The White Horde was mainly inhabited by Turkic-speaking tribes. White Horde (XIII-early XV centuries)

social order Golden Horde.

Weakening of the Golden Horde.

In the second half of the 14th century, internecine strife intensified in the Golden Horde. Twenty khans died in the struggle for power from 1357 to 1380. The troops of the Golden Horde, weakened due to such internal strife, led by Khan Mamai, were defeated in 1380 on the Kulikovo field by the Russian squads of Prince Dmitry Donskoy of Moscow and Vladimir. After this battle, the internal situation in the Golden Horde became even more unstable. Taking advantage of this, another descendant of Zhoshy, Tokhtamysh Khan, seized power in the Golden Horde into his own hands. He made campaigns on Russian lands, burned Moscow, invaded Maverannahr and the Caucasus. Fighting with Tokhtamysh, the ruler of Maverannakhr, Emir Timur, repeatedly made campaigns against Golden Horde and plundered it.

In this way, By the middle of the 15th century, the Golden Horde had collapsed to the White and Nogai Hordes, the Siberian, Kazan, Crimean and Astrakhan khanates.

Khan's power was inherited. In the event of the death of the khan, the throne was occupied by his brother or son. Each relative and entourage of the khan had the right to a certain part of the tribute, which was mainly spent on the maintenance of the khan's palace and troops.

After the adoption of Islam, the khans of the Golden Horde conducted office work with the help of Turkic and Uighur writing. Viziers exercised civil power at the level of the state and uluses. The state consisted of uluses, and the uluses were subdivided into smaller possessions. The civil power of the smaller estates was in the hands of the local rulers, called maliks. To control the collection of taxes, darugs were appointed, who were also involved in the population census, recruiting people for military service etc. The military leadership was in the hands of the beks.

In system government controlled in the Golden Horde important role bass played. They, in addition to managing the local population, exercised military supervision over it, and sometimes collected taxes.

The Golden Horde already in the XIV century turned into a Muslim state.

History of the White Horde. Her territory.

Due to the collapse Mongol Empire new states created by local ethnic groups appeared on the territory of Kazakhstan. One of them is the state of the White Horde that existed from the 13th to the beginning of the 15th century in Eastern Desht-i-Kipchak. Genghis Khan divided the lands he conquered among his four sons. The territory allocated to the eldest son was called after his name the ulus of Zhoshy. This ulus was divided into Right and Left military wings. Zhoshy appointed his eldest son Orda-Ezhen to manage the left wing, whose possessions included the eastern part of Desht-i-Kipchak. And the northern part of Desht-i-Kipchak and to the most conquered lands in Western Europe was owned by Batu (Batu) Khan. Later, the possessions of Batu began to be called the Golden Horde, and the possessions of the Horde-Ezhen - the White Horde. The capital was the city of Sygnak, located in the middle reaches of the Syrdarya River. From the left military wing of the Zhoshy ulus, an independent state was formed - the White Horde, which flourished for almost 240 years.

The territory of the White Horde consisted of land holdings two sons of Khan Zhoshy - Horde-Ezhen and Shayban.

Thus, the White Horde occupied the territory from the river. Ural (Yaik) to the West Siberian lowland, as well as vast expanses to the middle and lower reaches of the Syr Darya. On these lands, a patriarchal feudal state The White Horde, whose population consisted of Turkic-speaking tribes. Compared to the Golden Horde, the ethnic composition of the White Horde was homogeneous. It was inhabited mainly by Turkic-speaking tribes who lived in this region for a long time, which later formed the Kazakh people - Kypchaks, Konrats, Argyns, Alshyns, etc. This state played an important role in the formation and origin of the Kazakh people.

CHINGIZ-NAME

HORDS: WHITE, BLUE, GRAY, GOLD...

In the history of the Eurasian steppes and adjacent areas of the post-Mongolian period, nomadic associations are well known, the names of which included the word horde. Some of them, such as the Golden Horde, even claimed the status of a “world” power.

In addition to the Golden Horde, there were White, Blue, Gray, Pegaya, Mamaev, Muratov, Akhmatova, Volga, Zayaitskaya, Perekopskaya, Crimean, Belogorodskaya, Zalesskaya, Gorodetskaya, Large, Middle, Younger (Smaller), Horde-Hundred, Nogai (Mangytskaya) Hordes , Cossack (Cossack, Kirghiz-Kaisatskaya, i.e. Kazakh), Karakalpak, Kalmatskaya, etc.

Many of the hordes existed in Kazakhstan and other steppe and mountain regions in the 16th-18th centuries. and later. At the same time, the memory of a number of hordes of an earlier time continued to live in the steppes. But it wasn't just a memory. Idealized ideas about the Genghis horde and the hordes of his closest successors from the very beginning were recognized by the ruling strata of nomads as legal norms. They served as an important source of law that regulated external and internal relations between nomadic and sedentary associations and states formed on the ruins of the Mongol Empire.

The phenomenon of the Tatar-Mongol invasion and conquest, the formation of the Mongol Empire and the uluses of the sons and immediate descendants of Genghis Khan shocked the imagination of contemporaries, overshadowed the events of previous history, and in the memory of nomadic peoples to a large extent erased the events of an earlier ethnic, political, social, ideological, ethical and cultural history. New realities have taken over.

The Tatar-Mongol conquests redrawn the political map of Eurasia. They also affected Africa in some respects. For many centuries, their echoes were noted in world history.

However, not only the material “world” order was changed, but also the ideal, spiritual one. In both respects, the Eurasian world has undergone the greatest restructuring.

The political consequences of the Mongol conquests are generally well studied, although many problems need additional research, and a number of questions have not even been raised. The same should be said about the study of spiritual restructuring. Here, the number of not only poorly studied, but also untouched, simply not posed problems can hardly be counted. Quite well covered, for example, the cult of Genghis Khan and Genghis of the “golden” family. Some other aspects of the "new world" spiritual order approved by the Mongols can also be named.

Let's name some very important, but underexplored questions. For example, the division of the Mongol Empire by Genghis Khan, carried out by him during his lifetime between his sons and grandsons, became such a precedent that served as a source of law for many nations and operated in some areas until the 20th century. The ideas that arose on the basis of these sections and, moreover, the indisputable psychological imperatives were sufficient justifications for claims to supreme power, territorial claims, a reason for wars, grounds for concluding peace and peace treaties, etc. “The division of Genghis Khan” and the “sections” of his nomadic and some other peoples became successors higher categories legal consciousness, worldview and ideology.

The ideological and psychological upheaval in the public consciousness of many peoples of Eurasia, primarily nomadic peoples, which could be conditionally called an ideological and psychological “revolution”, was so great that it outgrew the scale of a large phenomenon, but fitting into the framework of the usual development of events, and led to formation of a new worldview.

Traditions about the origin of Genghis Khan, his family, ancestors were, for example, included in Muslim ideas about the origin of mankind and thus in the Muslim picture of the world. The history of the origin of the human race in Muslim historical writings, beginning, as usual, with the creation of man and the history of the prophets, was supplemented by a cycle of legends about Oghuz, the genealogies of the Turkic-Mongolian tribes, the genealogy of the Genghis Khan clan and the further branching of the clans, tribes and peoples of the nomadic world. Such, for example, are Rashid al-Din's "Collection of Chronicles" and many other Muslim historical works.

There is no need to talk about nomadic peoples who did not profess Islam. Most Interest in this respect, of course, the Mongols themselves represent. Their new universal doctrine has come down to us in written form. This is The Secret History of the Mongols. Orientalists have long been debating the question of the genre of this monument. They wrote that it is a written fixation of the Mongolian epic. Other opinions were also expressed. Without touching on the question of the genre essence of The Secret History in terms of formal literary classification, we will only say that this work of Mongolian literature is a concentrated presentation of the new Mongolian worldview. In some respects it is similar to the mythological cyclizations of the Greeks and Romans.

The ideologies of non-Muslim sedentary peoples were also affected. On this basis, some other ancient religious and ideological systems were also modified to a certain extent.

So, among a number of nomadic peoples, the synthesis of shamanistic, Buddhist, Muslim and other concepts and the Genghisid doctrine led to the formation of an actually new illusory worldview, a new ideology, which, in a socially stratified society, not only captured the consciousness and psychology of the ruling strata, but also in accordance with the laws social development spiritually subjugated the broad masses of the people. After all, there were only "God in heaven and Genghis Khan on earth." The question of the relationship between the ideologies of the ruling strata and the mass of the direct producers of the Tatar-Mongols has not actually been studied, although its importance is obvious. There can be no question of their complete coincidence. But this problem is yet to be studied.

We believe that in this case there is every reason to talk about the formation of a new religion. This religion was one of the components of the worldview and ideology generated by the Tatar-Mongol conquests. We called this new set of worldview and ideological ideas Genghisism. In a narrow sense, we use this term both in relation to the new faith and in relation to other aspects of this phenomenon, which we will discuss in more detail below.

The fate of Chingizism within the vast territories conquered by the Tatar-Mongols and in the life of the peoples inhabiting them was not the same. Someone resolutely rejected it and hated it, someone accepted it partially, including it in traditional worldview and ideological and psychological schemes, for someone it became a philosophy of a higher order, i.e. in the spatial aspect, Chingizism was not homogeneous. Specific gravity it in the spiritual life of peoples changed over time.

Much has been written about the fact that traditional religious cults occupied a surprisingly small place in the life of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples. This even gave rise in scientific circles to ideas about the religious tolerance of the Tatar-Mongols and its causes. In fact, their religious tolerance was a political tool and a diplomatic tool. In necessary cases, the Tatar-Mongols did not hesitate to resort to cruel repression, using confessional differences as a pretext. Naturally, as elsewhere, such conflicts were based on material causes, which is true for all manifestations of disagreements of an ideological and religious nature. What has been said only means that the Tatar-Mongols were no exception in this respect. However, their ideological and religious policy also had specific features. Their main task in this regard was the introduction and dissemination of Chingizism in broad sense in the minds of conquered peoples. Therefore, Chingizism, the basis of which was the assertion of the exclusiveness and chosenness of the Tatar-Mongols, their right to world domination, easily formed a symbiosis with any ideological system that was subordinate to it, or was incorporated into its composition in forms and scales acceptable to it.

But how can Chingzism be regarded as a religion? If Genghisism is based on legends and historically reliable information from numerous multilingual written sources about the origin and deeds of Genghis Khan himself, and also let the legends, but interpreting history as reliable, which to some extent (it is possible that even to a large extent) corresponds to the historical truth about the origin of the closest and very distant ancestors of Genghis Khan, then is Genghisism not reliable in some details, but in some semi-legendary or legendary, but nevertheless the story of the great “shaker of the universe”, and no more!? After all, the Turkic-Mongolian peoples believed in the reality of the genealogy of Genghis Khan, and his contemporaries and subsequent generations knew that he was a real historical person.

Looking ahead, let's say that the Buddhists believed in the reality of the Buddha. Zoroastrians - Zoroaster, Christians - Jesus Christ. Muslims knew that the Prophet Muhammad, who founded Islam and by whose name Islam is sometimes called Mohammedanism, is a historical figure about whose existence there is no doubt. Examples can be multiplied. Nevertheless, whether they existed as historical figures or not, their teachings became creeds, that is, they turned into religions. The main thing, however, is not even that.

The Turkic-Mongolian peoples placed at the center of their ideas about the origin of the world the real or imaginary genealogical history of the Genghis Khan family, the central figure of which was the creator of the Mongol Empire himself. For the Turkic-Mongolian peoples who found themselves in the sphere of influence of Chingizism, the history from the time of Genghis Khan is the history of the “new era”, and the history before Chngiz Khan is the history of the “before the new era”. The era of Genghis Khan for them has become a point of reference, that is, what the era is. The genealogical representations of the Turkic-Mongolian clans, tribes and peoples were linked with data on the genealogical history of the Genghis Khan family. The pedigrees of the Turkic-Mongolian “first tribes” were fused into a single whole with the pedigrees of the more “later” tribes and the genealogy of Genghis Khan, his ancestors and descendants and formed a “slender pyramid”, in which there was a place for all the nomadic tribes of Eurasia subject to Chingizism. For Genghisism, it was this “pyramid” that became the most important phase in the formation of the human race, the center of humanity, while the rest of humanity, known from their religious or real history, became insignificant.

This new genealogical complex, set out in terms of tribal understanding of the emergence and composition of the structure of mankind, became the basis for the formation of views on the origin of all mankind and the universe. It was supplemented with traditional elements of Turkic-Mongolian shamanism, which became, as it were, the upper floor and extensions of the building of the new faith. Thus, a cosmogonic myth was created, i.e., an illusory worldview and ideology were formed. Thus a new religion was born.

The foregoing does not contradict the fact that the information of sources and legends about Genghis Khan is his history or the transmission of reliable episodes of his biographies. The “cunning” of Chngizism as a confession and as a universal ideological and worldview concept and pragmatic doctrine lay in the fact that it was “camouflaged” by the real-historical levels of its structure. A direct analogy to the formation of Chingizism can be seen in the history of the formation of Mohammedanism / Islam. The essential difference between their design was that in the second case “in the beginning there was a word”, and then practical deeds, and in the first case - a “sword”, i.e. deeds, and only then - a “word”. If the first Muslims shook the world, inspired by the teachings, then the Tatar-Mongols, reshaping the world, created and mastered the teachings. If the fund of the original ideas of the Tatar-Mongols about the structure of mankind and their own place in it was enough to start an enterprise, then a universal doctrine was required to complete it. The history of Chingizism is the history of the birth of a fantastic worldview, a false ideology, the central idea of ​​which was “world domination”. And if the Tatar-Mongols were not aware of their mission in the creation of a new ideal world, then it is precisely the fact that their “deed” was ahead of the “word” that is to blame for this. They did not understand this, they did not understand until the end of their conquests, the collapse of the Mongol Empire and the disappearance of relics of the “Mongolian world”. Mankind, busy with the liquidation of the consequences of the Tatar-Mongol conquests, "did not notice" Chingizism-confession. The hostility of other universal ideological and worldview systems, which in some cases, like Islam or Lamaism, incorporated certain elements of Chingizism into their composition, contributed to its widespread secular comprehension. His own "primitivism" and xenophobia erected a wall in the way of its spread. Fascinated by the study of the results of "practical activity" of the Tatar-Mongols, modern scientists did not take into account Chingizism as a holistic teaching. So he remained in the history of human thought as a secular phenomenon. If attempts were made to comprehend Chingizism in spiritual terms, then this aspect of it as a whole was portrayed as an appendage of the Tatar-Mongolian world pogrom, lacking ideological consistency and integrity. Therefore, Chingizism is still mainly an eventful story. If for the Tatar-Mongols it was also a reliable event history, but inscribed in their ideal history of the world, then for the Tatar-Mongolian illusory thought, the ideal history itself was a reliable history, which is characteristic of all religions and should not interfere with the scientific understanding of Chingizism-faith. Thus, the confessional understanding of Genghisism and the reality of the history of Genghis Khan and the Tatar-Mongols do not contradict each other and do not exclude one another. The study of the confessional history of Chingizism, the origin, development and death of which is well covered in the sources, will clarify not only this phenomenon, but will probably help to understand the history of similar steppe and non-steppe, for example Greco-Roman, mythological cyclized systems, since Chingizism is typical cyclization of authentic and legendary. The value of methodological conclusions from such a study is undeniable.

If the search for religion and religious and church organization among the Turkic-Mongolian peoples of the time of Genghis Khan and his descendants did not reveal anything but insignificant elements of shamanism, which, against the backdrop of the grandiose catastrophic consequences of the Tatar-Mongol conquests, naturally, could not be recognized as a driving ideological force and naturally gave rise to thought about the inexplicable contradiction between the military power and the achievements of the Tatar-Mongols and their ideological and religious potential, then the answer lies in the fact that the spiritual power of the Tatar-Mongols was not sought where it should have been sought. The religion of the Tatar-Mongols was in fact powerful, its basis was genealogical myths, which had previously been the core of the Turkic-Mongolian picture of the world, and therefore, in previous eras, were the basis of the illusory, fantastic worldview and ideology of nomadic tribes. Note that genealogy myths formed cones of complex composition. If at the bottom of such a cone the living generations and their actual ancestors were listed, then the higher up the cone, the more problematic the chain of listed ancestors became, and at the very top it was crowned with a clear fantasy. We think that the reality of the lower floors hindered, first of all, the understanding of genealogies as a false ideological and worldview system that constructed a picture of the formation and functioning of the world. Formed in the process historical activity Genghis Khan and his descendants into Chingizism, supplemented with elements of shamanism, these myths in their new system became for the Tatar-Mongols a powerful spiritual force, adequate to their military power. But Genghisism was not only a religion. Genghisism was a worldview, an ideology, a philosophy, a sanction of the social system and the structure of social institutions, a political and legal system, a cultural doctrine, the basis of education, a means of regulating behavior in the family and society... And in this it did not differ from other religions,

To show the significance of Chingizism in the history of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples, let us recall only a few well-known facts. Genghisism consecrated the right of Genghis Khan's clan to supreme power. This, in particular, was expressed in the fact that the title "Khan" became the exclusive prerogative of the Genghisides. An attempt to assign the title of khan by a non-Chingizid in the minds of the Turkic-Mongolian and many other peoples was reflected as illegal and even immoral. Such an act, as it were, outlawed the person who decided to carry it out. “From now on, let the reign of commoners stop!” . With such a cry, Isatay from the Kyyat tribe and Alatay from the Sidzhut tribe, supporters of the Golden Horde Khan Uzbek, who himself was a false Genghisid, killed his non-Chingizid rival Tok-Buga, who was trying to “usurp” the Khan’s power.

Therefore, in those cases when the objective course of historical development led to the removal of Genghisides from the supreme power, historical practice has developed several methods to circumvent the postulate that the supreme power belongs to the Genghis Khan family.

Non-Chingizids who seized actual power, such as, for example, Emir Timur, Edygei and others, were forced to rule on behalf of dummy, nominal Genghisid khans.

In other cases, such rulers made up a legend about their origin from Genghis Khan or from one of his ancestors or descendants. Such legends were used by the Golden Horde khans Uzbek, the false Keldibek, the Moghulistan khans Tugluk-Timur and Khyzr-Khoja, the same Emir Timur, who, however, did not dare to accept the title of khan, the Kokand khans and many others.

Often even the Genghisides, who, in accordance with the place they occupied in the genealogy of the Genghis Khan family, did not have any right, but longed to have it, forged the genealogies of the Genghisides, processed them in the sense they wanted and achieved the goal, if they had real power, to force those who disagree accept their fabricated arguments. Otherwise, they died.

In the history of the Shaibanids there are cases of their territorial claims, which they argued for the special place occupied in the history of the Chingizids by their ancestor Shaiban, and the “partition of Genghis Khan”. i.e. the same Chingizism. An analysis of their argumentation gives grounds to speak of deliberate falsification.

There are many facts of this kind in the history of the Turkic-Mongolian and other peoples, attested by oral and written sources. Thus, the history of Chingizism provides evidence of its power, which made it possible to fight against it under certain conditions only by the means of Chingizism itself. This, in turn, requires a concrete-dialectical approach to the study of its functioning.

Genghisism, apparently, was not a unique and inimitable phenomenon in the history of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples. Stageally and typologically, for example, a cycle of legends about Oguz can be put on a par with it. In the form that has come down to us, this cycle, perhaps, is an earlier political and ideological-religious concept of the type of Chingizism, reduced to an epic level. With a high degree of certainty, we can talk about the existence in the distant past. in the steppes of "Oghuzism". To a large extent, it must be Chingizism that is to blame for the degradation and erosion of “Oguzism”, because in relation to “Oghuzism” its confessional intolerance was both natural and logical, since “Oguzism” was a rival of Chingizism in the steppes, i.e. where Genghis Khan "disbanded" the peoples, completely cutting them down.

It is possible that the great upheavals of the Eurasian steppes were always or almost always accompanied by ideological upheavals, similar to the rise of Chingizism. If this is so, and we are convinced of this, then the contours of a grandiose object of study are emerging before the researchers, which will require the application of colossal labor, but will also reveal the broadest prospects for understanding the innermost secrets of the spiritual, cultural, political past of the Turkic-Mongolian and other steppe nomadic peoples. The implementation of such research programs will undoubtedly require the development of new methods for studying sources and, possibly, will take shape in a special historical and scientific direction in the study of nomadism.

Oddly enough, but Chingizism as a historical phenomenon has not outlived its usefulness right up to our time. History of the 20th century gives a number of examples of its use by certain political circles and forces in modern political practice. This suggests that the study of Chingizism not only has historical and cognitive significance, but is also relevant (even topical) in political and other respects even today.

The message below is intended to explain some of the realities of the history of Kazakhstan and neighboring countries and peoples of the 16th and subsequent centuries. They, these realities, in their most part, but not only, were brought to life by Chingizism and at the same time were its concrete manifestations. This refers to nomadic associations, the name of which included the word horde. Until now, there is a lot of obscurity in their history: the origin of the names, the time of occurrence and disappearance, the size of the territory and borders, the nature of the relationship, whether they were powers or geographical concepts, and whether some of them existed at all, etc. We are trying to explain the etymology of the names of some hordes, taking into account the achievements of oriental studies and historical science in general, and on the basis of indications of sources, primarily eastern ones, partly not yet introduced into scientific use. Etymological interpretations are carried out against the background of the history of Dasht-i Kypchak in a chronological framework extended by necessity. Along the way, some special aspects of the history of certain hordes are also considered.

From the history of the word "horde". Word horde, otherwise - horde, is common to the Turkic-Mongolian languages ​​and is considered native in the dictionary of these languages. Its original meaning is "yurt","khan's yurt", "palace yurt", "ceremonial yurt", from which a new meaning has grown - the headquarters, the residence of the khan, the ruler.

Since in the Turkic-Mongolian environment, in conditions of polygamy, it was preferred to provide each wife with a separate yurt, the word horde even acquired such a metaphorical meaning as "wife".

At the khan's headquarters-hordes, there were usually large groups merchants, artisans and other representatives of the medieval “service sector” along with their families, servants, yurts, and their entire household. They constantly roamed together with the khan's headquarters-horde and formed a "nomadic city" with it, sometimes very large. Such nomadic cities were called horde bazaar, literally "horde-market", of course, in the Eastern sense of the word. After all, in the East, however, as often in Europe, the market was not only a marketplace, but also a place for the production of various products, such as culinary products. In the wars of nomadic rulers, the horde-bazaar was often the cause of the steppe campaign and a valuable trophy, which was taken away over long distances, numbering hundreds and thousands of kilometers. So unexpectedly in remote places, cities suddenly appeared that were not there before. From nomadic, they could turn into ordinary cities of settled residents. Such, perhaps, was the fate of some Siberian cities before the appearance of Russian explorers there.

The meaning of the term "horde" "headquarters of the khan, ruler" was sometimes strengthened by the addition of semantically equivalent, but higher in style words, for example, the word barn"castle". So, the camping headquarters of Emir Timur was called “Saray-Ordum”, or “Ordum-Saray”. It was also called "High Horde", or "Great Horde".

The word *** was a synonym for the horde brga (vrgd-vrge), which in some Turkic-Mongolian languages ​​also means "wedding yurt" 10 . Use *** vrge in the meaning of "headquarters of the ruler" was reflected, for example, in the fact that before the city of Ulaanbaatar - the capital of the Mongolian People's Republic - was called Urga, since the city arose exactly at the place where the headquarters of the khan was located.

Another synonym hordes was a Turkic word *** in / y / y - a common word in the Turkic languages ​​for the designation of the same yurt, which also became the name of any stationary residential building, i.e. the equivalent of Russian house. In Semirechie, for example, the headquarters of the Genghisides was known, called *** Ulug-If, i.e. Ulug-ev(or Ulug-y / Ulug-Uy) -"Big (Great, Senior) Rate".

In the process of semantic development on the Turkic soil, the word horde, like the words *** rge and hey, overgrown with numerous additional meanings. We note the following: "army, army", "retinue", "palace, castle", "camping, camp, camp", "yard" or "residence of the ruler", "family in a wagon", "dwelling of wives of noble people", " hearth "and others." Likewise, the word *** rge began to mean "pavilion, big house, castle, elevation, steep place, foundation, temple, throne, throne, parking lot, lodging, sunrise", etc. 12 At the word her such meanings appeared: "dwelling, housing, room", "household", "room, habitat", "camp", "family, "household", "wife, woman", etc. 13

Many different etymologies of words have been proposed horde, *** rge and to her by specialists who disagree about their original meaning, source of origin, phonetic history ... 14 We believe, however, that until the discovery of any special evidence, the original meaning of these words should be taken as "yurt, wagon". Such a solution makes it possible to satisfactorily explain all the lines of their semantic development. It can be seen, apparently, only that it was the most common designation for a yurt, and horde and *** rge - the names of their specialized varieties.

The semantic ambiguity of these words formed in the Turkic-Mongolian languages, and most importantly - the words horde gave rise to significant difficulties in their interpretation, aggravated, moreover, in the translations of eastern sources by their transfer into Russian and other languages ​​by words-concepts that are not adequate in their own way. semantic field and causing associations of a different cultural and historical plan.

From the Turkic-Mongolian languages, the word horde was borrowed into Russian, and from Russian into others, primarily into Central and Western European. It is possible that some of these languages ​​borrowed it on their own. It entered the Russian language both in the meaning of "khan's yurt, khan's tent, residence of the khan", and in the meaning of "steppe nomadic association, nomadic power". Hence Russian expressions like go to the Horde. Under the Horde in Rus' for a long time meant the Golden Horde. The tribes that roamed along with the Khan's horde-headquarters in Rus' also began to be called horde or hordes. The specific Russian perception of the steppe associations that roamed along with the khan's horde-headquarters fused in the borrowed word the meanings of "nomadic tribe", "crowd, crowd, mob, band". It's not far from here to the modern meaning of "gang" 15 .

The meaning "a gathering of people, a crowd, a mob" served as the basis for the use of the word horde specialists in the history of primitive society to designate the earliest human collectives with an indefinite structure, otherwise referred to as the “primitive human herd”.

Such a wide range of uses of the word horde in Russian and many other languages ​​that borrowed it often creates a false impression of its deep antiquity in these languages. Meanwhile, it was borrowed only in the post-Mongolian period.

In scientific literature, in translations and researches, the word horde often used immediately in its Turkic-Mongolian meanings, and in the meanings of Russian or other European languages. As a result of the overlap of these two now independent lines of development of the semantics of the word horde the difficulty of interpreting it in the literature increased even more. Oriental studies face these difficulties in full measure in the study of the Golden and other hordes. What has been said means that in the use of the word horde some limiting principle must be applied in the scientific literature. It appears that the word horde in Russian and other scientific texts, it should be limited mainly to those cases when it is used in the studied oriental text. Of course, this restriction cannot be extended to the use of such terms-names as the Golden Horde, the White Horde, etc.

White, Blue, Gray, Golden Hordes. Concerning the named hordes the discussion still proceeds. In part, such aspects of the problem are debated that have already been resolved, but these decisions are either not accepted or remain unknown for some reason to some authors, and partly the reason for the ongoing discussion is the lack of arguments. As for the issue of the Gray Horde, this is a completely new problem. Previously, nothing was known about the Gray Horde, and the question of its existence was not raised in the literature.

Further progress in the study of the issues raised rests on the identification and involvement of new, previously unused sources and on a deeper analysis of the news that has already been introduced into scientific use.

One of such sources on the history of the White, Blue and Golden Hordes, information from which has not yet been used, is the Turkic-language historical work “Chingiz-name” (“Chingiz Book”), written in the 16th century. in Khorezm Utemish-hadji ibn Maulana Muhammad Dosti 16 . Although the reports of Utemish-hadzhi about the White, Blue and Gray Yurts were registered by V. V. Bartold 17 , but he did not connect them with the problem of the White and Blue Hordes and did not interpret them. He did not attach any importance to the Gray Yurt. These news did not come to the attention of specialists in the subsequent time and were not used in studies.

Meanwhile, the data of "Chingiz-name" for solving issues related to the history of the White, Blue, Golden Horde, are of particular importance. “Chingiz-name” was written on the basis of the stories of Genghisides and representatives of the Dasht-i Kypchak tribes about Genghis Khan, his descendants, tribes and clans of the Eurasian steppes, i.e., oral historical knowledge nomads. Utemish-hadji almost did not use written sources. The steppe oral historical tradition is recorded in this work in the state in which it existed in the 16th century, i.e., more than three centuries after Chingizov's time. "Chingiz-name" is not only a kind of historical work, but also a monument to the ideology of Chingizism in its Shaybanid version, which makes it especially valuable for us. An analysis of the data of “Chingiz-name” vividly demonstrates how tenacious and vital the ideas of Chingizism were in Dasht-i Kypchak in the 16th century, at a time when the descendants of Batu had already left the historical stage in the steppes, and rival groups of Shaibanids advanced to replace them. and Tukatimurids. The constant appeal of Utemish-hadji to the deeds of Genghis Khan and his descendants makes it possible to analyze Genghisism in the 16th century. in various aspects - socio-political, socio-stratification, legal, moral and ethical, cultural and, in general, ideological and worldview. Together with information from similar sources, for example, “Tavarikh-i Guzida-yi Nusrat-name” presumably Muhammad Shayba-ni-khana (XVI century), “Collection of Chronicles” by Kadyr-Alibiy Jalair (XVII century), “Shajara -yi Turk vo mogul” by Abu-l-Ghazi and others, the news of “Chingiz-name” make it possible to reconstruct the steppe oral historical knowledge of the nomads, which was quite clearly formed and formalized. This steppe oral historical knowledge could be called steppe oral historiology. since the term "historiography" would not be correct in terms of oral tradition.

Information about the White and Blue Hordes in "Chingiz-name" is given in the story about the transfer of supreme power in Dasht-i Kypchak to Batu. It is reported that after the death of Jochi, a dispute arose between his first son Orda-Ejen and the second son Batu, which of them should be the khan in the Ulus of Jochi, the brothers ceded power to each other. In the end, they went to Genghis and asked to judge them: “Two sons born from one mother, and 17 sons born from other mothers, all together went to an audience with the Great Khan. When they arrived at the service of their [grandfather] Khan, he set up three yurts for them (serge): white yurt with golden door frame (altun bosaraly ak, vrge) set for Sain Khan (Batu. - V. Yu.), a blue yurt with a silver frame (kumush bosaraly kvk orda) - for Ejen (Orda-Ejen. - V. Yu.), gray yurt with steel frame (bolat bosagaly baz horde) - for Shayban (fifth son of Jochi. - V. Yu.).

In a word, in three respects the oglans of Shaiban Khan are proud and exalt themselves in front of the oglans of Tokhtamysh Khan, Timur-Kutly 18 and Urus Khan 19 saying: “We are superior to you.” First, it is a yurt, [They] say: When, after the death of our father Yochi Khan (Jochi.- V. Yu.) our fathers went to our great grandfather Genghis Khan, then after Ejen and Sain he set up a yurt [and] for our father Shaiban Khan. For your [same] father, he did not even put a [covered] cart"” 20 .

So, Genghis raised three grandchildren above the rest and determined their ranks in their relationship: white and gold symbolized the seniority of Batu approved by him, Blue colour and silver-subordination of the Horde-Ejen, grey colour and steel - subordination of Shaiban and Batu, and Horde-Ejen. Here, the symbolism of colors and metals is clearly revealed in the hierarchy of value ideas of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples: the first place is white and gold, second - blue and silver, third - gray and steel. In each pair of words, these are consonant with each other: ak"white" and altun"gold", cake"blue" and kumush"silver", boz"grey" and bolat steel 21 . These harmonies not only enhance the poetic musicality and solemnity of the text, but also reveal such epico-lexical clichés-stereotypes, the antiquity of which can only be realized with difficulty. These examples are also interesting because in them the symbolism of color designations is associated with social stratification, and not with orientation to the countries of the world. The latter in Turkology has gained unreasonably wide recognition and has become “fashionable”. The problem needs an in-depth study on specific material, which, as a rule, denies the originality and, moreover, the exclusivity of the symbolization of designations according to the cardinal points behind color designations.

From the quoted passage, in comparison with other information, the following information can be extracted, if this apparently legendary story is interpreted as historically reliable. But after all, it is precisely as such that it is presented in Chinggis-name and was appropriately perceived by the audience for which the Chingiz Book was written.

1. The direct meaning of the White Horde and the Blue Horde-yurts of white and blue colors 22 . The yurts were set up by Genghis himself, which sanctified the precedent and created a political and legal tradition. They were placed after the death of Jochi and before the death of Genghis, i.e. in 1227. In any case, this was before the Western campaign of Batu in 1236, which is clear at least from his words to Orda-Edzhen: “We are leaving for a strange yurt ” 23 .

2. The color of the yurts determined the ranks of the three sons of Jochi and at the same time the delimitation of their possessions in the Ulus of Jochi: the headquarters of the Horde-Ejen was in the east, why the term “Blue Horde” should be referred to the eastern part of the ulus, its left wing, and “White Horde” - respectively to the western, to the right wing. The territory of the ulus received by Jochi himself from Chingiz, which stretched from Yaik to the Irtysh, was distributed, and not the territory of the Ulus of the Jochids, which developed after the Western campaign, when it stretched to the Danube. This meant, in turn, that Batu's headquarters, the White Yurt, was originally located somewhere east of Yaik, and the Orda-Ejen headquarters, the Blue Yurt, was on the banks of the Irtysh (Syrdarya, Alakul, Emil), i.e. terms “White Horde” and “Blue Horde” were not yet used as official names of powers or even geographical regions, but had figurative, metaphorical meanings and were used: Blue Horde - to designate the Horde-Edzhen lot, the left wing of the Ulus Jochi, and the White Horde to designate the lot of Batu, the right wing of the Ulus of Jochi.

3. After the Western campaign, the Ulus of the Jochids increased immeasurably, and the border between the possessions of Batu and Orda-Ejen shifted significantly to the west. As a result, new territorial contours of the White and Blue Hordes were defined, their two geographically different images appeared, and two systems of associations arose regarding their border sizes - the first, dating back to the time before the Western campaign, and the second, which developed after the campaign. Since the White and Blue Hordes were not official designations, they were preserved mainly in the wall oral historical tradition and only sporadically found their way onto the pages of written works, actually not being used in official office work. Depending on which of the two systems - the first or the second - the author used as a starting point, contradictions arose in the sources as a result of the overlapping of the early and later contours of the White and Blue Hordes. All of the above explains the apparent irregularity and even randomness of the use of the terms “White Horde” and “Blue Horde” in written sources, in which some experts of our time, based on the modern understanding of the meaning, content and specific historical, territorial and political content, would like to see completely different picture of functioning.

Some sources have particularly confused the issue of the White and Blue Hordes. First of all, they include the “Anonymous of Iskandar” Mu "and ad-Din Natanzi, who mistakenly swapped the White and Blue Hordes, and also completely confused the issue of the dynasties that ruled in the Eastern Dasht-i Kypchak 24 .

The Shaybanid historiography also played its role, exorbitantly exalting Shayban and his descendants. The inconsistency of introducing various historiographies of Eastern works into scientific use and the unjustifiably high authority of some of them, for example, the same “Anonymous Iskandar” and “Shajara-yi truk va mogul” by Abu-l-Gazi, which is subject to revision in the light of the latest achievements in source studies, also played and still play a negative role in the discussion on the problem of the White and Blue Hordes and in the historiography of Dasht-Kypchak as a whole.

Discussion about the whereabouts of the White and Blue Hordes. which lasted for the beginning of the scientific study of the Golden Horde in Russia and in the West, ended with the conclusion that the Blue Horde was in the east, and the White Horde was in the west. It was found that after the Western campaign, the Golden

The Horde was identified with the White Horde 25 . This opinion is confirmed by the news of Chingiz-name. The opinion of A. V. Mitroshkina stands apart, who believes that the Golden Horde was the center of the Jochi Ulus, the White Horde was its left wing, and the Blue Horde was its right wing. 26 .

Summed up the discussion 27 . Therefore, the publication is unexpected, in which, without analyzing the results of the discussion, the opinion about the eastern location of the White Horde is resurrected, and besides, it is argued that it was a state that existed from the middle of the 13th to the first quarter of the 15th century. inclusive 28 .

It should be noted that now the discussion about the White and Blue Hordes has developed mainly into a dispute about the time of their appearance and disappearance, as well as about the location and name of the Shaiban inheritance. Without going into controversy about the time of the emergence of the White and Blue Hordes , we point out that, according to “Chingiz-name”, these are actually realities almost equal in age to the Ulus of Jochi, they date back to the time before the Western campaign, and, therefore, their genesis should date back more early time than the middle of the thirteenth century. The White Horde died along with the Golden Horde, and the Blue Horde ceased to exist after the first successors of the Horde-Ejen, long before the 15th century. The descendants of Orda-Ejen still ruled for some time after him and even acted in secondary roles under the khans of other Jochid dynasties in Dasht-i Kypchak, but to replace the Blue Horde already in the XIV century. new political formations came that did not correspond to the previous ones. The political map of the left wing of the former Ulus of Jochi, however, like the map and history of the right wing, has become complex and rapidly changing.

Almost immediately after the death of Batu (1255) and Horde-Ejen (1280), the White and Blue Hordes turned into political and legal abstractions, like the remnants of the institutions of Genghis and Mongolian law, that is, they functioned as phenomena of Genghisism. But they still lived for a long time in the memory of the inhabitants of Dasht-i Kipchak and neighboring peoples, and for centuries served as a source of law in specific political actions.

As it is said, the question of Ulus Shayban has grown into a new discussion. Since the story of “Chingiz-name” about the White, Blue and Gray Yurts is at the same time a story about the location and hierarchy of the White and Blue Hordes, the mention of the Gray Yurt along with the White and Blue indicates the existence of a special Gray Horde. (Boz Horde) whose head was Shaiban. By placing Ulus Shaybana in the extreme west of Ulus Batu, "Chingiz-name" thus points to the western location of the Gray Horde, probably on the borders with Poland. However, the lack of mention of the Gray Horde in other sources is puzzling. One can, however, assume that some mentions of Yuz-Orda are in fact a fixation of the name of the Gray Horde, since the Gray Horde in Arabic script will look like *** bose horde, and Yuz-Orda- *** horde, i.e. They differ from each other in Arabic writing only by one extra dot under the first clove of the word *** yuz, which in cursive text often merges with the second dot, why the words boz and yuz become graphically indistinguishable.

If, nevertheless, the name of the Gray Horde is not found in the Eastern writings and documents examined to date, this should not mean that it did not exist in reality and that one can suspect the falsification of this message by “Genghis-name” to please the Shaibanids and dismiss it. It can be pointed out, for example, that we know about the existence of Yuz-Orda from single mentions of this name. But experts did not doubt the existence of such a horde, and even a controversy arose among them regarding the etymology of the ego term

We believe that information about Boz-Orda in "Chingiz-name" could not have been fabricated in the 16th century. Utemish-hadji in "Chingiz-name" constantly refers to the fact that stories about such and such a case are widespread among the Uzbeks, by which he means the Turkic-speaking clans and tribes of the entire Dasht-i Kypchak from the Danube to the Irtysh and that part of them that only recently came with the Shaibanids to Khorezm. After all, if Utemish-hadji suggested a fake in the story about the White, Blue and Gray Hordes, he would immediately be exposed by the Uzbeks, among whom there were many experts on the history of the Jochid Ulus. Utemish-hadji himself was a well-known person in Central Asia, and the assumption of forgery on his part is unlikely.

Thus, it can be assumed that the news about the Gray Yurt and, consequently, about the existence of a special Gray Horde of Shaiban and Shaibanids is unique, and therefore especially valuable. A thorough examination of already known sources is necessary, in which it is possible to find some evidence in favor of the existence of the Gray Horde, and the search for new sources.

The fact that the gray color and the gray yurt occupied a special place in Mongolian views on value and social grading, similar to the one described above, is evidenced, for example, by the circumstances of Genghis Khan’s murder of his rival shaman Kokochu, when, “by ordering to bring a spare gray yurt from the backyard (detente our.- V. Yu.), he ordered to put it over Teb-Tengry, and then, having ordered to lay the carts, he disappeared from this place” 29 . It follows from this story that the “gray yurt” occupied a place of little honor in the Mongolian value hierarchy. Perhaps this was the reason why folk tradition and the story of Utemish-hadji did not become popular, since the Shaibanids, for the sake of their authority, preferred to hush up the fact that Genghis Khan gave the Gray Yurt-Horde to Shaiban.

We are especially poorly aware of the internal, eventful history of the Eastern Dasht-i Kipchak, i.e. Kazakhstan of the XIII-XVI centuries. If the Uluses of Shayban and Tuka-Tumur had special names, then the other sons of Jochi were at the head of the uluses, which also had some names , could be called Yuz-Orda. But this hypothesis cannot, of course, exclude the possibility that some uluses could have some special names.

N. N. Mingulov believes that the term “Blue Horde” from the very beginning was called the Ulus of Shayban and it was located on the territory between the Golden Horde and the White Horde of the Horde-Ejen, outlined surprisingly exactly in the second half of the 17th century. Abu-l-Ghazi 30 , which is probably explained by the claims of the Khiva Shaibanids to the territory north of the Aral Sea and along the Yaik and good acquaintance with her was Abu-l-Ghazi, who wandered here for some time. “Bahr al-asrar” by Mahmud ibn Wali indicates that Bahadur, the son of Shayban, wandered in the territory of Yuz-Orda, which was allegedly also called the White Horde. According to “Firdaus al-ikbal”, Shayban’s possessions seem to be directly called the Blue Horde 31 . Thus, the Ulus of Shayban is placed either in the Blue Horde, then in the White Horde, then in the Yuz-Orda, which was allegedly identical to the White Horde, then it is assigned a special name - the Gray Horde, then they say that the Blue Horde is the original name Ulus Shayban.

If we leave aside the bias and direct errors of the sources, then we can say that all these contradictions are reminiscences of the two above-mentioned views on the time and location of the White and Blue Hordes and their overlap. Added to this were vague indications of sources about the whereabouts of Ulus Shayban. They were generated by very numerous works of Shaybanid historiography. A number of specific historical reasons led to the writing of a very large number of oriental works dedicated to Shaiban and his descendants, and the almost complete absence of works dedicated to the offspring of other sons of Jochi. Pro-Shaybanid authors, each in their own way trying to exalt the Shaybanids, created a false picture that the three sons of Jochi - Batu, Orda-Ejen and Shayban - were distinguished by Genghis Khan, and therefore occupied a special place among the Jochids and played a special role in the history of Dasht-i Kypchak. If this is true in relation to Batu and Orda-Ejen, then in relation to Shaiban, such a statement requires additional argumentation. This requires a special study in which the pro-Shaybanid tendency would be overcome, and the history of Shayban would be convincingly presented in a historically reliable form.

In addition, both sources and modern authors, as a rule, do not distinguish between Ulus Jochi, Ulus Batu, Ulus Orda-Ejen, Ulus Shayban, Ulus Tuka-Timur and Uluses of other sons of Jochi, on the one hand, and Ulus Jochid, Ulus of Batu's descendants , Ulus of the descendants of Ord-Ejen, Ulus of the Shaibanids, Ulus of the Tukatimurids and Uluses of the descendants of other sons of Jochi, on the other. And did the latter exist in a more or less stable and complete form?! The most indicative in this respect are the information about the Uluses of Shayban and Shaybanids. Sources place them in various regions of the Dzhuchndov Ulus - from the extreme west to the extreme east. There is evidence that the Ulus of Shayban himself, during his lifetime, moved from one point to another, from west to east, to the Yaik River and beyond it. In troubled times in the Golden Horde (1360-1380), a number of Shaibanids moved to the Volga-Don interfluve. The Shaibanids even became khans of the Golden Horde for a short time. This means that without a scrupulous, specific in terms of time and space, study of the dynamics of historical changes of all the Jochid Uluses available for research on the territory of Dasht-i Kipchak, it is difficult to expect major positive shifts in the study of the history of Kazakhstan in the XIII-XV and XVI-XVIII centuries, and indeed everything Dasht-i Kypchak during this time. It is clear that without the use of the above research methodology, only the arbitrariness of the modern author will determine his conclusions.

In the light of what has been said, it is difficult to overestimate the reports of Chngiz-name about the Gray Yurt.

It has long been established that the name "Golden Horde" was given to Ulus Batu by the Russians. The etymology of the name was established after the publication of the 1st volume of the “Collection of Materials Relating to the History of the Golden Horde” by V. G. Tizenhausen. The custom of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples to set up a “golden yurt” for the Supreme Khan is well known. "Golden yurt" was at Van-Khan of Kereit 32 , from Genghis Khan, from the Khulaguids and other steppe rulers. This is also evidenced by the report of "Chingiz-name" about a white yurt with a golden door frame near Batu. Not all of the yurt, however, was gold, but most importantly, the right to gold was asserted for Batu. In the future, such a yurt was built, as they say, by Khan Uzbek (1312-1341). She was described by Ibn Battuta: “... on Friday, after prayer, he (Uzbek Khan.- V. Yu.) sits in a tent called the golden tent, decorated and outlandish. It [consists] of wooden rods covered with gold; leaflets. In the middle of it is a wooden throne, overlaid with silver gilded leaves; its feet are of pure silver, and its top is studded with precious stones” 33 .

About the Golden Yurt, that is, about the Golden Horde, in Rus' they learned immediately after its appearance. However, for a number of reasons, the name "Golden Horde" began to be used only from the end of the 16th century. 34 The Russians no longer traveled “to the Horde”, but to the “Golden Horde”, that is, the name of the headquarters was rethought into the name of the state. But even until now, historians sometimes make a mistake, arguing that the name “Golden Horde” is primordial and dates back to the time of Batu.

If the existence of the Golden Yurt and the etymology of the name “Golden Horde” are firmly established, then the ultimate fate of the yurt itself has remained unknown until now. The story of how she disappeared was discovered by us in Chingiz-name. It happened in troubled times in the Golden Horde, during the reign of Khansha Taidula, as she is called in Russian sources. “Chingiz-name” reports: “When Tai-Dugly-begim (i.e. Taidula.- V. Yu.) called Khizr-khan and made [him] khanomnatrone Sain, she set up a golden yurt left over from Uzbek-khan and Dzhanibek-khan as a wedding yurt. They tell. Begim dyed her hair black and wished to marry Khizr Khan. The Khan also had a desire to marry [her]. However, he had a bek from the [tribe] Naiman, named Kutlug-Buga, who did not agree. He said: "... Don't get married!" He obeyed his words and did not marry.

When the begim sensed that he would not take her as his wife, she began to show [the khan] less honor and respect than before. When the khan, angry at her, decided to break the golden yurt, [and the gold] to divide among his Cossacks, then, having heard [about that], the run sent a man to the khan, said: "Let them not do that ...". [Khyzr Khan] did not listen to her words, broke it and divided it. Begim, in turn, burned with anger at the khan, gathered her internal beks and drove him away. Khan went back and came back to Akkul” 35 . The Khizr Khan mentioned here was a Khan, probably one of several, on the territory of Kazakhstan. It is also known that Lake Akkul was located in Kazakhstan 36 .

Later, Khizr Khan again gathered troops, went on a campaign against Taidulu and again became a khan in the Golden Horde. 37 . “There was a battle near Saray. Bazarchi 38 and run were captured. They put the run into a covered sled, tied the cavity tightly, and, laying down a rabid stallion, let it go on all four sides. This mad horse carried the sled and beat [them] along ravines and gullies until the run died. [Therefore] Uzbeks say:

“Tai-Dugly-begim killed Khizr Khan.” The circumstances of this are as follows [as stated]” 39 . So Taidula perished, so the Golden Yurt of Uzbek perished.

Yuz-Orda. In “Bahr al-asrar” a special term “Yuz-Orda” (kaz. Zhuz-Orda.-V. YU.):“As for Bahadur, the son of Shaiban Khan, ... instead of his father, he began to dominate over ale and ulus. Ordering close relatives, tribes and four cauchins to gather, he chose Ak-Orda, also known as Yuz-Orda, for wintering and summering. 40 . In another manuscript “Bahr al-asrar” there is another piece of news about Yuz-Orda: “[Bakhadur] chose Ak-Orda for wintering and summering, which is known under the [name] Yuz-Orda, considered it his obligatory and indispensable duty to submit and obey descendants of Tukay-Timur Khan, who were known under the name of the khan's sons (lit. "Khan's son." - V. Yu.), and during his life he did not remove his foot from that circle [of obedience] ” 41 .

The term “Yuz-Orda”, for obvious reasons, has already attracted the attention of researchers. It consists of Turkic words yuz "hundred","hundred" and words horde. An exchange of views took place. B. A. Akhmedov translated it as "one hundred hordes" 42 . Grammatically, the translation is correct, but not the only one possible. If you pay attention to the composition of such names as White Horde, Blue Horde, Gray Horde, Golden Horde, then it is not difficult to establish their model: the central word in these phrases is the word horde, to which the determinative-determinant is attached, indicating the special properties of this horde. The phrase is built on the same principle. Yuz-Orda: there is also one horde, to which the determinant is applied juz. The latter cannot be translated as "one hundred", since in this case we will get exactly "one hundred yurts", and we are talking about only one yurt-horde. The translation "Horde-Hundred" meets the conditions set. which was proposed by us in print 43 . G. A. Fedorov-Davydov now agreed with this translation. 44 . Previously, he accepted the translation "one hundred hordes" 45 .

But why did the Ulus of Tuka-Timur get the name Horde-Hundred? It is possible to assume that this happened because Tuka-Timur received 100 yurts-farms of the Mongols themselves out of those 4000 Mongols-warriors 46 , which were identified by Genghis Khan Jochi. Genghis gave the main contingents of the Mongols, of course, to Batu and Horde-Ejen. All the other sons of Jochi probably received only 100 Mongolian yurts each. The tradition of endowing the Turkic nobility with hundreds of households is known from the ancient Turkic runic monuments. 47 .

It can be assumed that this institution also operated in the Ulus of Jochi. Therefore, the term “Yuz-Orda” probably denoted not only the Ulus of Tuka-Timur, but also the uluses of other sons of Jochi, whose rank was equal to that of Tuka-Timur. If the above is true, then the term “Yuz-Orda” and, apparently, the abbreviated juz/zhuz is in Dasht-i Kypchak as old as the "White Horde" and "Blue Horde". Its antiquity in general Turkic peoples comes, but at least, to the middle of the 1st millennium AD. e.

Another interpretation of the name Yuz-Orda proposed by T. I. Sultanov. According to him, the word juz/zhuz used in Yuz-Orda not in the direct meaning of "hundred", but in a metaphorical sense - "the main, main Horde", as a result of which "a logically clear description of the term "Ak-Orda" is obtained" 48 . T. I. Sultanov, like some other researchers, takes as indisputable the fact that the author of “Bahr al-asrar” literally identifies Yuz-Orda and Ak-Orda. Meanwhile, Mahmud ibn Vali only wanted to say that the Ulus of Tuka-Timur in his time, Tuka-Timurovo, was located on the lands of the White Horde, and no more. In our opinion, it does not follow from the relevant statements of Mahmud ibn Vali that for him Yuz-Orda and the White Horde were synonymous and equal categories. By the way, Mahmud ibn Vali in this case continued the erroneous tradition of placing the White Horde in the east, which in this group of sources goes back, probably, to the “Anonymous of Iskandar”.

The indication of “Bahr al-asrar” that the descendants of Tuka-Timur bore the title “khan oglu” “khanych”, “son of a khan” was ignored. The use of this Turkic phrase-title in the Persian text had a special, deep meaning. This term was a taxon of a quite definite level in the hierarchical nomenclature of Chingizids in Dasht-i Kypchak. Conventionally, it can be conveyed by the title "prince". The author of “Bahr al-asrar” wanted to emphasize by this that neither Tuka-Timur nor his descendants, by the decision of Chingiz and kurultai, had the right to the dignity of a khan in Dasht-i Kypchak.

If in Europe the title "prince" and others like it implied the right to inherit the throne of a state or high title father or another ancestor, the title “khan oglu” in this case indicates that its bearers did not have such a right. Their hereditary destiny was the position of "khanychs" without the hope of becoming the supreme ruler.

Tuka-Timur himself is named khan in “Bahr al-asrar” retroactively - he was not a khan. “Bahr al-asrar” is a work of Ashtarkhanid, i.e., ultimately, Tukatimurid historiography, which, perhaps, explains the attribution to Tuka-Timur of what he actually did not possess. Nevertheless, the force of influence of the powerful Shaybanid historiography on the “puny” Tukatimurid one was so great that Mahmud ibn Vali, probably not realizing his mistake, speaks of the behavior of Shaibanid Bahadur in Tuka-Timur’s Ulus as in his own possessions.

Thus, the transfer of the meaning of Yuz-Orda as “the main, main Horde” loses its probative force.

When the descendants of Tuka-Timur headed the Kazakh Khanate (khanates), the word juz/zhuz became, apparently, his designation 49 .

Note, by the way, that the use of the title Iuz-Orda the words *** yuz"one hundred" in such a graphic transmission, reflecting the real-etymological sound, removes the question of the possibility of correlating the name zhuz with Arabic word )*** juz, or *** juzv"part" 50 .

In conclusion, we add that the numeral yuz"hundred", "hundred", its derivatives and lexicalized phrases that arose on its basis, as well as a number of other numerals, quite actively participated in the formation of Turkic ethnonymy, the abstract nomenclature of the structural-hierarchical terminology of the tribal organization of Turkic-Mongolian associations, unions, peoples , socio-political and military-administrative terminology.

1. yuz"hundred", "hundred". This word first of all became the designation of a military-tactical unit-hundred, as well as an administrative and economic unit, which included one hundred farms (yurts, households) or was obliged to exhibit or maintain one hundred soldiers. The roots of this phenomenon go back to ancient times and are connected with the fact that structures based on the decimal system prevailed among the Turkic-Mongolian and other peoples of the Eurasian steppes.

As a rethinking of “hundreds” in connection with the emerging tribal structures in specific circumstances, the word one hundred (hundred) was reinterpreted into the proper name of the tribal group, i.e., it became an ethnonym. Tribe or clan yuz (yuz) in this and other phonetic variants are found in the history of a number of peoples 51 .

A special way of the semantic development of this word should be recognized as the acquisition of the meaning of the constituent parts into which the Kazakh people were divided, as mentioned above.

2. Yuzlik"a hundred". Among the Turkmen Oghuz, it became a term denoting one of the levels of the Turkmen hierarchy of the tribal structure. Abu-l-Gazi reports: “Oguz Khan had twenty-four grandchildren, who were born to his six sons from legitimate wives. Kun Khan put them two by two in separate tents; they made twelve [Bolukov]. Offspring from these twelve [bolukov], called yuzlik. This is because the front (yuz) part of every thing is better than it. reverse side, and therefore, yuzliks are those who address the face of *** (yuz) il and the people (hulk)” 52 . Regarding the interpretation given by Abu-l-Ghazi in this case to the word yuz, A. N. Kononov quite rightly writes that “this term has a direct connection not with the meaning of "person", as Abu-l-Ghazi believes, but with the meaning " one hundred"...” 53 .

3. Yuzbegi"bek centurion", "bek who commanded (or managed) a hundred". Known position (rank) in the following ascending series of military and public administrative ranks: onrun"back ten's manager", userbeg1"back centurion", koshunbeg1 "bek koshun", minbegi"bek-thousand-cue", fogbegi"bek of fog (fog, darkness)", "bek of a ten-thousander". There are many other positions-titles, which include the word bek, for example: tugbegs"znamenny bek", kushbegi"falconer" (there is also an opinion that the latter term should be correctly pronounced as catbags, and translate as "quartermaster"), etc.

In the sources, however, there is such a use of the term "yuzbegi", which casts doubt on the fact that it should always be translated into words back centurion or synonymous with it. For example, in the Turkic essay “Tavarikh-i Guzida-yi Nusrat-name” there are such expressions as “yuzbegi of the Oguz (Okuz) mountains Kushchi-yuzbegi” 54 , or “Chakmak (Chikmak)-yuzbegi” 55 . The significance of the rank of these persons, which follows from the context, does not allow us to take them for ordinary centurions. Apparently, the true social, administrative or military situation of these persons was different and has yet to be clarified. A well-known parallel in changing the semantics of the word yuzbegi in the examples given can be found in changing the meaning of the word onrun among the Turkmens, where it became the designation of the chief 56 .

From the analysis of the meanings of the word yuz and its derivatives, we can conclude that the identification of its true value, the causes of semantic shifts in each particular case requires a purely individual approach and a very specific textual and historical analysis.

Summing up what has been said, we will cite the following quote from the work of Yu. A. Zuev, who made another attempt to move forward in solving the problem of zhuzes: for the lack of concrete written evidence has not yet been achieved. For the same reason, most attempts to reconstruct the early history of zhuzes and their semantics are based on finding more or less consonant phonetic parallels of the word zhuz in historical documents without involving the context, therefore, the conclusions made in this way are devoid of scientific evidence” 57 .

Indeed, new evidence of the use of the term in the sources juz/zhuz after the publication of the work of V. V. Velyaminov-Zernov, from which Yu. A. Zuev starts his countdown, not so much was found, but they exist and are introduced into scientific use, for example, information about the use of the name in the sources Yuz-Orda, which we present. Therefore, it is legitimate to assert that there has been a certain shift in solving the problem of zhuzes.

As for finding “more or less consonant phonetic parallels to the word zhuz in historical documents”, then it should be said that specialists are looking primarily not for phonetic consonances, but for the word itself juz / zhuz and search for shifts in its semantics towards a specific Kazakh meaning zhuz. But they do not neglect phonetic parallels either, investigating them in compliance with the rules of historical phonetics and semasiology. The work of Yu. A. Zuev can serve as an illustration of the application of such, of course, legitimate, research method.

Fascinated by his own hypotheses and concepts, some of which are of interest, Yu. A. Zuev, of course, is unfair and inaccurate in his assertion that in most studies of the problem of zhuzes, the context of the studied sources is not involved.

Hordes Large, Medium, Small. There are several aspects to the problem of such naming of the hordes. Firstly, why did they receive the names of large, medium, small, i.e., what was the initial meaning of these determinants and what became later. Secondly, when did these names originate. Thirdly, how many there were in different specific cases.

To clarify these questions, naturally, one should turn to an earlier time, to the time of their occurrence. At the same time, it is revealed that all the above-mentioned aspects of the problem in their specific manifestations can be satisfactorily resolved within the framework of the post-Mongolian time. A researcher of an earlier time also faces the same questions, but in general, in the pre-Mongolian time, they are fundamentally solved in the same way as for the time after the Tatar-Mongolian conquests.

First of all, it must be said that large, medium, small (smaller) when applied to hordes-rates and hordes-associations, they mean their hierarchy in the system of domination-subordination in different plans, but not in time of occurrence. Since the appearance of hordes, or zhuzes, such a sequence may have a connection, but not a causal one, but a concomitant one. 58 .

For example, the main, senior headquarters of the Chagataids in the valley of the Ili River was called *** Ulug-If 59 (Ulug-ev)"Senior Horde-Stavka", "Senior Yurt", "Senior House". The meaning of this name is that it was the main headquarters among other Chagatayids' headquarters. Whether the headquarters of other Chagataids had the names middle, junior, etc., or they were called by the name of the Chagataids who headed them, we do not know, and this is not significant, since the main thing is that Ulug-If was called so because he dominated rates of other Chagataids.

The Great Horde was the headquarters of the late khans of the Golden Horde. And in this case the word big meant "senior", since the khans who headed this rate claimed political seniority in relation to other rates-hordes, of which there were many.

In the 50s. 16th century the Nogai Horde, which roamed the steppe expanses from the Volga to the Irtysh, broke up. As a result, Big Nogai, Small Nogai (Kaziyev Ulus), Altyul Nogai (Ulus of the Six Sons alty st; in Russian it was sometimes called Ulus Shti Brothers, i.e. Ulus of the Six Brothers) 60 , and later other Nogai hordes. These were two new Nogai hordes. Of these, one was the eldest, the other the youngest. Another one had a special name - Altyul, or Six Brothers, otherwise, the Dzhemboyluk Horde. The Big Nogai were the Senior Nogai Horde for the reason that their ruler Murza Ismail was senior in position among his brothers - the Nogai Murzas, descendants of Edygei. Although the Small Nogai, and the Altyulsky Ulus, and others were actually independent hordes, nevertheless, the Great Nogai Horde was nevertheless the eldest among them in rank, although nominally.

Thus, from the above examples it is clear that in the Turkic-Mongolian association there could be only one Big / Elder Horde in the presence of several other hordes recognizing its supremacy. There could be a Large / Senior and Small / Junior Hordes. But there could be three hordes - Large / Senior, Medium and Small / Smaller / Younger. The presence of three hordes with names that somehow connected them was only a special case. structural organization large nomadic associations. Disclosure of the organizational system of such associations can be achieved only by analyzing associations of different composition, and not only three-member ones. The supremacy of some hordes was recognized by others, which could be called by some special names that did not necessarily reflect their hierarchy. As for the seniority of the hordes, it was established in accordance with the Turkic-Mongolian traditions, mainly according to the seniority of relatives from the ruling family, which was determined by the order of the locality, but sometimes also by the will-order of the late supreme khan / kagan or bey, i.e. on on the basis of those principles that Genghis Khan tried to instill, as well as on the basis of those that he defended, sometimes in opposition to the precepts of Genghis Khan, but by the authority of his name, his “golden” family.

The names of the Great, Middle, Younger Hordes should be recognized, of course, independent of the number of people who were part of them. The actual state of affairs contradicts this assumption.

About the time of appearance in Dasht-i Kypchak and the reasons for the use of the word juz/zhuz as a term denoting the headquarters (or rates) of the Tukatimurids, and, probably, the grouping of tribes around Yuz-Orda, we spoke above.

Later, in connection with the division of the zhuz into three parts, additional names appeared - the Senior, Middle, Junior Zhuzes, according to Russian sources - the Great, Middle, Small Cossack Hordes.

The opinion about the antiquity of the division of the Kazakh ethnic group into three zhuzes exists among the historians of Kazakhstan for a long time 61 . It was based on the genealogy of the Kazakh tribes and legends about the khans Hakk-Nazar, Tauk and others. Quite recently, 1731 was called the first year of reliable mention in the sources of zhuzes. 62 We managed to establish that 1616 can be called such a year. 63 Since then, no earlier date has been established. It seems to us, however, that an in-depth study of the sources will certainly bring positive results. Let's remember that three zhuzes(kaz. ush zhuz) in translation means "three hundred". It is this number that is sometimes played up in sources telling about the Kazakhs. So, Babur wrote that the Kazakh Khan Kasym had three hundred thousand troops 64 . In one of the Persian-language sources, the arrival of the Kazakh Khan and 300 sultans to Central Asia is attested. The number of examples can be increased. We believe that the Central Asian authors comprehended the expression ush zhuz as "three hundred", or "three hundred" Kazakhs. Of course, the sources also contain indications of a different number of Kazakhs who acted in specific situations. Apparently, not all numbers containing "three hundred" always reflected the concept of "three zhuz". Nevertheless, the numeral found in the sources three hundred three hundred at the mention of the Kazakhs, it was sometimes, probably, a kind of translation-rethinking of the Kazakh concept "ush zhuz". This is the way to search. It can lead to the discovery of direct news about the zhuzes before 1616.

But how many zhuzes were there - two or three - at the time when the division of a single zhuz into separate zhuzes began, if we proceed from this idea?

Note, however, that there is an opposite opinion expressed by A.P. Chuloshnikov, in solidarity with M. Krasovsky: he believes that not three zhuzes were formed as a result of the division of the originally single Kazakh people, but a single Kazakh people was formed from three previously merged independently existing parts, which were either formerly zhuzes, or in the new united people became its constituent parts- zhuzes. At the same time, it is assumed that at first the Senior and Middle Zhuzes united, and only some time later the Younger joined them. 65 . Either we misunderstand A.P. Chuloshnikov, or it should be assumed that the originally united zhuzes, who prudently adopted the names of the Senior and Middle Zhuzs, “planned” in advance to annex some group of tribes, for which they “reserved” the name of the Junior Zhuz. Such an assumption is absurd in at least one respect: after all, the initially united two groups of tribes, naturally, should have called themselves the Elder and Younger Hordes (Zhuzes). Otherwise, we must attribute to the leaders of the first two zhuzes such perspicacity that matches the prophets. In fairness, it should be recognized that in the reasoning of A.P. Chuloshnikov, a blunder could have been made not in essence, but in a purely verbal property. Indeed, at first two groups of tribes could unite, which became the Senior and Junior Zhuz, and then a third group could join them, which naturally received the name of the Middle Zhuz.

However, this assumption is difficult to accept. A.P. Chuloshnikov believes that the formation of the union of three zhuzes took place under Khakk-Nazar Khan, who was killed in 1580. Meanwhile, the first mention of the Elder Zhuz dates back to 1616. If we take into account the existence of three zhuzes in the structure of the Kazakh people, then , apparently, it would be more natural to be cautious for the sake of assuming (in the light of the above facts of the occurrence of tribal associations with the names Elder and Younger), that in 1616 at least the Younger Zhuz already existed. By the way, T. I. Sultanov shows just such caution. 66 .

The message about the Senior Zhuz in 1616, however, is of such a nature that it is difficult to assume its recent occurrence. It can be added that when A. P. Chuloshnikov wrote, this news had not yet been introduced into scientific literature. For A.P. Chuloshnikov, the time gap between the first mention of zhuzes according to sources known in his time (1731) and the data of legends about Hakk-Nazar Khan was too large, and it could be assumed that many events took place in this period. For such assumptions in our time, the chronological possibilities have narrowed to the limit. And then the very discovery of an indication of the source of the existence in 1616 of the Elder Zhuz is not a sufficiently eloquent warning!?

After the death of Khan Tavakkul in 1598, his younger brother Yesim. At the same time, a certain Bahadur was a Kazakh khan. In the Persian-language work “Ta” rih-i Shaibani”, which is identical to “Musakhkhir al-bilad” by Muhammadyar ben Arab katagana, information is given that in the fall of 1603 Bahadur Khan, together with Yesim, fought against the protege of the Karakalpaks in Turkestan, the false Shaybanid Abd al-Ghaffar Sultan and was defeated. Abd al-Ghaffar captured Turkestan, Sayram, Tashkent, Akhsikent, Andugan / Andijan. In the spring of 1605, Bahadur and Yesem suddenly attacked the false Abd al-Ghaffar in Kara-Kamysh near Tashkent, Yesim killed Abd al-Ghaffar, and the Kazakhs again took possession of the Syr Darya cities, Tashkent and Fergana 67 . In Russian documents from 1617 it is reported: “And the people of the Topino state told them that there were 2 kings in the Topino state: one named Ishim, and the other named Baatyr ... And they say about those states that it’s a direct Cossack horde .. .” 68 .

Also, simultaneously with Yesim and Bahadur, the Kazakh khan was Tursun-Muhammad, who, according to “Bahr al-asrar”, around 1613/14, became a khan in Tashkent 69 . These events are described in more detail in the Persian-language poetic work “Imamkuli-khan-name” (“Imam-kuli-khanova book”) by Suhail, which probably served as a source for “Bahr al-asrar”. The “Imamkuli-Khan Book” reports that Tursun-Muhammad supported Ashtarkhanid Imamkuli-Khan, as a result of which Yesim and other Kazakh rulers were defeated, lost Ferghana and some possessions near the Syrdarya 70 , and Yesim and his relatives were forced to leave for East Turkestan 71 . He appeared in East Turkestan after the death of the Khan of Mogulia Shah Shuja ad-Din Ahmad, which happened around 1617. 72 , went back to Tashkent, having stayed in East Turkestan for about six years, that is, around 1623. 73 After returning, Yesim killed Tursun-Muhammad around 1628 and again fortified himself in the Syrdarya regions.

Also, at the same time as Yesim, Abulai Sultan was the Kazakh ruler in Ferghana. Russian documents call him “Savranian... Cossack hordes... Tsar Ablakhan” 74 . (In this case, he is called Ablakhan because that is how he was titled by the population of Kazakhstan and Central Asia. The Russians endowed him with the title of king. empires, including the Central Asian and Kazakh khans. Not later than 1616, “the Bukhara king Imyamkuli drove the Savran king Ablakhan from his cities, and the dei ran to the Cossack horde, and in his dei place he planted on Savran and other cities the planter of his Tursan- prince (i.e. Tursun-Muhammad-khan.- V. Yu.)” 75 . In the light of the given data, there can be no doubt that Abulai was a khan. “Imamkuli-khan-name” Suhaila also calls the Kazakh khans in the first two decades of the 17th century. Ali, Nazara, Kuchika...

Thus, in the 10's and 20's. 17th century the Kazakhs simultaneously had khans Yesim, Bahadur, Abulai, Tursun-Muhammad, and besides, Ali, Kuchik, Nazar are also called khans 76 . Such a multitude of khans ruling at the same time could only exist if the Kazakh people were divided into several political units. In a political sense, late XVI- the beginning of the XVII century. Kazakh people were not united. Therefore, unjustified, in any case careless in relation to this time, are such statements as “Kazakh Khanate”, “usurpation of power”, “supreme khan”, etc. The situation is aggravated by the fact that in the sources khans are often called sultans, and sultans khans. In a word, the situation was such that it can be said with a high degree of certainty that zhuzes already existed at the end of the 16th century. Consequently, the information of the sources seems to lead to the conclusion that the zhuzes really formed around the time of the reign of Khakk-Nazar. But it is difficult to recognize this conclusion as final, given that Korei and Dzhanibek were both khans, Kasym Khan disputed power with Burunduk Khan, etc.

It can be said that the historian has fairly solid grounds for asserting that at the end of the 16th century. Zhuzes already existed, but, mindful of this, he is obliged to continue the search, since the probability of finding news of the earlier existence of zhuzes has become very high.

To the above, we add that by now so much data has been accumulated on the history of the Kazakh people of the XV-XVIII centuries that there can be no place for looking at Kazakh history as an intermittent process of development of disparate groups of Kazakhs, and this completely undermines the foundations on which the views arose M. Krasovsky and A. P. Chuloshnikov.

The reason for the division of the Kazakh people into three zhuzes, as we, following V.V. Bartold and other historians, believe, “was dictated by the economic zoning of Kazakhstan, based on geographic and climatic features” 77 . We believe that the general environmental factors, on which socio-economic and socio-political parameters were superimposed, led to the emergence of zhuzes and , as a result, a more stable reproduction of life.

For a more detailed acquaintance with different points of view on the time and causes of zhuzes, we refer the reader to well-known reviews of the problem. 78 .

Consideration of the reasons for the emergence of three zhuzes determined the appearance new hypothesis, which its author substantiates with the ancient trial system of organization of nomadic unions of tribes and peoples: “Outwardly, the institute of trial organization is similar to a three-clan union, or a ring connection of tribes, when each of the three clans acts as a family of a father-in-law in relation to one partner and a family of a son-in-law in relation to another . However, here the connection is carried out only in relation to the kagan, the central clan on the part of the other two, who marry with him, but are autonomous to each other. This system of inter-tribal marriage ties, which we called the ethnic triumvirate, was superimposed on the system of military-tactical organization among the ancient nomads of Asia with a marked division into the left wing - the center - the right wing.

Of course, one cannot draw a direct parallel between the news dating back to such a deep antiquity and the phenomena of the post-Mongolian era. But one cannot completely deny the action of the powerful factor of tradition. During the period of the creation of the Kazakh statehood, which undoubtedly acted as the successor of the previous traditions, their conservative strength materialized in the form of a trial system of a military-tribal organization, although only weak reminiscences of former social institutions reminded of its content by that time” 79 .

Let's say right away that we consider the concept of tribal organization of tribes in the post-Mongol period artificially constructed and far-fetched. And we consider its existence in antiquity, in the pre-Mongolian era, to be doubtful and requiring evidence of a systemic and structural nature based on the fullest possible coverage specific facts stories that speak for and against without any choice.

The problem raised by Yu. A. Zuev is quite serious. This can be seen at least from the fact that his hypothesis is already being used in the practice of research work. With its help, for example, V. V. Vostrov and M. S. Mukanov try to explain the three-component nature of the Kazakh nationality, that is, the origin and existence of the three Kazakh zhuzes. Although they resort to reservations about the impossibility of direct parallels between the phenomena of ethnic history before and post-Mongolian times, like Yu. A. Zuev, nevertheless they adopted it, also not being able to find arguments in favor of the real existence of a trial organization, or at least its remnants. Therefore, as the main reason for the division of the Kazakh people into three zhuzes, they still name the natural-ecological and economic-economic factors, the effect of which was enhanced by social and other reasons.

Therefore, a positive or negative, but correct solution of the question regarding the hypothesis will be useful for understanding the essence of the social system of the nomadic Turkic-Mongolian and other peoples of Eurasia in antiquity and the Middle Ages.

First, we note that we do not see any systems, traditions or reminiscences of the tribal organization of tribes in the post-Mongolian period in the history of the peoples of Dasht-i Kypchak, just as we doubt its existence in all previous eras. The facts that should argue for a trial organization seem to us as a whole to be specially selected and interpreted in a special way, voluntarily or involuntarily - this is another matter.

Secondly, to confirm the existence of the institution of the trial organization, Yu. A. Zuev cites over a dozen Turkic-Mongolian “ethnonyms with the determinant three" 80 . The above selection makes a rather impressive impression, but only because only ethnonyms formed with the participation of the numeral are considered. three. Participate in the Turkic-Mongolian ethnonym formation and numerals four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, thirty, forty, one hundred, one thousand, mist and others. Some of them in the composition of ethnonyms are found no less than three, and maybe more often. To establish this, it is enough to refer at least to the well-known works of N. A. Aristov on the tribal composition of the Turkic peoples 81 . In order for ethnonyms with a numeral three acquired the force of proof of the existence of a trial organization, a complete survey of the Turkic-Mongolian ethnonymy, formed using numerals, is necessary in order to identify its consistency and the special place of ethnonyms with numerals three in system. Without such preliminary work, one can, of course, find both a trial organization and organizations based on the numbers “four”, “five”, etc. In a word, a list of ethnonyms with a numeral three before such an examination is not evidence-based.

Thirdly, it is impossible to see the roots of the tribal organization of tribes in the three-component military organization left wing - center - right wing, because the three-component military organization arose only as an army formation during military campaigns. In peacetime, such an organization did not exist - there were left and right wings of an ethnos or association of tribes, but there was no center. The khan's or kagan's headquarters was by no means equal in its significance, the number of people belonging to it, and other signs to the center of the military-tactical formation of the nomadic troops. The projection of the military system on the social system is not correct in this case. The refutation of our claim requires convincing evidence of the existence of the center, i.e., a reasoned study about the significance of the center in peacetime. Meanwhile, the Mongol Empire, like other steppe formations in the post-Mongolian period, was divided into more uluses than three. And there were many bets that were equal in value, much more than three. In the Mongol Empire there were Uluses of Jochi, Chagatai, Ogedei, Tului, Khulaguids in Iran and others. Approximately the same situation was within the uluses of the Mongol Empire, and within the political entities that emerged after its collapse.

Fourthly, to answer the question why the “Kazakhs” had a division into three zhuzes (“three hundred”) and the corresponding social and hierarchical relationship between them: Ulu (Big, Senior), Orta (Middle) and Kshi (Small, Junior) . Why exactly three (and not seven, like the Hephthalites, and not eight, like the Khitans) and why in this sequence: Big - Medium - Small, ”means to answer why the Nogai Horde was divided into Big and Small Nogais, and also why from Nogaev singled out the Altyul Horde, and later others, which means to really answer the above question about the Hephthalites and the Khitans, as well as about many other peoples and associations in the same Dasht-i Kypchak. Why, in fact, among the peoples of Dasht-i Kypchak, it was the Kazakhs who were divided into three parts? Why, if in this case there was a system (traditions, reminiscences), this action was not universal and did not cover all the Turkic-speaking peoples of Dasht-i Kypchak? We believe that all this took place because, under specific conditions, specific reasons were at work, why, and the result was concrete and specific. The division of the Kazakh people into three zhuzes is only a special case of the action of a combination of specific historical reasons, which we tried to show above.

We believe that neither traditional ideological systems, nor marriage ritual traditions underlie the allocation of zhuzes. In any case, the influence of these factors on the formation of the structure of the ethnic groups of the Eurasian steppes in the post-Mongolian period cannot be found. We also believe that the division of nomadic collectives into three, four and other number of parts occurred primarily under the pressure of the material conditions of life and only subsequently received ideological comprehension, more precisely, a pseudo-ideological comprehension, which in the minds of people acquired the rights of priority and originality. Quasi-ideological rethinking of this type, as a rule, was accompanied by folk-etymological, therefore, false-etymological interpretation or, in other words, pseudo-ideological justification became a component of false folk etymology. Nowadays, the excessive “intellectualism” of some studies, the persistent search for the obligatory “play of ideas” behind the events of a long history and poorly provided with source data, entails the interchange of causes and effects, the involuntary derivation of basic phenomena from superstructural ones.

Yu. A. Zuev believes that “really essential in resolving this problem should not be the search for one or another name, but the clarification of the historical role of ethnic components in the composition of the people” 82 . Indeed, the search for names is not an end in itself, as has been repeatedly pointed out. However, in order to identify information about certain ethnic components in the sources, you need to search, and you can search only by their names or, in case of renaming, by other names or descriptive “ethnonym substitutes” 83 , i.e., in the search, after all, start from the names. Is there another method for identifying specific news about a specific ethnic group in the sources?!

What is meant by clarifying the "historical role of ethnic components"? Their role in history before the formation of the people (ethnos)? Judging by the work of Yu. A. Zuev, this is what is meant. But to what time depth? And if the role of, say, the Naimans, Argyns, Kipchaks, Dzhalairs, Konrats, and other components in the pre- and post-Mongolian periods is being investigated, then what about such a phenomenon as the plurality of collectives with such names before they entered the Kazakh ethnos? In other words, how to find out which of several groups, for example, Argyns or Naimans, known to us from sources, then became part of the Kazakh people? It does not follow from Yu. A. Zuev's article that its author has clear answers to these questions.

And, finally, the wish of Yu. A. Zuev to use Kazakh traditions and legends to solve the problem of zhuzes will coincide with the general opinion and experience. However, it should be noted that, as a rule, researchers look for and find in oral sources that which confirms the theses they defend, and that which contradicts, they bypass and do not interpret. This is precisely the method of using legends and legends in the works of Yu. A. Zuev 84 . But with this approach, almost everything can be substantiated by the data of oral sources. We want to say that it is necessary to develop a scientific methodology for using the news of legends and legends, and not only news that “confirms” hypotheses, but also a methodology for mandatory consideration and refutation of contradictory data.

We have given only a few remarks and objections that suggest themselves. Only a convincing answer to these and other possible objections and questions would make it possible to accept Yu. A. Zuev's hypothesis as a useful guide in research work.

We are convinced that the solution of some aspects of the problem of zhuzes, which are still not fully clarified, is possible only through a rigorous analysis of specific data from sources of various nature and active search and the introduction of new sources into scientific use.

Mamaev, Nogai, Crimean and other Hordes. The names Mamaev Horde, Muratov Horde and many similar names arose from the names of the persons who led them, actually or nominally. Most of them did not exist long, until the death of the person who led them. The people of such a horde usually joined some other horde.

To show how much unknown is still hidden in the history of Kazakhstan, in the history of nomadic associations and powers of the Eastern Dasht-i Kipchak, we will tell about the Horde of Tengiz-Bugi from the Kyyat tribe. Tengiz-Buga was the son of Jir-Kutlu, the sovereign ruler of the left wing of the Golden Horde, who, according to some sources, was killed by Urus Khan. In turn, Jir-Kutlu was the son of Isatai kyiat. The latter is known in the sources as Isa-gurgen, or Isa-kurekan. He was a powerful temporary worker of the Golden Horde Uzbek Khan. For merits, Uzbek Khan granted Isatai kyiat of all the Jochids, except for the Shaybanids. These Jochids constituted a special koshun and were in the position of slaves or serfs under Isatai kyyat. From Isatai they moved to Dzhir-Kutlu, and from Dzhir-Kutlu to Tengiz-Bug.

According to “Chingiz-name”, the time of troubles in the Golden Horde began with the accession of Berdibek Khan (1357-1359).

In his time, Kyiat Mamai took part of the people of the Golden Horde to the Crimea, and Kyiat Tengiz-Buga - to the lower reaches of the Syr Darya. This is how the famous Mamayev Horde appeared and the Horde of Tengiz-Bugi, not yet known to historians, appeared on the territory of Kazakhstan.

Tengiz-Buga used the Jochids as laborers in the construction of a mausoleum over his father's grave. Further in “Chingiz-name” follows an adventurous story about a coup staged by the Jochids. We briefly describe its content.

The Jochids learned that a messenger had arrived at the Tengiz-Bughi horde. A meeting was held in the horde, to which one of the Jochids was invited, by the name of Kara-Nogai, or, briefly, Nogai. His other name was Alp-Atguchu-bahadur, i.e. Giant-Shooter-hero. Among the remaining Jochids was someone named Bukri-Khoja-Ahmad, whose other name was Sagyshy-Artuk-Saichi-eagle, i.e. Wise-Saichi-oglan. This Wise-Saichi-oglan explained the situation to the rest of the Jochids. According to him, the messenger brought news of the death of Berdibek Khan. In this regard, Tengiz-Buga arranged a council. At this council, Tengiz-Buga and his entourage convinced Kara-Nogai that they would proclaim him khan if he agreed to the extermination of all the Jochids. Kara-Nogai allegedly agreed.

The Jochids ambushed and captured Kara-Nogai, who had left the Tengiz-Bughi horde. When he was promised that the Jochids would in turn make Kara-Nogai Khan, he told about the meeting in the horde, and his words completely coincided with the words of the Wise-Saichi-oglan.

The Jochids decided to arrange a coup and the next day they successfully carried it out, killing Tengiz-Buga. Kara-Nogai was proclaimed Khan. “Both of them, the son of Mangutai Khizr Khan and Kara Nogai, became khans in one month. Khizr-khan became a khan in Sarai on his [Sain-khan's] throne, and Kara-Nogai - on the bank of the [river] Syr in the left wing” 85 .

“For three years Kara-Nogai ruled on the banks of the Syr...” 86 . After his death, his younger brother Tughly-Timur became Khan. It is not known how many years he was khan, but after his death, Urus, the son of Badyk-oglan, i.e. Urus-khan, the founder of the dynasty of Kazakh khans, allegedly became the khan.

The historicity of the persons and events of this story is confirmed by such a source as the “Collection of Chronicles” by Kadyr-Alibiy Jalair 87 . We find the names of the Jochids from this story in the genealogies of the Jochids, in the section of the descendants of Tuka-Timur.

Thus, Utemish-hadji preserved for us information about the formation on the banks of the Syr Darya of the Horde of Kyyat Tengiz-Bughi, about which we still knew absolutely nothing. 88 . If a lot is known about the Horde of Kyyat Mamai, then we owe this to Russian and some other sources. However, simultaneously with the Time of Troubles in the Golden Horde, the Time of Troubles began in Central Asia, where it ended with the formation of the state of Emir Timur. Therefore, the Central Asian sources, i.e. the main sources on the history of Kazakhstan of the time under consideration, retained very little information about the events in the steppes of the Eastern Dasht-i Kypchak.

In the years of troubled times, the steppes lived, it turns out, hectic life. The Horde of Tengiz-Buga was replaced by the reign of the Jochid khans from the Tuka-Timur clan, but not of the line from which Urus-khan came. The names of some of these khans are also known to us from other sources. So, about Tughly-Timur (Tugluk-Timur) we know that he was a khan, but in known sources he is identified with the Moghulistan khan-Chagatayid Tugluk-Timur. In the explanation given by Utemish-hadji to the name of Tughly-Timur on the basis of the daftar in the hands of the Khiva Shaibanid Dost-sultan, i.e., a written source, it is said: “This Tughly-Timur became a great sovereign. He ruled Samarkand and Bukhara” 89 . Consequently, the daftar also identifies Tughly-Timur "Chingiz-name" with the Moghulistan khan Tugluk-Timur.

Meanwhile, the story from “Chingiz-name”, which is a section of steppe oral historiology, does not report anything about the connections of Tughly-Timur and Tugluk-Timur of Moghulistan.

Such hordes as Nogai (Mangytskaya), Cossack (Kazakh), Karakalpatskaya, Kalmatskaya (Kalmakskaya) and others received their names as a result of the process of formation of new ethnic groups from the nomads of Dasht-i Kypchak. New ethnic groups were formed mainly from the tribes and clans of the so-called nomadic Uzbeks. The latter got their name from the Golden Horde Khan Uzbek, one of the last descendants of Batu. The population of both Western and Eastern Dasht-i Kypchak was called Uzbeks, and not only the nomads of Eastern Dasht-n Kyp-chak. The latter opinion is quite widespread among historians of Kazakhstan and Central Asia, but does not correspond to reality. Ethnonym Uzbek It lasted the longest precisely in the Eastern Dasht-i Kypchak, but this is not a reason to refer it only to the population of the eastern part of the former Ulus of the Jochids.

Regarding the origin of the name of the Uzbeks and their hordes, there is a discussion that arose a long time ago, continues now and is far from over. Note that the name of the population of Dasht-i Kypchak "Uzbek" contains a curious phenomenon that has not yet received a proper assessment. It reflected the process of formation of a huge ethnic group on the territory from the Danube to the Irtysh. How real this process was, how long it lasted and when it was interrupted, how far it went, what was the degree of consolidation of clans and tribes, whether it captured the broad masses of the people or was reflected only in the minds of the ruling strata - these are questions that are still waiting for their opinion. solutions.

Despite the presence of certain successes in solving the problem of the formation of a large Dashti-Kypchak Uzbek community, its study was hampered by a noticeable negative attitude towards its very formulation and significant difficulties of a theoretical and practical, objective and subjective nature. This problem is not contrived. It is quite real and similar to the problem of the formation of the Mongol community in the process and after the Mongol conquests in the sense in which we find it, for example, in Rashid ad-Din's "Jami" at-tawa-rih and in the composition of which authors of "Jami" at-tavarikh" or in reality) involved not only Mongolian, but also Turkic tribes, perhaps the latter to a greater extent than the Mongolian ones proper.

The same and similar difficulties exist in the study of other hordes, in the name of which there are names of emerging nationalities. To solve the question of the origin of each of these hordes means to solve the question of the formation of each of these nationalities. A lot has already been done along this path and a great concrete result has been achieved, but a lot of particular and general questions of this problem need additional research and even formulation.

Let's just say a few words about the emergence of the Cossack Horde, that is, ultimately about the formation of the Kazakh people. The fact that the Kazakhs are a separate part of the large Dashtikypchak Uzbek community has already been written. From this it follows that the prehistory of the Kazakhs is in the history of the so-called nomadic Uzbeks Dasht-i Kypchak. The opinion was expressed that the history of the Kazakhs does not begin with the migration of Kerey and Dzhanibek, but much earlier. If this is so, then it is necessary to look not only for the reasons by which the Kazakhs stood out from the Uzbeks, but also for those events in which this was expressed. Perhaps some of these events are recorded in the above story about Tengiz-Bug and the Jochids.

Let's note one paradox. The founder of the dynasty of Kazakh khans Urus ruled at a time when the Kazakhs were not yet called Kazakhs. He ruled over the Uzbeks. The same can be said about some of his descendants. Only after the migration of Kerey and Dzhanibek did the word Cossack becomes an ethnonym, and the Kazakh khans are really at the head of the Kazakhs. Shortly thereafter the word Cossack spreads in this new capacity in the vast expanses of Eastern Dasht-i Kypchak and Semirechye. There was a renaming of the Uzbeks of Eastern Dasht-i Kypchak into Kazakhs, accompanied by some additional processes of their ethnic history.

Thus, the dynasty of the Kazakh khans arose, as it were, before the formation of the Kazakh people, if we proceed from the fact that the transformation of the word Cossack into an ethnonym signified the addition of a nation.

If the outer contours of this process are already clear, then there is still confusion and uncertainty about the original meaning of the word Cossack, as well as doubts generated by M. Krasovsky, A. P. Chuloshnikov and others about when the word Cossack first became an ethnonym.

Regarding the original meaning of the word Cossack, you can see the following. In order to determine what the meaning of the word was Kazakh, when it has become an ethnonym, one does not need to know its entire “semantic” history. To stop the discussion, it is enough to know what specific meaning served as the semantic base of the ethnonym. And this value has been established for a long time. It is in the designation of a person leading a lifestyle Cossack acting as Cossack representing the institute Cossacks among the Turkic peoples. Many translations of this word have been proposed. We can say that all these translations are correct and at the same time incorrect. Translations correctly characterize some aspect of the activity Cossack leaving others undiscovered. In other words, the word Cossack untranslatable. Therefore, the Russians accepted it without translating it.

As for which group the word was first used to designate Cossack as an ethnonym, it can be said that in our time any hesitation or doubt about this is no longer appropriate. Such a team was the people who accompanied Kerey and Dzhanibek in migration and joined them in Semirechye a little later. The history of the transformation of a common name Cossack the ethnonym begins with the precedent of this migration.

All other uses of the word Cossack to designate individuals or groups of Dasht-i Kypchak nomads, they do not find its transformation into an ethnonym. There were many such cases before the migration of Kerey and Dzhanibek and after it. Even using quotes from sources in this article on other occasions, in two cases we unwittingly cited evidence of Turkic groups Cossacks but not Kazakhs. First, this Cossacks in a quotation from “Chingiz-name”, for which Khizr Khan broke the Golden Yurt of Uzbek Khan. Secondly, this Shibany Cossacks and Cossacks-legs, who, together with Shaibanid Ivak (Ibak), attacked the Belaya Vezha (White Horde-headquarters) of the Golden Horde Khan Ahmad in a quotation from the Ustyug Chronicle. Examples can be multiplied and multiplied. But only the migration of Kerey and Dzhanibek filled the word Cossack ethnic content. It is sometimes said and written that the importance of migration cannot be overestimated. But it should not be underestimated. If only because the migration of Kerey and Dzhanibek is of outstanding importance in the history of the Kazakh people, that it was she who gave him his name. But whether this event was the beginning or the crown of the formation of the nationality, or some other phase of the process, is still subject to additional research, although a priori or based on some facts, it can be assumed that the initial stages of the formation of the Kazakh ethnos proper preceded the adoption of the name Cossack. We must not forget that in the East, including partly in the Eurasian steppes, the emerging and already established ethnic groups such as nationality for centuries did without a generalizing name. The task is to be able to see signs of the consolidation of ethnic groups in the flow of events in the history of events, and not to get involved in an emotional dispute based on general logic or speculative assumptions.

Thus, the origin of the name of the horde by ethnonym is directly related to the origin of the nationality (ethnos), with the circumstances of its origin and formation. This is fully evident from the history of the name Cossack Horde.

As for the names of such hordes as the Volga, Zayaitskaya, Perekopskaya, Crimean, Zalesskaya, Gorodetskaya, Dzhemboylukskaya, their emergence is associated with the isolation of certain nomadic collectives in a certain territory and the assignment of territories to these collectives. The etymology of such names is transparent, and their problem is, first of all, the problem not of the name, but of the reasons and time of isolation and the subsequent fate of the hordes - ethnic groups.

Let's say a few words about the Dzhemboyluk, otherwise Altyul Horde, or the Horde of the Six Brothers. Name jamboilooks can be translated as "people living along the Emba River", where the nomad camps of this group of Nogais really were. Name jam boy, or Jam Boys not alone, it stands among a significant number of the same type. For example, in “Sharaf-name-yi shakhi” by Hafiz Tanysh, the Syrdarya river is called Talash-Boy(or Talash Boyi), i.e. "Talas River", or "Talas River". The same model is found in the title Uzboy, channel of the Amu Darya, which flows into the Caspian Sea. There are many such examples. Everywhere in these cases the word the battle has the meaning of "river" and is a synonym for the words darya, su, ezen and others.

The history of the names of the hordes according to the places of their wanderings is an interesting object of study. They arose either only on Turkic soil, or only on Russian soil, or were borrowed, usually with some kind of restructuring, from Turkic languages into Russian. There were also reverse borrowings. The very history of the names of such hordes is largely the history of the individual Turkic groups that made up these hordes.

It is interesting that these hordes appeared as a result of the destruction of those, sometimes gigantic, formations that arose as a result of the Tatar-Mongol conquests and the establishment of the “Mongolian world”, i.e., as a result of politics and the continuation of the ideology of Chingizism. It is fair to say that the collapse of the Mongol Empire and the Uluses of Genghisides is the result of the liberation struggle of the conquered peoples. Indeed, the centrifugal forces in the Chingizid uluses, in particular in the Jochid ulus, were irresistible. Socio-economic, demographic-environmental and other factors broke the “Chingiz heritage”. However, there is a paradox in this process itself. Against the "Chingiz heritage", i.e. against Chingizism, the nomadic peoples of Dasht-i Kypchak, and many other regions, headed by the same Chingizids, had to fight and struggled with the methods and means of Chingizism, as mentioned above. Destroying the Ulus of the Jochids, the Jochids substantiated their rights, and above all their right to eliminate other Jochids, by the interests of the Jochids clan, the “partition of Chngizkhan”, hence Chingizism itself. “Chingizism against Chingizism” is one of the manifestations of the liberation struggle of the Turkic peoples against the Mongol dominance and yoke. After the Turkization of the Mongols and Jochids in Dasht-i Kypchak, it was no longer a struggle against the Mongols proper, but a struggle against the establishment of Chingizism. And almost any other, social and political struggle, caused by the objective course of historical development, took place under the slogans of anti-Chingizism, but also in the name of Chingizism. This continued as long as the Chingizids and those ruling strata who were guided by Chingizism in their practical activities were at the head of the horde-powers.

In this regard, the story of Edygei, the actual founder of the Nogai Horde, is instructive. Continuing the policy of the Golden Horde towards Rus' and other conquered countries and peoples, he acted on the basis of the establishment of Chigizism and for the sake of its restoration and strengthening. Achieving political independence and autocracy in the Golden Horde, he fought against the Jochids, and this was a struggle against Chingizism.

In the struggle against the Chingizids and Chingizism, Edygei and his descendants resorted to a tried and tested remedy. They fabricated a legend about the origin of Edygei from the first figures of Islam. Thus, Edygei and his descendants received the status of Sayyids, or Khojas. Due to the fact that Edygei persistently propagated Islam in the steppes, it can be said that in the fight against Chingizism he also used this confession and thereby increased his authority, the authority of an imaginary sayyid.

However, in his era, the time had not yet come for the eradication of Chingizism. Edygei himself ruled on behalf of the dummy khans-Juchids. This showed that Chingizism was still a powerful force in the steppes. The sources about Edygei, his descendants said that there were *** b1r1 - khan, b1r1 - biy "one- khan, the other - biy. "And this popular expression was invested with the meaning that the khan was a political facade, a dummy, decorative figure, and the biy decided practical matters, was the spokesman for real power.

Although Edygei often changed khans, did not reckon with them and destroyed a lot of them, nevertheless he still could not abandon the institution of khan power. This situation persisted under several generations of his successors - the biys of the Nogai Horde. Over time, the descendants of Edygei nevertheless overcame the tradition and abandoned the use of dummy khans, that is, they decided and managed to overcome Chingizism.

But not only in this regard, Edygei encroached on the prerogatives of the “golden” family of Genghis Khan. He laid the foundations for the destruction of the political and legal system of Chingizism in the steppes. The ancient term "biy" and the new titles "nuradin", "keykobad" (keykovat), "taybuga" became the terminological expression of its collapse.

Edygei's own decisions in various cases became a precedent on which the customary law of the Nogais, and indeed of some other nomadic peoples, was based. “Edygei law” and “Edygeid law” were an analogue of the Yasa of Genghis Khan, the Yasa of other Genghisids, and precedents for codifying customary law of the pre-Mongol era.

The origin of the above terms is indicative. "Nuradin" is Nur ad-Din, in popular pronunciation Nuradin, the name of the son of Edygei, which became the name of the position-title of the heir to the biy of the Nogai Horde. “Keykovat” is also the name of the son of Edygei, which became the name of the post-title of the second person after nuradin in the Nogai Horde. “Taibuga” is the name of the bey Tai-Buga, who played a significant role in the history of the Ulus of the Jochids. The title “khan” left the Nogai Horde, and in its place the old steppe title “biy” was revived, which became known as the bearer of supreme power among the Nogai. The Russians passed it by the word "prince".

It would seem that there was a democratization of the Nogai social system. But it wasn't. The essence of the power of Edygei and his descendants is similar to the essence of the power of Genghis before he was proclaimed khan (kagan). In the Nogai Horde, therefore, there was a movement back to more archaic forms of power organization. The reasons are in the history of the Golden Horde and the Nogays themselves. The Nogai Horde, compared to the Golden Horde, was a more backward formation. In it, for example, there were almost no cities. In the minds of the ruling strata of the Nogai society, these changes were reflected in a wrong way, they were perceived as a return to the “golden age of the steppe freemen”, as the restoration of the foundations of the tribal system, “violated” by the previous stages of historical development that proceeded under the sign of Chingizism. In reality, however, these phenomena marked a return to more conservative socio-economic relations, relations of domination-subordination, which suited that part of the ruling strata that was oriented towards nomadic image life in the steppes and was opposed to urban orientation. The Nogai Horde was the most "nomadic" of the nomadic formations of the Dasht-i Kypchak. The last tradition received ideological expression in the epic of the so-called “Nogailin” cycle.

The introduction of the above terms was not a word game. The formation of this terminological system reflected the processes of a long struggle against Chingizism, its defeat and the formation of a new ideology, based on fundamental ideological and psychological shifts in the consciousness of Nogai society. This new ideology and worldview can be called “edygeism”. It was another steppe ideological and ideological revolution of the type of the same “Chingizism” or “Oguzism”.

Based on the consideration of the etymology of the names of the hordes and some aspects of their history, we wanted to show that the emergence, development and disappearance of such hordes is not just a history of endless and senseless wars that squandered human, material and cultural resources, but also the history of clans, tribes, ethnic groups , a history with patterns common to all peoples, but at the same time concrete, specific. Some of these ethnic groups continue to exist in the nationalities and nations of our country. It was the history of people!

We also wanted to show that behind the outer side of the history of the steppe peoples lies the inner, the history of ideology and worldview. If the steppe ideological and worldview upheavals were stages of the same type of phenomena, then each of them was nevertheless concrete and original. The study of this “internal” history will help to understand more deeply the meaning of the historical past of the former nomads, to understand the changes in the material order, accompanied by the stage of restructuring the spiritual order.

At the same time, using examples from the history of individual hordes, we wanted to show some specific and concrete features of the course of the general historical process in the steppes.

The text is reproduced according to the edition: Chingiz-name. Alma-Ata. Gylym. 1992

© text - Yudin V.P. 1992
© online version - Thietmar. 2003
© OCR - Tahir Taysin. 2003
© design - Voitekhovich A. 2001
© Gylym. 1992

the white horde khans

Khan dynasty, which ruled in 1226-1427. in the White Horde (Russia).

According to Abulgazi, Batu Khan, after completing his western campaign allocated an ulus in the east of his vast possessions for the brother of the Horde and gave him control of the people, consisting of 15 thousand families. The headquarters of the Horde was, as can be assumed, on the shore of Lake Balkhash, and eastern border The ulus of the Horde served the Irtysh.

O initial history The White Horde (also called the Blue Horde) retained little information. After the Horde, power was taken in 1251 by his son Kung-Kyran. Under him, the borders of the state expanded due to the capture of Bamiyan and Ghazna, located on the border with India. Childless Kung-Kyran was succeeded in 1288 by his nephew Kochyu. In 1302, he was replaced by his eldest son Bayan, against whom one of the grandsons of the Horde, Kuplyuk, rebelled. The war between them continued until 1309, when he arrived from the Golden Horde with big army Burliuk Khan, brother of Toktu Khan who ruled there. Kuplyuk was defeated, fled and died in exile. Bayan took possession of all the lands of his father. Its capital was in Ghazna. However, he was soon expelled from this city brother Mangatai. After that, the khan's headquarters was transferred to the right bank of the Syr Darya, to Sygnak.

Bayan's successors, Sasi-Buk and Erzen, unconditionally recognized the supreme power of the Khan of the Golden Horde. But Erzen's son, Mubarak-Khoja, taking advantage of the turmoil in the Golden Horde that began after the death of Khan Uzbeg, declared himself independent in 1345. Only around 1352 he was expelled by the son of Uzbeg Jani-beg. His brother Chimtai established himself in power in the White Horde. Under his son Urus, the power of the White Horde increased significantly (this was facilitated by the fact that the Golden Horde was rapidly weakening in the middle of the 14th century due to the troubles that had gripped it). According to "Anonymo Iskander", Urus was very grumpy, strong and powerful khan. In 1374, he even managed to briefly capture the capital of the Golden Horde, Saray-Berke. But in 1375 he was defeated by the ruler of the Astrakhan ulus, Khadzhi-Cherkess. Last years Urus was busy with the war with the ruler of Mangyshlak, Tui-Khoja and his son Toktamysh. After the death of Urus in 1377, his son Tuktakia ruled for several months. Then his brother Temur-Malik was proclaimed khan in Sygnak. But in the winter of the same year, Toktamysh, having received help from the ruler of Samarkand Timur, defeated Temur-Malik and captured Sygnak. By 1380, he conquered the western uluses, uniting the entire Golden Horde under his rule.

In 1395, after the defeat of Toktamysh by Timur Tamerlane, Edigei actually ruled in the Trans-Volga eastern uluses. At this time, the old name of the White Horde fell into disuse. Central Asian Tatars are increasingly called Uzbeks, and their union is the Uzbek horde. In 1419 Edigei died in a battle with one of the sons of Toktamysh. For a short time, the power was seized by a khan from the Shaibanid clan, Hajji-Muhammad. But then a prominent figure in the Uzbek horde becomes the grandson of Urus Khan, Barak Khan. According to Abdurazak Samarkandi, in 1419 he fled from the "Uzbek ulus" to Samarkand, where he was received royally by Ulug-beg, who ruled there. Having received help from him, Barak in 1421 defeated Hajji Muhammad and forced him to leave for Siberia. In 1422, Barak attacked the western uluses of the Golden Horde and entered into a struggle with the khans Ulug-Muhammad and Khudaidat who ruled there. Hudaydat he defeated and took possession of for the most part his possessions, but in 1423 he was defeated by Ulug-Muhammad and retreated back to the east. Four years later, Barak began the struggle for the return of the possessions of the White Horde in Central Asia and opposed his former ally Ulug-beg. In 1427, a battle took place near Sygnak between the Uzbeks and the Timurid army. Despite the fact that Ulug-beg had a numerical advantage, he was defeated by Barak. The Uzbeks plundered Maverannahr, Turkestan and took possession of the entire basin of the Syr Darya. The city of Sygnak, as in the times of the khans of the White Horde, became the capital of Barak. In the same year, he tried to expand his possessions in the north, attacked the Siberian Khan Hajji Muhammad, was defeated by him and was killed.

After the death of Barak and the ensuing strife, power over the Uzbek horde was seized by Khan Abulkhair, who belonged to another branch of the Jochid Shaybanids. For the next two decades, the sons of Barak did not play a prominent role. political role in the history of Central Asia. But in 1451, Abulkhair suffered a heavy defeat in the battle with the Kalmyks at Kuk-Kushany (not far from the Uzbek capital Sygnak) and had to hastily retreat to the shores of the Aral Sea. Then a part of the horde headed by the sons of Barak, princes Girey and Dzhanibek, separated from him. These Uzbeks received the name Kazakhs in eastern sources ("Kazakhs" the Turks called the fugitives who left their horde and were left without shelter). The valley of the Chu River became the center of their pasturing. Finally, the Kazakh Khanate was formed by the 60s. 15th century and occupied, in addition to the territory of the former ulus of the Horde-Ikche, also part of the ulus of Chagatai.

, Terms , Specific (Horde) Rus'

WHITE HORDE (Ak Orda) - part of the Golden Horde, according to M. G. Safargaliev, G. A. Fedorov-Davydov, included the territory of the Volga region, the North Caucasus, Northern Black Sea, the steppes of Kazakhstan (according to A. Yu. Yakubovsky, B. O. occupied lands along the lower reaches of the Syr Darya River).

From the 13th to the beginning of the 15th century, the state of the White Horde existed in Eastern Desht-i-Kypchak. The Ulus of Jochi (Joshy) was divided into the Right and Left military wings. Jochi appointed his eldest son Opda-Ejen to manage the left wing, whose possessions included the eastern part of Desht-i-Kipchak. And the northern part of Desht-i-Kipchak to Western Europe owned by Batu Khan. Later, the possessions of Batu began to be called the Golden Horde, and the Falls of the Horde-Ezhen - the White Horde. The capital was the city of Sygnak in the middle reaches of the Syrdarya River. The state of the White Horde flourished for almost 240 years. The territory of the White Horde consisted of the land holdings of the two sons of Khan Zhoshy - Orda-Ezhen and Shayban. The White Horde occupied the territory from the river. Ural to the West Siberian lowland, as well as to the middle reaches of the Syr Darya. The White Horde was a patriarchal-feudal state. Ethnic composition was homogeneous, it was inhabited by Turkic-speaking tribes, which later formed the Kazakh people. From the second quarter of the 14th century, the White Horde finally separated from the Golden Horde. Under khans Yerzen and My barak, especially under Urus khan, it became even more isolated. In 1327-1328, Mubarak Khan issued coins in Sygnak on his own behalf. The Golden Horde sought to make the White Horde dependent, between the ruler of the Golden Horde, Uzbek Khan and Mubarak Khan, there was a constant struggle, Mubarak was defeated. In the 60s of the XIV century, as a result of a conspiracy, the throne was taken by a descendant of the Horde-Ezhen Urus Khan. In 1368-1369 he minted his coins in Sygnak. He pursued the goal of restoring the power of the Golden Horde. In 1374-1375 he captured Sarai-Berke, the capital of the Golden Horde. However, Urus Khan could not win complete victory over Mama. Fearing the strengthening of Emir Timur in Central Asia, Urus Khan returned to the Syrdarya possessions. He executed the descendant of Zhoshy, the ruler of Mangistau Tyi Khoja, who refused to obey him. The son of Tui-Khodja Tokhtamysh escaped uemir Timur. From that time on, with the help of Tokhtamysh, Emir Timur intended to capture both the White and Golden Hordes. Only after the death of Urus Khan, Tokhtamysh, with the help of Timur, seized the throne of the White Horde, but near Sauran he was defeated by the second son of Urus Khan, Tumur Malik. In 1379, having defeated Timur-Malik, Tokhtamysh subjugated Sygnak. Having strengthened his position, Tokhtamysh refused to obey Emir Timur. In 1380, Tokhtamysh captured the Golden Horde and the headquarters of Khan Mamai. In 1395, Timur elevated the son of Urus Khan, Koirichak-oglan, to the throne of the White Horde. The campaigns of Emir Timur and Khan Tokhtamysh completely weakened the White Opda. The last khan The White Horde Barak tried to return the cities near the Syrdarya, defeated Timur's grandson - Ulugbek. However, in 1428, Abulkhair Khan from the Shaibanid dynasty took over the power in Eastern Desht-i-Kipchak. The descendants of Urus Khan in the 15th century created on the territory of the White Horde Kazakh state. Especially rapidly developed urban culture in the White Horde during the reign of Khan Yerzen.

Ak Horde is a feudal state that existed on the territory of Desht-i-Kypchak in middle of XIII- the first third of the XV centuries. The Ak Orda territory was formed gradually, as its dependence on the Golden Horde weakened. The Ak Orda included the eastern part of the Jochi ulus (left wing), which covered a vast area of ​​modern Kazakhstan, except for Zhetysu, east of the Ural River and north of the Aral Sea and the Syr Darya River. Ak Orda was ruled by Batu Khan and his successors. Orda-Ezhen, the elder brother of Batu, received the residence of his father Zhoshy-Kok Orda, located in the upper reaches of the Irtysh near Lake Alakol. The capital of the Ak Horde in the XIV century. was the city of Sygnak.

Ak Orda was inhabited by Turkic-speaking tribes. Along with the Kipchaks, the Naimans, Uysuns, Karlyks, Kereits, Kongrats, Mangyts, Argyns, and others lived in this territory.

The first khan of the Ak Orda was the Sultan of Sasy-Buk, after his death his son Erzen became the khan. With them political history Ak Horde is characterized by the struggle for the liberation of the territory of Eastern Desht-i-Kipchak from the rule of the Golden Horde. In the second half of the XIV and in the first half of the XV centuries. Khans of the Ak Orda had to wage wars with their powerful neighbors.

Mogolistan. At the end of the 50s. 14th century the ulus of the Chagataids broke up into western and eastern parts, which became independent states. The eastern part was called Mogolistan. Mogolistan included part of East Turkestan. It should be noted that the borders of Mogolistan were not permanent. Eastern Turkestan was either part of the Timurid state, or again fell under the rule of the rulers of Mogolistan. According to Mirza Muhammad Haidar's Tarikh-i Rashidi, the borders of Mogolistan were as follows: “The eastern outskirts adjoin the lands of the Kalmaks... In the north, its border runs along Kokcha-Tengir (Balkhash), Bum and Karatal; in the west, Mogolistan borders on Turkestan and Tashkent; in the south with the vilayet of Fergana, Kashgar, Aksu, Chalysh, Turfan.

The basis of the economy of Mogolistan and the main occupation of its population was nomadic and semi-nomadic cattle breeding combined with semi-sedentary agriculture.

Mogolistan was a state-political association of local Turkic and Turkicized Mongolian tribes, which merged with the local population and formed an ethno-political community - "Moguls" ("Mogul"). These included tribes such as Dulat, Barlas, Bulgagi, etc.

The formation of Mogolistan was a step forward towards the emergence of an ethnic national state association on the territory of Kazakhstan and affected the process of formation of the Kazakh people.

Other public education In the 15th century, which rose after the collapse of the Golden Horde and the weakening of the Ak Horde, was the Nogai Horde. The Nogai Horde - a feudal state association of nomads - occupied the territory north of the Caspian and Aral Seas, from the Volga River to the Irtysh. The main population of the Nogai Horde was the Mangyts, Konrats, Naimans, Argyns, Kanly, Alshin, Tama and other tribes. The capital of the horde, the city of Saraichik, located in the lower reaches of the Yaik River, was a major point of transit trade on the way from the Black Sea region to Central Asia.

The main occupation of the population was nomadic cattle breeding. There was a developed craft and architecture.

The Nogai Horde was divided into uluses headed by murzas. The supreme power was exercised by the emir. Between the uluses, tribes and clans there was a continuous struggle for pasture lands, political power in the horde.

The tribes and clans that inhabited the Nogai Horde are directly related to the formation of the Kazakh people.