descendants of the Novgorod “ushkuiniki” - river pirates) and had no fear of long journeys, which took place mainly along large rivers. Most of the so-called Chaldons, that is, descendants of the first Russian settlers in Siberia, come from immigrants from the northeast. In socio-economic terms, they were either black-growing peasants (that is, state-owned, personally free), or commoners (artisans and traders in cities). In addition, many Cossacks, archers, other servicemen and sovereign people, as well as vagabonds and fugitives, ended up in Siberia. Already from the 17th century, it served as a place of exile - let us remember such famous names as Archpriest Avvakum and the West Slavic theologian and grammarian Yuri Krizhanich, who unwillingly spent 16 years in Tobolsk. Settling in Siberia, the newcomers, mostly men, married women from local tribes, giving birth to a special Siberian mestizo type. Just as the few Spaniards almost completely assimilated the Indians, many peoples of Siberia merged with the Russian ethnic group, preserving their everyday and cultural characteristics.

Relocations began in the 18th century significant groups population, initiated by the government, a kind of attempt at social engineering. The first to open the road to Siberia were the Old Believers, who were exiled there by the authorities and who themselves fled from its persecution. For example, under Anna Ioannovna and Catherine II, numerous schismatic settlements in the modern Gomel region of Belarus were destroyed, and their inhabitants were evicted to Altai (the so-called Poles) and Transbaikalia (“Semeyskie”). The Kerzhak Old Believers descended from those schismatics who themselves moved to the most outlying lands, where the tsarist power did not reach them. Religious settlers brought with them a high agricultural culture, acclimatizing previously unknown plant species in Siberia. They were distinguished by Puritan morals and an impeccable work ethic; many dynasties of Siberian merchants arose from their number. In Yakutia and other regions, subethnic groups (“back-tundra peasants”) formed from the mixing of Russians with the natives. They combined the advanced skills of European peasants and the hunting techniques of the aborigines, successfully surviving in permafrost conditions.

Under Peter I, the concept of “hard labor” appeared, inextricably linked with Siberia. The contingent of convicts grew continuously, especially after the abolition of the death penalty under Elizabeth. In the middle of the century, landowners acquired the right, by their decision, to send peasants into exile, and then to hard labor in Siberia, which brought many new residents to the latter.

The Russian tsars treated Siberia as a colony - like the Spanish kings, who in every possible way prevented the development of their American possessions by banning different kinds economic activity and saw in them only raw materials appendages of the metropolis. WITH late XVII century, Kyakhta in Transbaikalia became the most important transit point for trade with China, and the monarchy immediately took control of it. Caravans to the Celestial Empire were allowed only by state ones, trade with the Chinese was only barter, until the 1740s there was a ban on bill transfers across the Urals and back, only in 1762 was the state monopoly on the export of furs abolished, and only in 1753 was the internal customs in Verkhoturye. All these restrictions had a detrimental effect on the development of Siberian entrepreneurship and did not contribute to the attractiveness of the region. Many Siberian governors did not even live in Irkutsk (the formal capital), but ruled the region from St. Petersburg, such as the father of the Decembrist Pavel Pestel, Ivan Borisovich.

Even in the first half of the 19th century, the authorities continued to look at Siberia as a colony and did not think about its systematic settlement. The main labor force continued to be hard labor and exile, through which about a million people passed through over the course of a century. The cultural level grew all the time (Decembrists, Petrashevites, Polish nobles and intellectuals - participants in the uprisings) and left its mark on the local population. The most famous convict was Fyodor Dostoevsky, who spent 10 years in Siberia and got married here. Russia was by no means alone in such a policy. In 1788, Britain began an experiment in deporting criminals and other antisocial elements to Australia, which lasted 50 years and laid the foundation new history continent. But the difference was that fugitives from Siberia could return to the European part of the country and the government did not consider the Australian option of creating an exile colony.

The emphasis was on organizing new Cossack troops. Along the entire border - from the Urals, through the Kazakh steppes, to Altai, then through the Yenisei, Transbaikalia, Amur and all the way to the Ussuri region - Cossack villages were established. Such exotic Cossacks as Yakut and Kamchatka appeared. Since it was costly to transfer Cossacks from the Don, Terek and Ural, and they would not voluntarily agree to change their habitable places to unknown distances, the most motley public was included in their category - soldiers, vagabonds, former exiles. So Governor General Nikolai Muravyov-Amursky converted 20,000 mining peasants into Cossacks. Their number included many Buryat, Tungus and Yakut clans - let us remember Lavr Kornilov from the Transbaikal Cossacks, a man of a completely Mongoloid appearance.

But for the economic exploitation of the riches of Siberia, the option of Cossack settlement was poorly suited: the population of the villages was small, and the constant diversion of able-bodied men and horses to service and training did not allow the development of commercial agriculture. Although by that time such people as Pyotr Ershov, Dmitry Mendeleev and Vasily Surikov had already been born in Siberia, Lomonosov’s words about the increase in Russia’s wealth still sounded like a pompous phrase - without a large population it was impossible to obtain them.

“I wish you a million”

The turning point in the history of Siberia and Russia was 1861 - the abolition of serfdom - and the subsequent reforms of Alexander II. Peasant reform gave rise to many problems and posed new challenges to the country. By endowing the peasants with personal freedom and providing them with a minimum of land for use, she tied them to the community and did not allow them to develop the economy, denying private land ownership. Agriculture developed not along an intensive path, as in Europe, but along an extensive path - a primitive three-field system required large areas. This led to paradoxical results - even in the recently developed areas of the Volga region and Southern Ukraine, land hunger was felt. The population density in the Samara or Saratov provinces was several times lower than in Europe, but the men complained about the tiny plots and looked with lust at the landowners' land.

As a result, despite the direct ban on independent resettlement, in the 1860-1870s, tens of thousands of men left by hook or by crook to new lands in Siberia. Having received the deserted Ussuri region in 1860 under the Beijing Treaty, the government decided to populate it and the Amur region with a certain number of peasants, but almost all of them “got lost” on the road from the Urals to Baikal, remaining in already developed places.

A full 20 years passed from the abolition of serfdom to the adoption by the government of a program to assist and encourage resettlement. The bureaucratic apparatus of the empire worked slowly, not anticipating events, but trailing behind them. The ministers eventually realized the simple truth that without the development of Siberia, the severity of the agrarian crisis cannot be eased.

A real breakthrough was the law of 1889 “On the voluntary resettlement of rural inhabitants and burghers to state-owned lands and on the procedure for listing persons of the designated classes who resettled in the past.” New settlers received plots of land for indefinite use according to “the number of available male migrants, in an amount determined by consideration of agricultural conditions and soil productivity in the chosen area.” They were exempt from paying government fees and rent payments for three years in full, and for the next three years they were obliged to pay half the amount and received a three-year deferment from conscription. Upon arrival at the place of settlement, those in need had the right to receive both seed loans and “household loans.”

The second powerful incentive was the start of construction of the Siberian Railway in 1892, which made it possible to sharply accelerate the resettlement. And the final stage of the great resettlement was the activity of Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin and his colleague Alexander Krivoshein, who headed the Resettlement Administration, created in 1896. Under them, 3.04 million people moved in 1906-1914 - 1.7 times more than in the previous 40-plus years. In total, over half a century, 4.86 million people resettled, of which 3.7 million settled in Siberia.

The revolution of 1905 showed that the village was ready to revolt every minute. Stolypin understood that not a minute could be lost, and initiated far-reaching agrarian reforms, in which resettlement, completely suspended during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, played a vital role. From places of eviction to areas of settlement, a chain of resettlement centers was created, where medical, food and other assistance was provided. The resettlement department financed the walkers’ trips to Siberia, showed them the allocated areas, and helped them choose land. It had a staff of competent local officials, divided into subdistricts, who bore the brunt of the work. In addition to receiving and settling settlers, issuing loans to them, this is the completion of demarcation, the organization of scientific soil and botanical expeditions, agronomic, road construction and hydraulic engineering departments, holding agricultural exhibitions and statistical surveys. In just a few years, Siberia was explored in greater detail than in previous centuries. The settlers received full information about soils and climate, roads and water supplies were built to their villages.

In 1910, Stolypin and Krivoshein traveled to Siberia to inspect the resettlement process. The prime minister strictly checked the work of officials and talked with peasants. An eyewitness recalled: “He knew how to good-naturedly and timely wish the Siberian inhabitants: “Get rich.” I remember how Stolypin wished one of the gray Siberian merchants in a small town to “have a million,” to which he respectfully and modestly replied: “I already have.”

However, Stolypin never managed to solve perhaps the main problem - the introduction of private ownership of land in Siberia. The Duma obstructed this bill, and it did not come into force; Until 1917, peasants there farmed on government land. Moreover, in contrast to the European part of Russia, where only a sixth of the households left the community, in Siberia a quarter of the families applied for cuts and 72,000 farms were created in fact, although without proper legal registration.

Where did the resettlement go? If we look through Google Earth at Siberia from space, we will see that when it huge sizes In general, there are not so many areas suitable for settlement. Brown color means tilled land. On satellite map these are several large spots - the Altai steppes and adjacent parts of the Novosibirsk region, Kuznetsk and Minusinsk Basin and the plain on both sides of the Yenisei. These steppe areas with sufficient moisture were the first to be developed by the settlers. In modern Omsk region For example, peasants settled in the infertile north, and the current granary - the south - did not attract attention due to aridity and occupation by Cossack villages and Kazakh nomads. The royal family made, one might say, a personal donation, allowing resettlement to the “cabinet lands” in Altai, which were the private property of the imperial family and became a place of residence for a million settlers.

Already at the very end of the 19th century (more for geopolitical reasons, so that desert areas would not be populated by the Chinese), part of the flow of migrants was redirected to the Far East - to the Amur-Zeya Plain and to the south of the Ussuri region, where people were brought on ships from Odessa through the tropical seas and oceans.

The main areas of deportation to Siberia were the Black Earth region - Poltava, Chernigov, Kharkov, Kursk provinces - where landowners tried to run their own farms, as well as Belarus and the Volga region. As can be seen from the names of the provinces, a significant part of the settlers were Ukrainians (like Chernenko’s father) and Belarusians. For example, the Far East was populated almost entirely by Ukrainians, since they lived closest to Odessa. If in Siberia they initially had to adapt to different climatic and natural conditions, change agricultural technology, type of housing, then the Belarusians (according to some sources, about 600,000 of them moved), who came from forest areas, found similar living conditions in their new homeland.

“Siberia has become unrecognizable”

What are the results of the great migration? Protopresbyter of the military and naval clergy Georgy Shavelsky recalled: “Soon Siberia became unrecognizable. In 1904, when I first saw Siberia on my way to war, even the areas adjacent to the railway were not populated. An endless taiga stretched along the railway track, and only occasionally were villages encountered. Driving through Siberia in August 1913, I did not recognize it: vast fields and hayfields were visible everywhere; The harvesting of grain and hay was carried out everywhere by machines, the fields were cultivated with two-horse plows - there were no single-horse plows to be seen. In this regard, Siberia was ahead of not only northern and western, but also central Russia, where at that time the plow had not yet emerged, and sickles and scythes remained the only tools for harvesting and mowing on peasant farms. The former small Siberian towns have now grown into big cities. Novonikolaevsk on the Ob (now Novosibirsk - Forbes), which in 1904 seemed to have no more than 15,000 inhabitants, in 1913 had 130,000 inhabitants... Those who knew Siberia predicted its greatest future. And Siberia walked towards it with quick steps.”

The philosopher Fyodor Stepun wrote from a train in 1914, going to war and passing through eastern lands: “It’s crazy to dream of victory over a country that has Siberia and Baikal.” It is complemented by the future ataman Grigory Semenov, recalling the same days: “The richness of the harvest was confirmed by the sight of the fields harvested and covered with golden sheaves of grain. Everywhere at the stations, work was in full swing: mountains of various goods were waiting in line to be sent to their destinations; heavily loaded trains transported endless echelons of troops and the products of Siberian labor to the west to the front - butter, leather, meat, bread, livestock, timber, etc., etc.”

Alas, the great war, which crippled Russia on its rise, upset all expectations of the great future of Siberia. The problems of the empire were so acute and neglected that resettlement alone was not enough to prevent revolution. A reflection of the ambiguity and inconsistency of Stolypin’s policy was that Siberia was simultaneously both Kolchak’s base and the base of the Bolshevik partisan movement. Let’s not forget the participation that Tobolsk peasant Grigory Rasputin took in the death of the Romanov dynasty, and the fact that the image of the authorities was greatly tarnished by the Lena execution at the Baikal mines.

In Soviet times, Siberia was again exploited in a colonial way - through the Gulag and exiled settlers. Its natural resources were extracted using barbaric methods, without any regard for the environment. Stalin's predation was replaced by Brezhnev's lure to the BAM, but those reaching for the long ruble for the most part considered their stay in Siberia as temporary, which is responsible for the significant outflow of the population in the post-Soviet years.

But the former resettlement to Siberia also had an unexpected continuation. The virgin lands epic of Nikita Khrushchev became a tragic and farcical repetition of tsarist policy in the Soviet way. It was partly generated by his memories of his childhood in the Kursk village, when he heard many stories about immigrants to Siberia and saw neighboring families going there for a better life.

Numbers

7 million sable skins with a market price of 11 million rubles were obtained by hunters in Siberia from 1621 to 1690. About a third of the furs went to the state mainly through the collection of yasak (tribute).

80.1% (106 tons) of the total gold production in Russia in 1845-1850 was provided by Siberian mines. This allowed the Russian Empire to take first place in the world in terms of gold production in 1846-1848.

93.8% of butter exported from Russia at the beginning of the 20th century was produced in Siberia.

Trade turnover on the Trans-Siberian Railway increased 4 times in 1900-1913 (from 45 million to 200 million poods). The export of grain from Siberia to the European part of Russia increased from 13 million poods at the end of the 19th century to 60 million poods in 1913.

stolypin peasant community farming

The Russian population penetrated into Siberia long before the Ermakov expedition (1581-1584). Traders, hunters, and later fugitives came here, among whom there were many educated, cultured people seeking to serve the education of the people. These people also include the Decembrists.

Other factors contributing to the development of Siberia: officials remaining in Siberia at their place of duty; Peasants were sent here by the government to build mountains, fortresses, and open mines and mines. By the middle of the 19th century, there were already about 1 million Russian inhabitants in Siberia.

After the reform of 1861, the resettlement of peasants to Siberia was not encouraged, since landowners were deprived of cheap labor. Materials from the archive indicate that those who applied in 1889 with a request to resettle 15 peasant farms in the Korsun district of the Siberian province were refused by the government after two years. Then the peasants themselves left using short-term passports, but the government did not provide any assistance to the displaced. But the active factor in the resettlement was the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway. So, in 1893, 56 thousand people arrived in Siberia, and in 1895 - already 107 thousand. It is at the intersection railway tracks and the city of Novonikolaevsk, now Novosibirsk, arose.

In 1910, Prime Minister Stolypin, together with the Minister of Agriculture, manager of the Peasant and Noble Banks, his right hand A.V. Krivoshein toured the land management areas of Western Siberia and the Volga region, according to the Decree of September 19, 1906, the best part of the land reserves of Western Siberia - the lands of his cabinet Imperial Majesty- entered for the resettlement of peasants European Russia. The return from the head of government's visit to the field was quick and concrete, which is typical for Stolypin in general and is even now used by our government.

“One of the consequences of the trip is an increase in the import of improved breeds of livestock and poultry from abroad, assistance in the construction of new dwellings and outbuildings through preferential or free supply of materials. The sharp increase in agricultural courses throughout the country (the number of students from 1906 to 1914 increased by 31.2 times) revived the work of zemstvo agronomists and sharply increased the social significance of the profession, new agricultural institutes began to be created, and annual gatherings of rural owners were held in the provinces.”

Stolypin and Krivoshein, no less than the settlers themselves, “were amazed and rejoiced at their free, healthy, successful life in new places, their good villages, even entire cities, where three years ago there was not a single person... And this is only for the initial four years, when the collection bread rose to 4 billion poods.”

Stolypin poses and solves a triune technical task to ensure the success of this policy: organizing local land management, laying railways and dirt roads, preparing a decent reception for the settlers.

“You can’t abandon migrants somewhere in the taiga without financial assistance to the mercy of fate, but you can’t accept resettled lands everywhere for government rations... Resettlement must preserve its main thing precious property - natural process in Russian folk life." 31

In 1910, mass production of the so-called “Stolypin cars” began. They differed from ordinary ones in that their rear part was a room the entire width of the carriage, which was intended for peasant livestock and equipment.

“As for the settlers, the revolution of 1905, which showed the landowners the political awakening of the peasantry, forced them to “open the valve” a little and, instead of the previous obstacles to resettlement, try to “defuse” the atmosphere in Russia, try to sell more restless peasants to Siberia.”

According to the Stolypin reform, peasants began to receive monetary compensation for their allotment when leaving the community, but the Populists, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Cadets were skeptical about the idea of ​​mass resettlement and were in favor of preserving the community, since it was more convenient for them to spread revolutionary ideas among poor peasants. By doubling the population of Siberia in just a few years, Stolypin ensured that it was firmly secured by the Russian state.

“With a sharp increase in the flow of immigrants, the share per capita has already decreased to 12 acres. Land resources were quickly melting, and they tried to give new settlers better land at the expense of the local population. All this could not but affect the relationship between old-timers and new settlers.

However, the latter were still allowed to settle as long as there was enough land for both. Aware of the large material costs of reform, Stolypin understood that a balance of state and personal interests was necessary. He was sure that the call for peasants to move in the name of state expediency will not find a response in their hearts if they do not see in this a very tangible benefit for themselves and their descendants.”

In the first years, the settlers lived in dugouts; many did not like this, as rumors were spread about how easy it was to get rich in the fabulously rich Siberia. But when reality became completely different, the gullible quickly became disappointed and rushed back. The poor harvest of 1911 also played a role. But this does not give the right to say this: “The colossal percentage of returning settlers, reaching, for example, in the lean year of 1911, up to 64%, indicates the collapse of the Stolypin reform.”

But some peasants returned back to the center of Russia (3 million left, 2 million returned), thereby replenishing the ranks of the urban or rural proletariat.

A significant surge in returnees in 1910 and 1911 is explained by the fact that the relevant services did not have time to find the studied places for the avalanche of settlers.

But among the settlers and the local population there were contradictions on a religious basis: the old residents were Old Believers, the new settlers were the state, Nikonian religion, and the Old Believers often did not attend church; the new settlers needed it.

In 1910, 48 churches and 98 schools were built in Siberia. But Stolypin believes that this is not enough to expand construction. Mixed marriages between old and new residents were not allowed and were extremely rare. This deprived the young family of help to start a household, but in the future it saved them from dispossession.

Stolypin wanted to understand why people were returning, and came to the conclusion that it was necessary to introduce a number of serious amendments and clarifications to the resettlement policy. The settlers went to the taiga with reluctance, but there was a real pilgrimage to Altai.

Being a principled supporter of private property and categorically rejecting the community, Stolypin, however, believed that at the stage of mass resettlement the most important thing was the speedy inclusion of all settlers in economic circulation, as well as the development of infrastructure - the construction of roads and the like.

19th century– this is the time when the economy and life of the peoples of Europe changed beyond recognition. Cities grew, scientific discoveries were made, and more and more people received education in schools. The government structure of some countries has also changed. The Russian Empire remained a country where serfdom and unlimited tsarist power still existed. Only since the second half of the 19th century have changes been felt in the country. Russian peasants received freedom, reforms began in the army, in administration, in the courts. Siberian region remained a remote, undeveloped territory.

Only in the 19th century were clear boundaries and a system of governance established in Eastern Siberia and the Far East

Not all indigenous Siberian peoples have yet been brought under the “high sovereign hand.” The Chukchi, Koryaks, and Itelmens for the most part did not yet recognize the royal power; they paid yasak only according to at will and then in exchange for gifts. But the state determined their position as foreigners - subjects of His Majesty.

The activities of Russian-American campaign, The company played a huge role in the formation of capital of Siberian merchants. Investing money in organizing a fur trade on the Pacific islands, merchants exchanged furs for Chinese tea, which was sent for sale to Siberia, Central Russia, and Western Europe. The development of Alaska was very difficult and it had to be ceded to the United States in 1867 for $7.2 million in gold. The easternmost part of the country is bordered by the Pacific Ocean.

A separate story is connected with the capture of the Amur River. In the second half of the 1840s, two research expeditions were sent to the Amur region. The initiative to resolve the Amur issue was taken into his own hands by the General Governor of Eastern Siberia, Nikolai Nikolaevich Muravyov. In his report to Emperor Nicholas I, he indicated that “Siberia is owned by the one who has the left bank and the mouth of the Amur in his hands.” Actions to capture the Amur began in 1854, when, under the personal command of Muravyov, a battalion of soldiers and a hundred Transbaikal Cossacks were transferred to the mouth of the river. Some of the arriving troops immediately went to Kamchatka, where the port of Petropavlovsky was attacked by the Anglo-French squadron. The defenders of the port, in a fierce battle, were able to overturn the enemy landing force into the sea and drive away the enemy squadron with artillery fire. Russia gained a foothold in the lower reaches of the Amur. From that moment on, Russia collided with the interests of China, and Muravyov received official authority to negotiate with the Chinese side regarding the conclusion of a new border treaty. China and Russia were not interested in the penetration of any third state into the Amur land, so they signed an agreement according to which the left bank of the Amur went to Russia, and the territories east of the Ussuri River were recognized as joint possessions. In 1860, these lands were recognized as Russian possessions. The border was defined for “eternal times, indestructible.” The main merit in annexing the lands of the Northern Amur and Primorye belongs to N.N. Muravyov, who was awarded the title of Count of Amur for his activities.

By the time of the conclusion of treaties with China, the Amur and Primorye regions were poorly populated; the entire indigenous population did not exceed 13 thousand people. Therefore, the government’s first task was to build strongholds and attract the Russian population and military units to the region. In 1850, Nikolaevsk on the Amur was founded, in 1858 - Blagoveshchensk and Khabarovsk, in 1860 - Vladivostok (since 1872, Russia's main naval base on the Pacific Ocean).

The first settlers in the Far East were the Transbaikal Cossacks, and at the end of the 19th century, a massive resettlement of Cossacks from the European part of the country began: Don, Orenburg, Kuban, Terek, Ural. The first peasants arrived on the Amur in 1859 in the number of 110 people. It took two to three years to get there, often stopping along the way due to illness, bad weather, muddy roads, and in search of income. And in 1880, the voyage of the steamship “Moskva” opened sea communications between Odessa and Vladivostok.

The settlement of the region continued successfully with the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway . Sea and rail transportation made it possible to reduce travel time to two to three months, but the fate of the settlers was still full of hardships: great overcrowding on ships and in carriages, meager and poor-quality food, illness. As a result, many did not make it to their destination.

General results resettlement movement to the Far East are as follows:

From 1861 to 1901 - 116,616 people, of which 81.8% were peasants, 9% Cossacks, 9.2% non-agricultural population. By 1897, there were 222,856 people in the Primorsky region, 120,880 people in the Amur region.

If the development of Siberia is considered schematically and abstractly, as, say, computer game“Civilization”, then the processes that took decades and centuries will turn out to be only logically determined moves necessary to move to the next level of the game: building a culture.

The brief era of the conquest of the Kuchumov Khanate is replaced by the history of pioneers, Cossack freemen and service Cossacks, which occupied the entire 17th century and left the first forts throughout Siberia. Some of them eventually develop into cities, which become launching pads for expeditions exploring the annexed space. Its outline appears, it is filled with factories, mines, fairs and villages. Culture takes the longest time to mature within a civilization. If it weren’t for Pyotr Pavlovich Ershov, a native of the Siberian village of Bezrukovo, who wrote fairy tale about the Little Humpbacked Horse, then Siberia would not have heard its own voice until late XIX century, when the first works of art were born here. At the same time, interest in the epic tales of the indigenous peoples of Siberia arose, the first Siberian university was opened in Tomsk and Polytechnical Institute, gymnasiums appeared, real schools, newspapers, magazines, museums... What happened? Civilization has moved to the level of culture. To do this, it was necessary to solve the most difficult task previous level: fill Siberia with people.

History letters

The genius of Lomonosov, who believed that “people of both sexes who wander here in Russia in vain or should be exiled for crimes” should be sent to Siberia, was quite consistent with the spirit XVIII century. Exile to Siberia, starting with Peter, for almost two hundred years was the main way of “colonizing” the region. It was assumed that those exiled or sent to settlement at the end of their hard labor would remain in Siberia forever, and then “a new place and new circumstances will change their custom...”. This risky forecast did not come true. “Forced colonization” did not play a dominant role in the development of Siberia. Although they were exiled widely, on a grand scale. When listing the categories of those exiled to settlement or hard labor, you involuntarily catch yourself thinking that you are sorting out the letters of Russian history.



Streltsy: after the Streltsy rebellion, so many of them were exiled that in Siberia, as Matvey Lyubavsky writes in the book “Russian Colonization,” “at that time there was almost not a single prison where there were no exiled Streltsy.”

Don and Zaporozhye Cossacks: the first went to Siberia after the Bulavinsky rebellion, the second after Catherine II dispersed the Zaporozhye Sich.

Captured Swedes: exiled to Siberia in 1711 for attempting to escape from their designated place of residence in the Kazan province. Among them, by the way, was Philipp Johann von Strahlenberg, who became passionate about Siberia, took part in the first scientific expedition, which was undertaken by Peter’s associate, botanist Daniel Gottlieb Messerschmidt, and compiled one of the best descriptions of Siberia of that time.

Old Believers: in the 70s of the 18th century, Catherine II expelled schismatics from the Starodub forests who had previously fled from the Moscow region to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. They were evicted to Altai and the Selenga flowing into Baikal. Everywhere they settled down in the best possible way: before the revolution they were considered the most prosperous peasants in Siberia and, because of their strong families, were called “semeiskie”.

Poles: who did not want to be subjects of the Russian Empire and raised uprisings every thirty years...

Exiled for political reasons: the first was, it seems, Alexander Radishchev, whose journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow ended with a trip to Tobolsk. It is difficult to cover the later ones: here are the Decembrists, the Petrashevites, and the revolutionaries of the 1870-1880s, then the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Social Democrats of all stripes.

Fugitive peasants: many captured fugitives were exiled to Siberia during the heyday of serfdom (at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries).

Those exiled “for insolence” should be considered a special case; A decree allowing landowners to exile their peasants for the mere appearance of disobedience was issued in 1760. These settlers settled the areas along the Barabinsk steppe to Tomsk.

In general, as Lomonosov pointed out, Siberia turned out to be a huge bag into which various “restless elements” could be dumped. Even peasant and petty-bourgeois societies by law had the right to exile to Siberia members of the village community they did not like or those who disturbed the urban peace. In the 30-40s of the 19th century, about 6 thousand people with their families ended up in Siberia in this way. It is curious that during this time, landowners also sent a little more people to Siberia: in total, about 8 thousand people during the entire reign of Nicholas I. The picture will be incomplete if we exclude from it criminals exiled for criminal offenses and convicts who were sent to prison. mines and mining factories for especially serious crimes. Until 1760, a reference to “hard labor” meant being sent to hard labor in the Baltic port of Rogervik; after “hard labor” - definitely Siberia. According to the verdicts of criminal courts and orders of local authorities, more than 350 thousand people were sent to Siberia during the reign of Nicholas.

Secret migrants

Nevertheless, the number of people exiled to Siberia for imaginable and unimaginable sins was many times less than the number of those who made their way beyond the Urals on their own. For some, Siberia was synonymous with exile and humiliation, for others, on the contrary, it was a territory of freedom and independence. As Matvey Lyubavsky writes, “each capitation census revealed in Siberia the so-called “registered people” who were not included in the previous census”: they were fugitives from conscription, from serfdom. Sometimes fugitives founded entire colonies in Siberia, which remained unknown to the authorities for a long time. Thus, in the inaccessible part of the Bukhtarma region, known as Stone, 30 villages of free settlers arose in the mountains. “The masons lived quietly and peacefully and only occasionally came alone to the villages of the Altai factories district to get salt for themselves.” They wanted to become Chinese citizens, but in 1790 they announced their existence to the government and were forgiven. History almost exactly repeated itself several decades later in the Tara district of the Tobolsk province, where the village of Kirillinskaya, assigned to the Treasury Chamber only in 1860, lived secretly for a long time; in the Tomsk province there were many villages, the existence of which the local administration learned about only after they began surveying the land.

What's the matter? And the fact that already in early XIX centuries peasants middle zone Russia began to feel a shortage of land. Paul I became interested in the idea of ​​relocating state peasants to Siberia, whom he called - in his dreams! - “state settlers” and with whom he intended to populate Siberia, establish proper agriculture and cattle breeding here, and set up yuft factories (yuft is specially tanned leather. - Ed.) for trade with China. The settlers were promised 30 hectares of land, tools and seeds, bread for a year and a half and exemption from taxes for ten years; but whether due to the murder of Paul or because the question had not yet matured, it remained a fantasy.

However, with each passing decade it became more acute; At first it was not noticed, then it was postponed, but the flow of willful migrants to Siberia did not dry up. For the active resettlement of peasants to fertile lands Southern Siberia was headed by Mikhail Speransky, the former closest adviser to Alexander I, who was removed from St. Petersburg by him to the post of Governor-General of Siberia. It was already clear to him that this region “would not be made public” by the exiles. He managed to obtain the right for state peasants to move to Siberia, but it was formulated too generally and did not entail any real movement. Only in 1839 was the government of Nicholas I able to offer a simple, profitable and affordable resettlement program. The Ministry of State Property was created, the head of which, Count Kiselev, ordered the organization of a number of measures to resettle peasants in Tobolsk, Tomsk and Yenisei province. The settlers were given a non-repayable loan in money, agricultural tools and livestock and were given an eight-year exemption from taxes and duties and a three-year exemption from conscription. The migrants were even charged arrears at their previous place of residence. In total, during the years of the reign of Nicholas I, as they said then, 32 thousand souls moved to Siberia: this turned out to be ten times less than were exiled, and yet this measure became an undoubted success of the government. All these peasants settled down perfectly in their new places of residence. Data collected in the 80s and 90s of the 19th century show that the villages founded by the “Kiselevsky” settlers reached a flourishing state...

However, the issue stalled until the liberation of the peasants and even after it. Only since 1889, when, in fact, all restrictions were lifted, the number of peasant migrants began to grow noticeably: in 1892, 84,200 peasants moved to Siberia, the next - 61,435, in 1896 - already 202 thousand, in 1898 - 206 thousand, in 1899 - 224 thousand. The reasons for relocation were usually given as “the inability to exist” and the desire to “work for oneself.” In the provinces of Central Russia, the peasant world began to disintegrate: there was not enough arable land, then grazing meadows, or forests. 2 million people lived by waste farming.

"Novel" by Gennady Solovyov

About twenty years ago, when I was visiting the writer Mikhail Tarkovsky in the village of Bakhta, Turukhansky district, I had an interesting conversation with the commercial hunter Gennady Solovyov. He respected writing, but Tarkovsky's stories about Bakhta and its inhabitants did not seem to fully satisfy him. He would like to see something more. Novel. Let's say about how an exile is sent from Russia here, to the Turukhansk region. Some social democrat. Or not, Gene probably doesn’t give a damn about the Social Democrats. Better than a peasant. And so the man, while he is dragging along in a convoy, while the steamer is dragging a barge with settlers, keeps thinking that he will certainly die here, will perish in the desert, in the cold. And he arrives and suddenly sees that he has arrived... on a wonderful land. Abundant, free. Forests - in bulk, game - in bulk, fish - in bulk. The climate is cheerful and healthy. People are strong, free, not worn out by the Russian gendarmerie, not polluted. Just be happy! Just live! And he begins to live... Gennady Solovyov himself was born and raised in Bakhta, he did not imagine Siberia, he loves it organically. But here’s what’s interesting: once you think about the idea of ​​such a “novel,” very interesting things inevitably open up.

Firstly, Gena is right: none of the political exiles are suitable for the immaculate life and joy in the lap of nature he envisions and, therefore, cannot become the hero of his novel. Thousands of them passed here, but no one seemed to even show interest in the region where he was destined to live for five or ten years. Everyone wanted to return to Russia or abroad, everyone remained in the blinders of their political beliefs. There are a few exceptions. For example, Dmitry Aleksandrovich Klements, a landowner who, having been exiled in 1879 to Eastern Siberia, soon made several scientific expeditions in Siberia and Mongolia, and returning to St. Petersburg at the end of the century, became first a senior ethnographer at the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences, and then - organizer of the ethnographic department of the Russian Museum... A similar path was taken by Vladimir Germanovich Bogoraz-Tan, a Narodnaya Volya member exiled in 1889 to Srednekolymsk: here he was suddenly absorbed in interest in the culture of the Chukchi, began studying them, and upon release from exile returned to Chukotka with expedition led by the American anthropologist Franz Boas. The result was Bogoraz’s classic and, it seems, still unsurpassed work, “The Chukchi.” But - importantly - both Clements and Bogoraz-Tan eventually returned to Russia and did not remain in Siberia. Siberia became the true homeland only for peasants.

It is amazing that, despite the titanic efforts of the autocracy, the role of convicts, exiles and settlers in the development of Siberia turned out to be depressingly small. The role of hard labor was reduced to zero when the Nerchinsk silver mines were worked out, and the gold mines on the Kara were so depleted that they were considered possible to give them into the hands of private industrialists. The allocation for settlement turned out to be a purely bureaucratic utopia. One of the researchers of hard labor and exile, the future “apostle of anarchy” Prince Peter Kropotkin, who after graduating from the Corps of Pages entered the Amur Cossack Army, writes that of the half a million people deported to Siberia over the sixty years of the 19th century, only 130 thousand were later listed on administrative lists - the rest disappeared to an unknown location. There were attempts to build houses for settlers at public expense - as a result, entire villages remained empty; They gave peasants 50 rubles if someone would marry their daughter to a settler, but, as a rule, this did not tempt anyone. Spoiled by stages and lacking life skills in these parts, no one needed sons-in-law. At least 100 thousand people were “on the run” every year, making their way from Siberia to the west or to God knows where. In some areas, hunting for “humpbacks” (as the fugitives were called) among local mestizo hunters turned into a form of cruel hunting. In general, according to Kropotkin’s conclusion, apart from some positive influence of Russian and Polish political exiles on the development of crafts and the same influence on the development of agriculture of sectarian peasants and Ukrainians, the century and a half history of state colonization of Siberia did not produce anything...

Meanwhile, Siberia turned out to be populated by millions of Russians who came here on their own, without anyone’s help: and if in America the movement to the west became a symbol of vitality and eternal youth of an easy-to-rise nation, then in Russia the east did not become the same symbol only because he was initially soiled by slavery and hard labor and then, in Soviet time, in yet to a greater extent- Gulag experience.

Reading Kropotkin

The mentioned Prince Kropotkin, having graduated from the Corps of Pages, could, due to his origin and brilliant academic success, end up as a page in the retinue of one of the great princes or the emperor himself. However, the time of the Great Reforms and, as it seemed to him, the great transformation of Russia in 1862 had not yet passed, and he easily exchanged the “brilliant” life of a court page for a dog’s hat and the uniform of an officer of the Amur Cossack Army. Moreover, the “political climate” of Eastern Siberia was quite peculiar. “In 1862,” writes Kropotkin, “the highest Siberian administration was much more enlightened and, in general, much better than the administration of any province in European Russia. The post of Governor-General of Eastern Siberia was held for several years by a remarkable man, Count N.N. Muravyov<…>He was very smart, very active, charming as a person and wanted to work for the benefit of the region. Like all people of action of the government school, at heart he was a despot; but Muravyov at the same time held extreme opinions, and a democratic republic would not have fully satisfied him. He managed to get rid of almost all the old officials who looked at Siberia as a region that could be robbed with impunity...” That was the time when, due to the weakening of China, Russia gained possession of the Amur (now Khabarovsk) and Primorsky territories. It was necessary to quickly populate these places, at least along the Russian-Chinese border. Governor Muravyov acted in his characteristic manner: “Exiled convicts who have served time in hard labor<…>returned civil rights and converted to the Transbaikal Cossack Army. Then some of them were settled along the Amur and Ussuri. Thus, two more new ones arose Cossack troops. Then Muravyov achieved the release of thousands of convicts (mostly murderers and robbers), whom he decided to settle as free migrants along the lower reaches of the Amur.<…>Russian peasant women almost always voluntarily follow their exiled husbands to Siberia.<...>But there were also single ones<…>Governor General<…>ordered the release of the convicts and invited them to choose husbands. There was no time to waste. The hollow water subsided in Shilka, the rafts had to be removed. Then Muravyov ordered the settlers to stand on the shore in pairs, blessed them and said: “I am crowning you, children. Be kind to each other; husbands, do not offend your wives and live happily.” I saw these new residents six years after the scene described. The villages were poor; the fields had to be recaptured from the taiga, but, in general, Muravyov’s idea came true, and the marriages he entered into were no less happy than marriages in general ... "



Kropotkin served in Siberia for five years, participated in the delivery of grain to settlers on the Amur, in two expeditions and as a result wrote about himself: “...I began to understand not only people and human character, but also the hidden springs of social life. I was clearly aware of the creative work of the unknown masses, which is rarely mentioned in books<…>I saw, for example, how the Doukhobors moved to the Amur; I saw how many benefits their semi-communist life gave them and how amazingly they settled down where other settlers failed<…>I also lived among wandering foreigners and saw what a complex social system they had developed, in addition to any influence of civilization<…>Through direct observation, I understood the role that unknown masses play in major historical events: migrations, wars, the development of forms of social life. And I came to the same thoughts about leaders and the crowd that L.N. expresses. Tolstoy in his great work War and Peace.

Railways as an engine of progress

And yet, some of the conclusions of the rebel prince should be considered extreme. The influence of the administration and private capital obviously affected the settlement of the Primorsky Territory, when the government, in 1882, introduced the transportation of settlers at public expense on Volunteer Fleet steamships (250 families annually). Then came the turn of the Siberian Railway, which, despite its colossal length of 6,500 kilometers, was built in record time (1891-1904), while its construction was accompanied by geological exploration of most of Siberia, from the Urals and Altai to Kamchatka and Chukotka Peninsula. This enterprise was cosmopolitan: French and American companies took part in it, which, perhaps, caused a wave of aesthetic attention to the highway, symbolizing the connection of West and East. In 1901 Louis Marin, the future political figure during the Third Republic, an ethnographer and anthropologist, traveled along the newly built highway to Russia and Manchuria, which resulted in a series of fantastic photographs. In 1913, the French poet Blaise Cendrars, without leaving France, wrote the poem “Prose about the Trans-Siberian Express...”, in which he expressed his impressions of the exotic journey in pathetic stanzas. Somewhat later, another exotic seeker, Joseph Delteil, followed in his mental footsteps. He describes the port of Nikolaevsk-on-Amur in terms of extreme exaltation, which cannot but cause a smile: “Two Tangut youths, carefree and pure, sang the song of the snow, climbing onto the roof of the carriage where the board of the international port company was located. Sart women (Sarts live in Uzbekistan - editor's note), dressed in dormouse fur coats, drank mare's milk from porcelain cups. Old lolo people (lolo live in Vietnam and surrounding countries South-East Asia. - Approx. ed.) stroked their beards in silence. The girls of Nikolaevsk, with rouged faces, painted nails and painted nipples, walked back and forth in the midst of all this pandemonium, slightly brushing the stern Tibetans or Kalmyks with their silk dresses embroidered with storks and sometimes hugging a young Mongol with their thin, fragrant arms...” Oh, the poet’s fantasy! Where is Nikolaevsk, where is Tibet and where is Kalmykia! Of course, just the repetition of the names of Siberian and Far Eastern peoples sounds like the recitative of a shaman and can throw a sensitive soul into a trance. Altaians, Aleuts (residents of the Commander Islands), Buryats, Dolgans, Nganasans, Enets (Taimyr), Itelmens, Kyrgyz, Koreans, Koryaks (Kamchatka), Kets (Yenisei), Mansi, Khanty (Western Siberia), Nanais, Negidals, Orochi, Tuvinians, Udege, Ulchi (Amur), Nenets, Nivkh (Sakhalin, Lower Amur), Oroks (Sakhalin), Tatars, Teleuts (Altai), Tofalars (Irkutsk region), Khakass, Khamnigans (Transbaikalia), Chukchi, Chulyms (Tomsk, Krasnoyarsk), Evenks (Krasnoyarsk Territory, Yakutia), Evens (Okhotsk coast), Eskimos, Yukaghirs (Chukotka)…



Some number several hundred people, others, like the Yakuts, number several hundred thousand, some belong to the Paleo-Asian peoples and are related to the American Indians; others are relatives of the Turks, Mongols, Finno-Ugric peoples, others - unexpectedly, like the Kets, are close to the Chinese and, like the Nivkhs and Ulchi, are involved in the cultural orbit of the Far Eastern civilization. The fourth are typical inhabitants of the taiga, tundra and sea coasts with amazing practices of living in extremely harsh natural conditions.

It seems that we have deviated from the topic, but this is not so: the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway largely summed up 300 years of settlement of Siberia and the Far East. By the beginning of the twentieth century, up to 4.5 million Russians and “Siberians” (old-timers of the region) and half a million indigenous peoples lived here, who managed to share their culture and experience with experience European civilization only in the twentieth century.

The example of Vladivostok, one of the youngest cities of the Russian Empire, founded in 1860 by the crew of the sailing ship Manchu, clearly demonstrates to us the transformation of an outpost into a cultural and administrative center. In 1890, the population of Vladivostok was 14 thousand people. It seems that there is nothing to expect from a town with such a population. But the newspaper “Vladivostok” has been published since 1883, in 1884 the Society for the Study of the Amur Region was formed, and in 1890 the Society’s museum was created. The city became a launching pad for the expeditions of Nikolai Przhevalsky and Vladimir Arsenyev. It is almost unbelievable that in 1899 the Oriental Institute was created in this tiny town. An institute of cultural studies of its kind. Russia met the great cultures of the Far East... and rushed to study them! First of all, languages: Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Manchu. The base of the Pacific Navy is being transferred to Vladivostok. It is not surprising that soon after the revolution this nerve node was quickly restored and its population in 1926 was already estimated at one hundred thousand people! We have yet to see what fruits Siberia has brought to Russian culture: Mikhail Lunin and Fyodor Dostoevsky found their pen here; the northern expeditions of Georgy Sedov, Vladimir Rusanov and Alexander Kolchak returned heroism and romanticism to culture at the time of its “decadence”; the paintings of Alexander Borisov sprinkled Arctic flavor into the palette of Russian painting. But more about this, perhaps, later...

Post-reform migrants whose grandfathers, fathers, or they themselves moved to Siberia in the second half of the 19th century. from various places in the European part of Russia, unlike old-timers, as a rule, they remember the places where their ancestors came from, right down to the name of the county or village. Moreover, this memory was often preserved in the names of new villages or their parts - streets, ends, edges: the village of Vilenka - from the Vilna province, Kazanka - from the Kazan province, Vilna and Vitebsk territories in the village. Novikovka Asinovsky district, etc. For example, the village of Sukhareva near the village. Petukhovo, according to residents, was founded at the end of the 19th century. natives of the village of Sukhareva, Ufa province. Descendants of Poles and Belarusians from the village of Kudrovo Tomsk district . 1975 Photo by P.E. Bardina The study of toponymy provides rich material not only about the indigenous inhabitants of places, but also about the history of later settlement. For example, in the book by N.I. Fliginskikh. (2011, pp. 23-82) provide many examples on the history of the names of resettlement settlements in the Zyryansky region. So the village of Yaranka, which arose at the beginning of the twentieth century, was named in memory of the Yaran River in the Yaransky district of the Vyatka province, where the settlers were from (Ibid., p. 82). The village of Ilovka was first mentioned in 1852 and was named so by peasant settlers from the village. Ilovka, Biryuchinsky district, Voronezh province (Ibid., p. 39). The village of Dubrovka in the Zyryansky district, founded in 1852 by settlers from the Kaluga province, was originally called the village of Kalutskaya (Ibid., p. 35). The village of Berlinka was founded in the 1890s. immigrants from the Kursk and Penza provinces (Ibid., p. 27). In the village of Zyryansky, one of the parts of the village was called Khokhlovka, as it was inhabited by settlers from Ukraine (Ibid., p. 77). The villages of Vambali, Linda, Berezovka, and the village of Slobodinka were founded at the beginning of the twentieth century. Estonian immigrants (Ibid., pp. 29, 66). The Petrashkevich farm and Adolkin vysel were founded by the Pole Petrashkevich at the beginning of the 20th century. (Ibid., pp. 23, 61). Latvian Brokan Yu.A., born in 1899 – resident of the village of Rezhenki, Tomsk region. 1975 Photo by P.E. Bardina From 1864 to 1914 3,687 thousand people moved to Siberia (Russian Old-Timers, 1973, p. 125), among whom immigrants from southern Russia predominated (80.9%) (History of Siberia, 1968, vol. 3, p. 23). Over the years, people from Kursk, Tambov, Oryol, Tula, Ryazan, Poltava, Chernigov, Kharkov, Voronezh and other provinces moved to the Tomsk province (Solovieva E.I., 1981, p. 84; Lebedeva A.A., 1974, p. 204). In addition to the Russians, among the settlers were Ukrainians and Belarusians, who contributed to the formation of the modern image of the Siberian people. Within the Tomsk region, most migrants settled in the central regions, where the population at the beginning of the twentieth century. 70-90% consisted of immigrants (Aleksandrovsky M.G., 1925, pp. 72-85). The suburban Tomsk region with old-timer villages, except for the Lower Tomsk region, was relatively little affected by this movement, and even less affected the remote and harsh Narym region. Many of the descendants of the settlers recall the stories of their ancestors, how they went as walkers and chose a place for resettlement, that they “went to the free lands, under the king,” when they were allowed to go, they gave loans for the establishment, how they said that in Siberia, rolls grow on birch trees, etc. Despite the diversity of those who migrated, they often formed compact groups of people from the same places, settling either in separate villages or in streets ending in the villages of old-timers. For example, in the village. Batkat of the Shegarsky district, along with old-timers, lived Tambov, Kursk, Smolensk and Vitebsk settlers (Safyanova A.V., 1979, p. 28). Often people from different places lived in neighboring villages, for example, in the village. Voronezh settlers settled in Novo-Kuskovo and Mitrofanovka of the Zyryansky district, Kaluga settlers settled in the village of Dubrovka, Penza settlers settled in the village of Mishutino, and from the Kazan province settled in the village of Kazanka (Safyanova A.V.. 1979, p. 28). According to our materials, in the villages of the Lower Tomsk region at the end of the 19th - first half of the 20th centuries. there was a very mixed composition of residents, which included Russian old-timers, Old Believers, post-reform settlers - Russians, Belarusians, Ukrainians, Poles, Latvians, etc. Among the residents were descendants of baptized and Russified indigenous peoples, who were called Yasashny and remembered that they were not included in the tsarist army they took it, and the Tatars are Muslims (Bardina P.E., 2000, pp. 47-50). At the same time, there was often a movement of residents within one region. In the Kizhirovsky settlement (village of Kizhirovo), which arose at the end of the 19th century, by the beginning of the 20th century. old residents and settlers lived “from all over the empire, even from the distant Warsaw province” (Buzanova V.A., 2000, p. 57). The village of Pesochnaya was founded in 1882 by settlers from the Elgai and Bogorodskaya volosts of the Tomsk district, and received its name, most likely, in memory of the village of Pesochno-Gorelskaya, from which the majority of the inhabitants were (Buzanova V.A., 2000, p. 457 ). According to the stories of residents (MEE MGS, 1996 - 2003, collected by P.E. Bardina) and published data (Goncharova T.A., 2006; Buzanova V.A., 1996), this is approximately what the composition of the population of Pritomye and adjacent territories looked like in the first half XX century Population composition: Beloborodovo – Russian old-timers and settlers. Bolshe-Bragino – Russian old-timers, mostly Bragins. Vilenka - settlers, mainly Belarusians and Poles from the Vilna province. Vitebsk - Latvians. Vladimirovka - Belarusians. Gorbunovo - Yasashnye (baptized Tomsk Tatars) and Russian old-timers. Grodno (Datkovka) - immigrants Poles, Russians and Latvians. There were 2 cemeteries - Orthodox and Catholic. Dubrovka - mostly Belarusian immigrants. Zhukovo - Russian old-timers. Zaimki (Ustinova, Shcheglova, Guzhikhin, Yuryev, Myasnikova, etc.) near the village of Olgo-Sapezhenki - Old Believers. Iglakovo - old-timers, mostly Iglakovs. Ishtan Nagorny - Russian old-timers. Kizhirovo - mostly old-timers, there are immigrants. Kyrgyz women are mostly Russian old-timers, some are immigrants. Kozyulino - Russian old-timers, settlers, descendants of the Yasash people from the village of Gorbunovo. Koninino - Russian old-timers and immigrants, there are Belarusians. Krivosheino – Russian old-timers, many Krivosheins. Kudrovo - Russian old-timers, settlers, Belarusians, Poles. There were 2 cemeteries - an Orthodox and a Catholic “Polish” cemetery. Kuzovlevo - Russian old-timers, settlers, from the mid-twentieth century. - Belarusians, Chuvashs, etc. Lugovaya - Muslim Tatars and Russian old-timers. There were two cemeteries - Russian and Tatar. Malinovka - “only the Poles lived.” Mikhailovka, Shegarsky district - “Khokhols and Mints”. Mostovka - Russian and Belarusian settlers. Naumovka - mostly Russian settlers and old-timers, “it seems there weren’t even any Ukrainians,” there was one Pole, Musyalov Osip. Novo-Kievka - Ukrainian and Belarusian immigrants. Novo-Rozhdestvenka is predominantly Ukrainian immigrants. Olgo-Sapezhenka (Silantyevka) - Russian settlers, Old Believers, Belarusians, Ukrainians. Orlovka - Russian old-timers and immigrants, there are Ukrainians. Pesochnaya – settlers and old-timers. Petropavlovka - " different people , and crests, and Russians, and Poles"; Russian old-timers, Vyatka settlers. Pokrovka - “all sorts of people lived,” Russian settlers, Old Believers, Belarusians, Poles. Popadeikino – old-timers, mostly Popadeikinos. Postnikovo - mostly old-timers, there were a lot of Postnikovs. Later (from the middle of the 20th century?) - Germans, Chuvash, Mordovians, Lithuanians. Pushkarevo - Russian old-timers. Rezhenka - Latvians. Saltanakovo - Ob Tatars. Semiozerki are predominantly Old Believers, with some settlers. Spasskoye (near Troitsk) – settlers. Troitsk - mostly immigrants. Uspenka - Russian settlers, Belarusians. Chernilshchikovo – mostly old-timers, some migrants. Most of these villages have now disappeared, and residents have moved to large villages and cities in the Tomsk region. Latvian village Rezhenka, Tomsk region. 1975 Photo by P.E. Bardina The most mixed composition of the population was in the large settlement of ship repairers - Samussky Zaton, as they called it “a traveling people”. There lived Russian old-timers who left the neighboring old-timer villages (from Bragino, Kizhirovo, Krivosheino, Pozdnyakovo, Trubachevo, etc.), Russian settlers from the Vyatka province (specialists - watermen, captains) and other places, Old Believers from Semiozerki and forest villages, Tatars - Muslims from the village of Lugovoi, descendants of the Russified Yasash people from the village of Gorbunova, descendants of Ukrainian, Belarusian and Polish, Latvian immigrants from surrounding villages. During the Second World War, German families from the Volga region were exiled to Samus and surrounding villages. Language and identity. At the first contacts between the old residents and the settlers, attention was first paid to the differences in language and clothing. According to the old-timers, “them, the Russians, sometimes you couldn’t understand what they were saying.” “They have a different conversation,” they said about Ukrainians. “The Vyatkas had their own dialect.” Due to the peculiarities of their dialect, some settlers were called “tsovokalki”, others - “chekali”, “chekalki”. Old-timer Litusova (Krivosheina) N.E., born in 1910. from the village of Zhukova, Krivosheinsky district, recalled: “Our people said “FAQ”, only two “checked”. In the language of the Russified descendants of Ukrainians and Belarusians, some words from the language of their ancestors were preserved: “ganok” - porch; “pranik” - roller; “rumen” - ruble; “rich” - flower; “fortka” - gate; “oprich” - separately; “roshina” - leaven; “vole” - soup; “ists” - there are; “pellet” - ladder; “good” - good; “bula” instead of “was”; “u mene, u tebe” - at me, at you; garna maiden; dad, hut, robit, krychyt, etc. (MEE MGS, 1996-2003). Most of these words are understandable to the surrounding Russian population without translation. Descendants of Belarusians and Ukrainians very often registered and considered themselves Russian. Thus, a resident of the village of Samus, Ya.N. Khoroshavtsev, born in 1926, (born in Novo-Rozhdestvenka) recalled that his parents spoke Ukrainian among themselves at home, but registered themselves as Russian. He himself no longer knows the Ukrainian language and considers himself Russian (MEE MGS, 2000, volume 1, page 28). Resident of the village of Samus Bogdanova (Povalkovich) O.K., born in 1928, born in the village of Mostovka, grandfathers came from the Vilna province. She writes as a Belarusian, speaks Russian without an accent, remembers that among her relatives, “from ours,” some are written as Russian, some as Belarusian (MEE MGS, 2000, notebook 1, page 47). Voronetskaya (Usova) E.F., born in 1926, born in the village of Novo-Kievka, Krivosheinsky district, considers herself Russian, her paternal grandparents were Ukrainians, lived as a child with her grandmother in the village of Mikhailovka among Ukrainians , knows several words from the Ukrainian language. On my mother’s side, my grandfather and grandmother were Russian old-timers - the Pozdnyakovs (MEE MGS, 1997, notebook 1, sheet 23). Another story from Eremkina Malvina Ignatievna, born in 1900, is being written and considers herself Russian, and her ancestors were Poles. She was born in the village of Silantyevka, her parents came from “some Volokovyl region.” First they sent walkers - two brothers went to Siberia, chose a place in the taiga, then moved. There were many Poles in this village, even more than Russians, all moved from one place (MEE TSU, 1976, notebook 1, sheet 28). Sometimes quite complex patterns of mixed marriages emerge, perhaps only possible in our Siberian conditions, with peoples of many nationalities living together. So Chiblis N.F., born in 1944, a Pole, his parents moved to the village. Samus from the village. Bialystok, Krivosheinsky district, where “the entire village was made up of Poles,” and his ancestors came there “back under the Tsar” (MEE MGS, 2003, notebook 1, page 12). He himself knows the Polish language poorly, but he can write and considers himself a Pole, his mother was Polish, one grandmother was Russian, and his grandfather was Lithuanian. Nesterova (Chashchina) F.G., born in 1925, had a Russian grandfather on her father’s side from Vyatka, and a Polish grandfather on her mother’s side with unusual names: grandfather - Simonovich Alfons, mother - Malvina Alfonsovna. Himself F.G. considers Russian. In the household books of village councils, residents, most often even without asking, were recorded as Russians, and sometimes, for example, in the village of Kudrovo, Skutel was recorded as Russian in one book, and as a Pole in another. Cloth. Peasants of the Oryol province. Beginning XX century. The woman is wearing a suit with a paneva, typical of Southern Russia. The most noticeable differences between the old residents and the settlers were in clothing. Old-timers, especially in suburban Tomsk villages, at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. They grew relatively little flax and hemp, mainly only for threads for weaving nets, and practically did not weave, having the opportunity to buy ready-made fabrics and ready-made clothing in the city of Tomsk. The clothes of the settlers differed from the clothes of the old-timers in the predominance of homespun clothing, the presence of embroidered products, special types of outerwear made of woolen homespun, the presence of bast shoes, etc. Often the old-timers purchased or exchanged for products beautiful woven products, embroidery for men's shirts and embroidered towels from “Russian craftswomen” . Famous writer G.I. Uspensky, occupied in 1888 - 1889. affairs of settling settlers in Siberia, he aptly noticed the differences in the appearance of Tomsk Siberians and Kursk settlers. He wrote: “...if you see a tall man at work, wearing a cap, a red shirt, black corduroy or pink cotton pants and leather shoes, he is a Siberian. If in front of you... is a little man, always without a hat, always in a white homespun shirt, and in general all dressed, shod and wrapped in products of all kinds of vegetation: bast, sponge, stumps - then this is our Kursk" (Uspensky G.I., 1952, vol. XI, p. 81). The predominance of homespun canvas clothing among the settlers was to some extent connected with the economic difficulties of the first years of resettlement, when they “save money” for economic establishment. However, as research by historians has shown (Goryushkin L.M., Minenko N.A., 1984, p. 147), the composition of the settlers was very heterogeneous, and not all of them were poor. Among the settlers there were many active, enterprising people who, before moving, chose a place, walked as walkers, had the means to start their first home by selling their property at the place of departure, or earned money by hiring themselves out as workers to old-timers. (Grigoriev V.N., 1885, p. 4-5). 4. Belarusian rocker. S. Melnikovo, Shegarsky district. 1975 Photo by P.E. Bardina The researchers also noted that with the arrival of settlers, the area under flax crops increased, and they brought flax seeds best quality (Borodkina M., 1927, p. 5; Kaufman A.A., 1892, p. 37). The settlers had a more developed weaving technique - the canvas was wider due to the use of wider reeds, which they brought with them, patterned and braided weaving was used, while the old-timers wove narrow canvas and white brass tablecloths with one weft. Growing, processing and hand-weaving flax was a very labor-intensive task, so among the settlers there was an opinion that clothes made from purchased fabrics were “worn only by lazy people” who did not want to grow flax. Differences between the old-timers and settlers in the tools for processing fibrous plants persisted. The predominant spade-shaped distaffs coexisted with the South Russian combs. Even in one family, the mother-in-law could comb flax on a comb, and the daughter-in-law could comb flax on a horizontal brush, as she was accustomed to by her old-timer parents (Bardina P.E., 2009 a, p. 115). When rewinding yarn, the old-timers used longer reels than the settlers. The fact is that the length of the reel or talc determined the amount of yarn in a skein, and in European provinces it was strictly regulated by landowners, although it was not the same everywhere (Lebedeva N.I., 1956, p. 491). But in Siberia there was no such regulation, and the size of the reel was determined individually, according to the arm span of the housewife for the convenience of rewinding the yarn (Bardina P.E., 2009 a, p. 116). In their letters, the settlers wrote about what clothes they wore in Siberia and what they needed to take with them. In a letter published in the work of Grigoriev V.N. (1885, p. 189), from the Biysk district it is reported: “...Women's rituals: they walk in scarves, in coves, in coats; Soschuns [shushuns?] are not needed here, they are not worn, nor are panics. Take two skirts with you, and sell the rest, whichever is better; Take your shoes; grab 5 arshins of cloth...bring with you combs, combs, grab your reeds.” Combs and combs (with a short handle) for carding flax and reeds for the weaving mill were of great value on the farm, so they were ordered to take them with them when relocating. The fact is that these tools for processing flax and weaving were quite complex to manufacture and required a special type of wood. The different groups of the Russian population of the Tomsk Territory were especially colorfully reflected by outerwear, in which they spent most of the year in full view of their fellow villagers and when traveling to the city. The Siberian old-timer of the Narym villages could be recognized by his motley dog ​​coat, the same huge mittens - shaggy ones, a hat and good-quality leather teals. For an old-timer in Tomsk, according to the description of one observer of the early twentieth century, the most typical clothes were: “...a black sheepskin fur coat, a gray Tatar hat, pale pink pima with a brick-red jagged edge” (Altaisky B., 1906, p. 64). The clothing of different groups of settlers also differed from each other depending on their exit points. The originality of the settlers’ clothing was noted by E. Orlova (1926, p. 202): “... colorful panevas and embroidered shirts flash under yellow tanned sheepskin coats. This is not Siberian gray – Penza people are moving.” The complex of Russian women's clothing made of a shirt and poneva is considered by researchers to be more ancient compared to the complex of a shirt and sundress, but by the end of the 19th century. Ponevas were distributed only in the southern Russian provinces (Lebedeva N.I., Maslova G.S., 1967, pp. 212-213). Settlers from these provinces brought Poneva to Siberia, but it practically did not spread here. The term “poneva” itself was known among the old-timers of the Tomsk region not only as the name of a wide skirt, but also as a swear word “Oh, you understand!” (Dictionary, 1975, part 2, pp. 105-106). This term had a similar meaning in the northern Russian provinces and in the Urals, where the complex with poneva was also not widespread (Maslova G.S., Stanyukovich T.V., 1960, p. 103; Dal V.I., 1994, vol. 3, p. 750). Apparently, this term fell into the category of swear words because poneva, despite the rich ornamentation of the fabric, had the simplest cut and, from the point of view of wearers of other clothes, gave the figure a baggy and awkward look, especially since it was worn with the hem tucked under belt. For this reason, the complex with ponevoy did not become widespread in Siberia, even among the settlers themselves. Old-timers remember that the settlers arrived in bast shoes, wore embroidered canvas shirts and said that their old people were buried only in canvas clothes (MEE TSU, 1975, notebook 1, sheet 25, village of Kudrovo). With further cohabitation, the differences in clothing quickly smoothed out, and most often the settlers switched to Siberian clothing - pairs of jackets and skirts, leather shoes, fur outerwear, etc. In 1914, M.V. Krasnozhenova (1914, p. 67) noted that in the village of Pokrovka, Tomsk province, migrants still wear sundresses with white sleeves, and young people are beginning to dress like Siberians. But the settlers also influenced the clothes of the old-timers. Under the influence of settlers, embroidered and woven products with patterns became popular among old-timers - men's shirts, towels, tablecloths, etc. In general, in providing themselves with clothing, in processing plant materials for clothing and shoes, among old-timers and settlers in the Tomsk Territory, with all-Russian and all-Slavic communities, there were some differences in the level of development of weaving, in tools and the degree of development of local materials. It was typical for the old-timers to preserve some archaic techniques and tools while simultaneously disappearing the traditions of hand weaving. The settlers brought new regional differences in tools, complex types of weaving, self-spinning wheels and developed experience in flax growing. (Bardina P.E., 2009 a, pp. 111 – 131). More consistently, until the mid-twentieth century, the Old Believers retained their originality in clothing and appearance: wearing a beard and untucked shirts tied with a woven belt for men, a headdress, sundresses and shirts for women, and preserving homespun clothing. Thus, in the first quarter of the twentieth century. In many Tomsk villages, one could “read” the history of the formation of its inhabitants by the appearance of the inhabitants. 6. House of migrants, with fence. D. Kudrovo, Tomsk district. 1975 Photo by P.E. Bardina Differences in clothing disappeared over time, while language features stably preserved and supported the memory of their ancestors. Depending on the place of origin and some linguistic and everyday features, mutual nicknames and gentle nicknames were common: the settlers called the old-timers chaldons, the Ukrainians were called crests by all, the settlers from the Voronezh province were called crows, the Vyatkas were called bluekaftans, “Vyatka bast shoes”, the Russians were katsaps, the Old Believers - Kerzhaks. The old-timers called the settlers Lapotniks, Noviks and Rosseyskie, as if they had forgotten that their ancestors also moved from Russia. However, at the same time, the old-timers considered themselves purely Russian, and they said about the settlers, “He has become Russified now,” if he adopted Siberian customs (Andreev Ya., 1860, No. 52). At the same time, according to many recollections, people from different places lived amicably among themselves, “the gates were never locked,” there were no locks, “you stick a twig and walk across the water to the river, no stranger will come in.” Even representatives of different faiths (Orthodox and Catholics) got along well with each other. For example, in Grodno, according to stories, “the Russians celebrated their Easter, and the Poles celebrated theirs at a different time.” There were even mixed families, for example, P.V. Khrulev, born in 1013, Russian Orthodox, his grandfathers came to Siberia from Russia, he lived in the village of Olgo-Sapezhenka, his wife was a Polish Catholic Amalia Stanislavovna Skiryukha from Grodno. She went to pray in Tomsk at the Catholic Church. And at home they celebrated both her Catholic and Orthodox Easter (MEE MGS, 1999, notebook 1, page 56). IDPs 10 29