“The world is flooded with information. From such rubbish as information, there is simply nowhere to go on the planet. But what all this information is worth is another question. The world in general, from an intellectual point of view, is so cluttered that it will take a century to clean it up. Zinoviev interview for the radio “Moscow speaking” dated April 3, 2006 “Think, think and think again” A.A. Zinoviev

Piracy Copyright infringement (also counterfeiting, from Latin contrafactio forgery; or in the case of proprietary AP "piracy") is an offense, the essence of which is the use of works of science, literature and art protected by copyright, without the permission of the authors or copyright holders or in violation of the conditions contracts for the use of such works.

What awaits you when using business software products ... -Bringing to legal responsibility; -Loss of reputation (both the company and the director personally); - Big fines; -Low product quality; - Threat of loss of information; - Mistakes in reporting caused by lack of documentation; - Difficulty updating the program; -Dependence on "black intruders";

Legal liability for piracy Administrative liability Criminal liability Fines up to 400 minimum wages Confiscation of software Confiscation of equipment used for playback Fines up to 500 thousand rubles. Imprisonment up to 2 years Imprisonment up to 6 years (depending on the severity of the offense)

How can I protect myself from exposure to negative information? 1. Know the legislation in the field of information protection; 2. Know your rights; 3. Know where to turn for help; 4. Be able to analyze the received information; “Think, think and think again” A.A. Zinoviev

Law as protection 1. Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation 1447 r dated; 2. Art. thirteen federal law Russian Federation "On countering extremist activity"; 3. Federal Law 436 “On the protection of children from information harmful to their health and development”; 4. Art. 14 FZ 124 "On Basic Guarantees of the Rights of the Child in the Russian Federation"; 5. Federal Law "On Education"; 6. Art. FZ 195 "Code of the Russian Federation on Administrative Offenses"; 7. Federal Law 227 “On information, information technology and information protection”;

Where to turn if your rights are violated?

Advertising "Advertising is a means of making people want something they have never heard of before." Martti Larni (), Finnish writer "Advertising can be defined as the art of turning off a person's consciousness for a time sufficient to extract money from him." Stephen Leacock (), Canadian writer "Advertising is the most interesting and most difficult form of modern literature." Aldus Huxley (), English writer "Advertising is not an exact science. It is suggestion. And suggestion is an art." William Bernbach (), advertising agency owner (USA)

Let's analyze? This video is a (trustworthy / unreliable) source of information, since. Viewing it makes one think about it, because it is reflected here. The negative impact of this video is reflected in. The text of the video contains invalid content. positive impact this video is reflected in I would recommend watching this video (adults, children, teenagers). I would not recommend watching this video (children, adults, teenagers).

about the project

This is how briefly we call the network project of the International "Memorial", which has been carried out by a dozen and a half memorial organizations in different regions of Russia since 2007. The essence of the project lies in the creation of a public discussion space through the formation of civil educational platforms based on memorial organizations.

What was the basis for its occurrence? With the apparent diversity and cumulative multiplicity of intellectual forces capable of inducing the thinking public to a public discussion of certain topical general civil, social, political, economic, cultural problems, today in most regions there is often no space where these people could meet. This is connected not only and not so much with the lack of discussion platforms as such, but rather with the underdevelopment of the culture of “intersectoral” communication, with the habitual self-closure of public figures, scientists, politicians, journalists, and wide layers of professional humanitarian intelligentsia in their professional environments.

One of the main troubles of modern Russian society is that individual social groups in the regions, relying on democratic values ​​in their daily work, exist in completely different spheres, move independently of each other, without relying on each other in any way, and, accordingly, do not reinforcing each other.

Today, when the space of freedom and democracy in the country has narrowed, anti-Western rhetoric is returning, when the search for an external and internal enemy has become popular again, and history has again become a means of political struggle, the consolidation of thinking and social active forces especially important at the regional level.

Under these conditions, the Memorial society sees as one of its tasks the creation of "points of interaction", junctions between different social worlds, productive "exchange zones", in which the atmosphere of freedom and independence will be preserved and strengthened, coalitions of independent NGOs, democratically oriented political forces, free intellectuals, student groups. In addition, the systematic holding of public events by regional organizations participating in the project contributes to the involvement active people who are out today civil institutions, in social activities.

The content basis of the project is the holding of public events, and their central link is discussions at hot topics of acute public interest. Taking into account the specifics of Memorial, part of the discussions often go under the sign “Lessons of the past - experience of the present”, that is, all the unique intellectual baggage accumulated by Memorial is used, connected with historical memory, with “building bridges” in the problem of human rights from the past to the present and from the present to the past. In addition to discussions, other events are also held: meetings, seminars, lectures, book presentations, film screenings, etc. These events are also largely debatable. "Memorial" attaches special importance to exhibitions on topical issues. Exhibitions are an extremely effective cause for discussion, they attract many people who have not traditionally been in the field of civic activists.

The events are most often held by Youth Memorial in partnership with other independent NGOs under close cooperation with various democratic institutions in the region. Moreover, in 2009 our organization went beyond it - events were held in Kirov, Yelabuga (Republic of Tatarstan).

Activities of the discussion project in 2009

In 2009, Youth Memorial, together with other public organizations, held several diverse events in Perm and the Perm Territory, reflecting the main tasks of the memorial discussion project - the inclusion of regional network organizations in the discussion of topical problems of our time at the local level, expanding the social base and increasing the popularity of Memorial ".

Below is information on some of their activities.

Discussion “Youth extremism: it is impossible to cure and fight”

April 14 at Perm State University with the support of the department political science and the Perm Electoral Support Center held a discussion “Youth extremism: you can’t fight to cure”. The discussion was moderated by an employee of the Youth "Memorial" - Sergey Ponomarev.
The discussion was attended by about 30 people, mostly students of political science, lawyers and teachers. His main task they put the search for answers to the questions: What is meant by youth extremism? How realistic is it dangerous for modern Russia? Who are the young extremists? What should society do with them? Etc. During the discussion, two videos were presented to the audience: a fragment from the film “ American history X” and a photo report of the recent unrest in Moldova.
The conversation turned out to be difficult. The very concept of "extremism" has caused a lot of controversy. Some insisted on a legal definition, others meant by it any kind of political violence, others were ready to attribute almost everything to extremism, right down to strikes and illegal crossing of the street.
One of the definitions we settled on is the following. Extremism means adherence to extreme, predominantly violent means to achieve goals. It is characterized by uncompromising, actions on the principle of "all or nothing."
Estimating the scale of the phenomenon has also proved to be a difficult task. Analytical information relating to youth extremism in Russia is either extremely scarce in the mainstream media or extremely biased. On the one hand, surveys show that most of young Russians, does not see a big problem in the existence of radical movements in the country. On the other hand, more and more people are ready to support radical nationalist slogans like "Russia is for the Russians!"
So, according to polls by the Levada Center, the number of people who want to put this slogan into practice "in reasonable limits» increased from 31% in 1998 to 42% in 2008. The number of people who believe that it is high time to openly implement such an idea has been around 15% all these years. You can always argue about the methods and figures of statistics, but this will not cancel the problem itself. Extremism, alas, is the reality of our life, and various communities and groups are starting to resort to it more and more often: from young skinheads to pensioners, if we recall the monetization of benefits.
Another question is how does society feel about this? Part of the audience was inclined to consider youth extremism as a manifestation of youthful maximalism, a thirst for extreme sports. One of the main reasons for its occurrence was called the resentment that is present today among the youth, the difficulties of socialization, social stratification, the thirst to restore justice according to the type “it’s a shame for the state!”.
Other participants in the discussion were inclined to consider modern radical movements as a kind of normal phenomenon for any type of society, reflecting the difference in people's views and forms of achieving their goals. They called for a more serious attitude towards these organizations, their study, analysis and constructive opposition to the ideology of hatred, enmity and intolerance.
The participants were particularly excited by the question: “Under what conditions are you personally ready to become an extremist and take a cobblestone in your hands?”. Someone said that in case of extreme despair, a direct threat to life, or when there is nothing to feed the child. Others, on the contrary, convinced that it was precisely because of children that extreme measures should not be resorted to. Still others said that in general, under no circumstances should one resort to radical actions and that one can always reach an agreement. The fourth suggested that they try to sit down at the negotiating table with Hitler or a cannibal for this ...
It is unlikely that there can be a single correct answer, how to act, everyone chooses for themselves, depending on the situation. The past discussion achieved its main goal - to increase the interest of young people in this problem and the realization that one should try to avoid simple solutions in our very difficult time.

Discussion “Contemporary memories of the history of the 20th century: war or competition? Is dialogue possible?

From April 10 to April 14, 2009, 8 volunteers of the German organization Actions of Redemption - Service to the Cause of Peace (ASF in short) became guests of the Perm Youth Memorial. Such meetings in Perm have already become traditional. Participants in discussions and excursions are young people who are concerned about the issues of overcoming the totalitarian past in Russia and Germany, about the forms of preserving memory, teaching history, civic education, and developing volunteerism among the youth.
The idea of ​​holding a discussion belongs to the German side. ASF volunteers, who are currently undergoing a “voluntary social year” in public organizations in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Perm, Voronezh and Volgograd, are keenly interested in the history of our country. And especially the so-called Stalinist period (1930-1950s). They show no less interest in modern Russian society. How does it perceive its difficult history today? Have conclusions been drawn from the tragedies that have befallen him? How is memory stored?
The questions are very pertinent given that recent times in Russia, the tendency to the next revision of national history in the spirit of "heroic deeds and deeds", justifications political repression and the sacrifices made. We are witnessing the return of sovereign-patriotic terminology, myths about a “strong hand” and a good “Master”. In this regard, it is understandable why the idea of ​​holding such a meeting met with enthusiastic support in the Youth "Memorial".
On April 11, a joint excursion of Permians and Germans to the Memorial Museum of the History of Political Repressions "Perm-36" took place. She set the stage for a discussion that took place the next day, 12 April. The topic of the meeting was “Modern memories of the history of the 20th century: war or competition? Is dialogue possible? The formal reason for the discussion was the anniversary of the publication of the appeal of the International Society "Memorial" entitled "On the national images of the past (XX century and the "war of memory")". This document was given brief analysis conflicts of national memories (collective images of the past) that exist today in Europe. Moreover, the conflicts associated with today's interpretations of the events of the 1930s-1950s, the heyday of totalitarian regimes in Germany and the USSR, are specifically mentioned.
The value of this document is also in the fact that in their appeal the memorialists also proposed a way to solve this difficult and extremely intricate problem - the way of an honest and impartial dialogue, a great all-European and all-human discussion.
But a year has passed since the release of the appeal. And so far, there is no adequate reaction and serious steps in this direction, both on the part of individual states and communities. What is it? Unwillingness to take on the burden of responsibility? The desire to preserve "heroic images" and the desire to "not get dirty"? Or is this proposal of the "Memorial" society premature? That generation of people has not yet passed away, the wounds have not healed yet ... Or maybe the world community will never be able to agree on what happened and how to relate to this story?
The vote preceding the discussion showed that the majority of Perm participants consider the most dominant (popular, widespread) assessment of the national history of the 20th century in our country to be heroic. At the same time, they themselves tend to evaluate it rather as a tragic story. German volunteers are not so categorical in their assessments, believing that German society has a very complex and contradictory attitude towards the history of the 20th century. At the same time, almost all participants in the discussion agreed that today there is a split in both German and Russian societies regarding the understanding and evaluation of the history of the last century.
The organizers of the meeting invited the participants to discuss the issues of differences in interpretations in the collective memory on specific example, historical event. The participants were divided into four small international groups of five or six people, tentatively into "Poles", "Russians", "Ukrainians" and "Germans". Each group discussed the issue of today's attitude to the events of September 17, 1939 (the attack of the USSR on Poland). In a short time, they must decide how today this people interprets this period of its history, what arguments are used and why. Shortly before the presentation of the results of the discussion in small groups, all participants in the discussion were also asked to find the most acceptable ways to reduce (or resolve) the conflict with the memory of this event among other peoples.
The task was not as simple as it seemed at first to young people. I had to become for a while a representative of another people, to look at things from a different perspective, to defend someone else's view, often different from my usual one.
As a result of the discussion, it turned out that the negative attitude towards Russia, as the successor former USSR, much more than to Germany, in whose society the awareness of the tragedy occurred long ago and at a deep level, and whose steps towards reconciliation are well known. The claims of the “Poles”, who perceive themselves exclusively as victims, boil down, first of all, to the fact that the “Russians” have not yet apologized for the crime committed in 1939 and in the subsequent period. This circumstance is aggravated today by the fact that "Russia continues to be closed to us and does not perceive us as partners." The last circumstance is a subject of resentment for “Ukrainians” as well. Disrespect for their independence and their own view of history leaves a significant imprint on the whole attitude towards Russia.
The opinion of today's "Russians" regarding this event is completely opposite: the attack on Poland on September 17 is regarded as an insignificant event, and the guilt is recognized exclusively by the Stalinist leadership of the USSR. Today's actualization of this issue in the media is seen, first of all, as the desire of the Polish side to use this tragedy for political purposes.
Further general discussion was built around proposals for resolving such national conflicts of memory. The Russian participants in the discussion see a way out of the impasse, first of all, through the improvement of the education system (joint international projects, the destruction of the stereotyped consciousness of Russians through historical teaching, the creation of new institutes for teacher training). In their opinion, enlightenment is possible only if the archives are opened and the field for discussions is expanded, especially in the media. For German participants, personal communication between representatives different peoples, the opportunity to discuss the problems of history and modernity at the most different levels and forms (internet forums, new youth clubs).
Assessing the past discussion, it is worth noting the positive fact that all its participants, albeit in part, were able to overcome national complexes. For them, in the end, it was not so much the arguments justifying the actions or actions of a country THEN that were important, but the opportunity to listen, perceive, and meet a different point of view TODAY. Thus, young people proved for themselves that such a Dialogue is possible.

Presentation "Youth volunteer programs and projects in the Kama region: what, when and why?"

April 28, 2009 as part of a civilian expedition in the city of Chaikovsky, Perm Territory (the expedition is organized by several well-known public organizations, lead organizer - Perm Civil Chamber) Youth Memorial" held two events aimed at attracting young people to discussion and participation in various forms civic engagement. In particular, a presentation was held for the youth audience, teachers, representatives of public organizations, journalists of the city of Tchaikovsky entitled “Youth volunteer programs and projects in the Kama region: what, when and why?”. The meeting was attended by a record number of people for such events - more than 80 people. The presenter was Robert Latypov. It was not only about the existing programs and projects of the Youth Memorial (primarily volunteers), but also about the problem of youth participation in civic activity in general. The speech was clearly a success, as it caused heated debates in the audience regarding the opportunities available for local youth for self-realization (there are both all-Russian and purely local problems here), as well as the fact that Memorial was established with new youth organizations. And two articles were published in the local press, which reflected this meeting and the subsequent discussion.

Discussion "Youth and politics: who dances whom?"

In the same place, in the Palace of Youth in Tchaikovsky, on April 28, a discussion took place “Youth and politics: who is dancing whom?”. Since the time difference between the events was solid, the audience that came was somewhat different. In addition to the youth leaders of student and school associations, journalists, the so-called “working youth”, as well as young parliamentarians, prevailed here. During the discussion, footage from the films "Election Day", "All the King's Men" and "Hipsters" was used. The meeting was attended by 32 people. The course of the discussion was somewhat similar to the discussion held by Robert Latypov and Sergey Ponomarev in the city of Berezniki on March 13, 2009, but it was noticeably livelier, more energetic, sharper.

Press conference before the performance "One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich"

One of the most notable cultural events in the Perm Territory in 2009 was undoubtedly the premiere of Alexander Tchaikovsky's opera One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich based on the story by A. I. Solzhenitsyn. In itself, this event could not pass by the Perm "Memorial" - and so it was. Not only did the Perm Opera and Ballet Theater give out 100 free tickets for the premiere for members of Memorial (mostly former repressed people were the audience), but the theater held a joint press conference with Memorial with the presentation of an exhibition dedicated to the history of the Bolshoi Terror" 1937-1938 in the foyer of the theater. All this took place on the evening of June 10.
The press conference on the occasion of the premiere of the opera was attended by the chairman of the Perm regional branch of the Memorial society A. M. Kalikh, the co-chairman of the Youth Memorial, R. R. Latypov and the chief conductor of the orchestra A. A. Platonov. We were not able to trace all publications and stories on local television, but we know for sure about at least two stories about the opera itself (very flattering reviews) and a press conference. As for the exhibition, we used paper materials from the memorial exhibition "1937 - Great terror- 1938", as well as materials from the funds of the Perm "Memorial". The technical staff of the theater helped us in its creation. In total, more than 500 people were able to get acquainted with the materials of the exhibition.

Public lecture "Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn: together or apart?"

June 16, 2009 as part of a series of Perm public lectures and debates held for the second year by the Perm Civil Chamber and the Center civil analysis and independent research (GRANI Center) at the Art Club of the Ural Hotel hosted a public lecture by Alexander Mikhailovich Kalikh, Chairman of the Perm regional branch of the International Society "Memorial". The topic of the lecture and discussion on its motives is "Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn: together or apart?" It was revealed through consideration of the following questions: The opposition's eternal and irreconcilable dispute about the future of Russia: "Soilers" and "Westerners" - who is right? Or is the truth something else? Do Sakharov's and Solzhenitsyn's "lines" continue today? Who are the "pochvenniki" and "Westerners" in Russia and Perm today?
Alexander Mikhailovich offered the assembled public a retrospective analysis of the history of the relationship between Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn in the period 1960-1990, the fundamental disputes between the two thinkers and the evolution of their views. Through the analysis of individual, but the most striking documents (appeals to the authorities, memorandums, open letters, draft constitutions) written by Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn, Alexander Mikhailovich tried to show, on the one hand, the greatness and indisputable civic feat of each of them and, on the other hand, the profound difference in their understanding of reality and, consequently, in the views on its improvement. It was stated with bitterness that today the heritage of both thinkers and public figures is practically not studied, not used, and they themselves are practically forgotten. The subsequent two-hour discussion only proved the correctness of this thesis.
Among the audience (more than 40 people) were representatives of public organizations, politicians, officials, journalists, students and university professors.
You can read about the essence of the lecture in the article by Alexander Mikhailovich Kalikh “Subjectively about the Objective”.

Discussion "Forget the Gulag?"

The discussion was held on July 26 within the framework of the International Forum "Pilorama" on the basis of Memorial Museum"Perm-36" (Kuchino village, Chusovsky district, Perm Territory). Considering the scale of the Sawmill and the venue, we hoped to attract a wide variety of participants to the discussion. Including ideological opponents. Unfortunately, our hopes were not justified, because by the time the discussion was held, the bulk of the Sawmill spectators had already begun to leave (it was the last day of the forum, just before it closed), and the site itself, assigned to us by the organizers of the forum - a volunteer town - was in away from the main and famous sites. However, the discussion still took place. And although it was attended mainly by "our" people, it turned out to be no less lively and instructive.
The main organizer and moderator of the meeting was Andrey Suslov, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Head of the Department of National History of the Perm State Pedagogical University, director of the Center for Civic Education and Human Rights. The participants of the meeting were volunteers of the youth shift "Changing the World" at the museum "Perm-36", students and teachers of PSPU (30 people in total). The conversation was focused on the topic of what prevents Russian society today from remembering state terror. Very quickly, the participants of the meeting came to the conclusion that one of the main brakes is not so much the state, but the missing "request" for such a memory from the society itself. The state, seeing this indifferent attitude of society, builds its policy in the sphere of national history in the spirit of its glorification and retouching of all the negative pages of the past. During the discussion, various possibilities were voiced to reverse this situation, to make the memory of the tragedy relevant and discussed. One such example was summer school, which was supposed to take place from July 27 to August 8 in the Perm region. It brought together German and Perm students who wanted to explore existing places of memory and museums dedicated to the theme of political repression in the USSR.
By the way. This project was successfully carried out by the Youth "Memorial" and the Institute for the Study of History of Eastern Europe(Bremen, Germany). As a result of her work, a video film “What to do?” and a brochure with articles by school participants is being prepared for publication.
In conclusion, it must be said that although there were no separate publications on the discussion itself (the above-mentioned mistakes of the organizers affected), in general, the coverage of all Sawmill events today was at a decent level. Consequently, the information component of the discussion project was partly completed.

Presentation "Why is it profitable and interesting for me to be a volunteer?"

On October 7, 2009, as part of a civil expedition in the city of Kirov (such expeditions are organized by several well-known Perm public organizations, the lead organizer is the Perm Civil Chamber), Youth Memorial held two events aimed at attracting young people to discussion and participation in various forms of civic activity. In particular, there was a presentation of the projects of the Perm Youth "Memorial" for the youth audience, teachers, representatives of public organizations, journalists of the Kirov region under the title "Why is it profitable and interesting for me to be a volunteer?"
A little over 30 people attended the meeting. The presenter was Robert Latypov. It was not only about the existing programs and projects of the Youth Memorial (primarily volunteers), but also about the problem of youth participation in civic activity in general. The speech was a clear success, as it caused heated debate in the audience regarding the opportunities available to local, Kirov youth for self-realization (there are both all-Russian and their own, purely local problems). The success also lies in the fact that the links between Memorial and new youth organizations were established.

Discussion “Youth and politics: are we really that far apart?”

In the same place, in the Regional Palace of Youth in Kirov, on October 7, a discussion took place “Youth and politics: are we so far from each other?”. Since the difference in time between the two events was solid, the audience that came was already different. In addition to youth leaders of student associations and journalists, young politicians (“Yabloko”), as well as members of the Youth Parliament of the Kirov Region, prevailed here. The meeting was attended by 18 people. The moderator of the discussion - Robert Latypov - suggested to the audience next questions for discussion: Why is the older generation more politically active today than the youth? Does the low political activity of young people mean that they have no problems? Do the current elections in Russia give young people access to power? Do young people not want politics or are they not allowed into politics? Why do young people need democracy if they don't use it? Does the “potential of youth” really exist? If so, why is it not visible? What should the youth do to force the authorities to reckon with themselves? Prospects for self-realization of young people today - where and what are they?
The discussion, due to the relatively greater preparation of the audience, turned out to be lively and energetic. The discussion of local and regional problems, especially those relating to the relationship between youth and the state, aroused particular urgency. Some of the speakers (conditionally "pessimists") prefer to see young people as the most conservative and apolitical layer of Russian society, gravediggers of any civil initiative. They suggest that in the near future you should not count on young people as a serious ally in positive change in the country.
Others (“optimists”) believe that young people today, although they have few tools to influence the surrounding reality, still have potential. But it is important to “wake him up”: by direct appeals, delegation of authority and status (regional youth parliaments were cited as an example), direct support of the state in solving the problems of education, employment, and leisure.
An unexpected result of the discussion was the general agreement of the majority of the audience that today there are more myths around young people than an objective and adequate idea of ​​what they are, what worries them and where they would like to move. And that the state and society today actually treat it as a problem that, if the opportunity arises, it is better to forget.

Discussion “Civil Society: Who Needs It in Russia?”

A discussion under this title took place on October 25 at the Palace of Youth in the city of Berezniki, Perm Territory, as part of the training seminar "Creative Volunteer Workshops". Such seminars are regularly held by Youth "Memorial" for activists of youth volunteer organizations. The 23 participants of the meeting were invited to reflect on the following questions: How is the interaction between government and society taking place today? Are civil organizations a "third" power in Russia? What hinders and what helps young people today to show their civic activity?
The discussion did not quite turn out, due to the age of most of the participants and little experience in participating in such events. However, the very fact of actualization of the problems of local youth justifies our efforts. Not to mention the fact that for all the participants, Memorial has ceased to be associated with an organization that deals exclusively with the past, and exclusively negative.

The discussion on October 27 turned out to be in many respects similar to the event in Berezniki. The meeting was also held as part of the training seminar "Creative Workshops of a Volunteer". Only this time, the Youth Information and Resource Center of Tchaikovsky became its platform, and more active audience gathered - 35 people, leaders and activists of public organizations and municipal institutions for work with youth. Participants were asked the following questions to discuss: What do we want but don't have? (analysis of the situation with youth activity), Volunteering today - is it the way to Success? Is the youth a reformer or a gravedigger of civic initiatives?
The discussion was lively. The conversation quickly turned to an analysis of the progress made in attracting young people to various forms of civic engagement. A big controversy arose around the concept of "state youth policy". Is it a myth, an imitation or a combination of real actions and forms of support from the state? Oddly enough, but the first turned out to be closer to the majority of participants (note that these are mostly “municipals”). In their opinion, today you can only rely on yourself and local resources.

Round table "Civil Society in Russia: Who Needs It?"

On December 25-26, 2009, the Youth "Memorial" held regular off-site "Creative Workshops of a Volunteer". This time, the city of Yelabuga (Republic of Tatarstan) became the venue for them on the basis of the “Practical Academy of Social Management” project. The goal of the academy is to involve Yelabuga youth in socially active activities and to train leaders of youth public organizations. The workshops were traditionally hosted by Robert Latypov and Sergey Ponomarev, who held a series of educational events. It is worth noting that these were already the tenth visiting "Creative Workshops" in the outgoing year, a kind of record for our organization. At them, we try to organically introduce discussion events that reflect the goals of the general memorial project.
On the first day, on January 25, the presentation of the Youth Memorial projects and the round table “Civil Society in Russia: Who Needs It?” took place. Conversation on round table turned out quite frank and multifaceted. Various aspects were covered civil society, the main players in this field were discussed, the contribution of volunteer organizations to the development of humanitarian values ​​in Russia was evaluated. Elabuga residents were especially interested in the critical attitude of Permians to the authorities and the state in Russia. It would seem that, according to the residents of Yelabuga, it is impossible today to overcome centuries-old traditions, established stereotypes and practices in Russian society - but no, for Perm people, you can look at everything differently. For example, from the point of view of a simple consumer. Why does the state not do what it promised? Why do we not control the actions of the state and its institutions? Is our state so strong? Maybe he needs to be helped not only by our calmness and indifference of the layman, but by real actions, advice, and sometimes pressure?
It cannot be said that all questions have been answered. It probably shouldn't have been expected in the first place. However, the fact that the very posing of these questions caused at least indifferent reflection and disputes can be regarded as a success.

Discussion “What story do I want to remember?”

The workshops ended on December 26 with a discussion on the problems of historical memory: “What story do I want to remember?”. It is worth mentioning especially about it, since serious differences were revealed between the worldviews of the representatives of Yelabuga and Perm. According to the memorials, modern history full of myths as never before, the danger of which lies not even in the fact that they give a distorted view of the past, but in the fact that they actually deprive Russians of the opportunity to pose difficult questions and seek answers to them. The myths of Russian history (about the Great Empire of the USSR, about the effective manager Stalin, about the Great Victory, and others) give such answers right away, you don’t even have to think about the price of these victories and their consequences ... But what for Permians seemed already self-evident, More than once spoken and in many respects even banal, it turned out to be unexpected and explosive for the people of Elabuga. According to the organizers of the workshops, the public was simply not prepared for such a frank dialogue, which, perhaps, should have been approached gradually.
The more you perform at different venues, the more you understand that each region, each city has its own specifics that need to be taken into account. Russia is an amazing country in the sense that each region is like a separate state, with its own political regime and culture. Plus, the difference between the practices of a metropolis and a small town plays a role. Everything is different - a different attitude to power, to others. Not worse or better, just different. The province has its own questions and its own answers. Understandable and organic for her and so amazing for us.

Discussion “Volunteering in my city: are there any prospects?”

On January 25-26, 2010 similar field workshops took place in the city of Saransk (Republic of Mordovia). At that time, a republican school of volunteerism was held here. Its organizers, in addition to the Youth "Memorial", were the State Committee of the Republic of Mordovia for Youth Affairs, the Mordovian Republican Youth Center and the public organization "Association" Mercy ".
As part of the workshops and at the request of our Saransk colleagues, Robert Latypov and Sergey Ponomarev held a discussion “Volunteering in my city: are there any prospects?” The Mordovian Youth Republican Center became a platform for its holding. It gathered a large audience - 42 people, leaders and activists of public organizations and municipal institutions for working with youth. Participants were asked the following questions to discuss: What do we want but don't have? (analysis of the situation with youth activity), Volunteering today - is it the way to Success? Is the youth a reformer or a gravedigger of civic initiatives?
The discussion was lively. The main passions flared up around the volunteer's personal book being introduced by the state, which should reflect all the steps of a volunteer's life (see Robert Latypov's article “The Administrative Renaissance of Volunteerism” about this). Opinions were polar and the debate went on for a long time, whether it should be implemented or whether this initiative should be abandoned. But, in the end, the majority of the audience agreed that although the initiative of the state as a whole is positive, the very practice of its implementation suffers from ill-conceived, unprofessionalism in this area and contains great reputational risks for the entire institution of volunteering.

Instead of a conclusion

As seen from brief acquaintance With the activities of the project, the Youth "Memorial" is trying to organically combine several areas of its activities: historical and educational, educational, methodological (especially in the development of the volunteer movement) and the actual discussion project. In our opinion, this association contributes not only to educating citizens, consolidating independent NGOs, but also attracting new people to active civic activities. Not the last role is played by the task of strengthening and developing Memorial itself, and, consequently, the entire “memorial” network.
We see as one of our main tasks the activation in Perm, the Perm Territory and other neighboring regions of a significant layer of people who understand that modern society cannot be built on a statist monoidea, without the priority of democratic values, without active participation civil organizations, without the participation of active people who are ready to at least morally support the activities of non-governmental structures. Our other task is the destruction of borders, partitions between the community of civil activists, intellectuals, politicians, students, journalists, and businessmen.

Modern science considers youth as a socio-demographic group of society, singled out on the basis of a combination of social status, socio-psychological properties, which are determined by the level of socio-economic, cultural development conditions of socialization in society. Youth usually refers to people aged 16-30 years. This generation is passing through the stage of socialization, assimilating (and at a more mature age, has already mastered) educational, professional, cultural and other social functions. Relatively more homogeneous - both in age and in social characteristics- part of the youth is represented by students of secondary educational institutions and students whose main activity is studying and preparing for their future working life. The socialization of young people is characterized by a large role of educational influence. Therefore, in almost any society, socialization has a pronounced educational character. The refusal of society from the purposeful implementation of the educational function leads to the deformation of socialization, the dominance of the adaptation process in it, i.e. adaptation to the social environment. This trend is especially dangerous for the socialization of young people in a transitional type of society, characterized by the loss of clear social guidelines and norms. One of critical aspects socialization of personality - political socialization. It exists in all modern societies. Under political socialization is understood the totality of those forms of activity, as a result of which an individual or group learns political culture becoming a political subject. At the same time, the political socialization of young people, in particular modern Russian youth, has its own trends and characteristics. The attitude of today's youth towards the authorities in Russia is neutral. The younger generation treats politics and power as an objective reality that does not cause either enthusiasm or sharp negative emotions. This gives grounds to talk about the apolitical nature of Russian youth. This position has a negative connotation. If in a stable society the priorities of private life are natural and natural, then in a situation of a systemic crisis, the social indifference of young people is fraught with irreversible consequences for the future of the country. No less dangerous is excessive politicization individual groups youth, which acquires the features of political and national extremism. According to sociological research conducted among high school students of St. Petersburg schools, "participation in political life" took the last place (6.7% of respondents). Only 16.7% of respondents are interested in politics. The political apathy of young people can be explained by the fact that the reforms being implemented in Russia have hit the youth hardest, and also by the fact that in recent years there has been no meaningful policy towards young people as an independent socio-demographic group. As a result, a total alienation of young people from power is being formed, which can develop into an active rejection of it. On the other hand, a certain part of the youth fit into the new conditions of life, and their non-participation in politics is due to the fact that they do not see the need to radically change anything in the existing way of life and find more promising ways of self-realization. However, more detailed analysis The obtained data does not give grounds for an unambiguous conclusion about the political apathy of young people. They testify that the apathy of the youth is not universal. More than half (52%) of young Russians follow the events taking place in the country, 18% constantly read newspapers. In addition, the results of the study show that as they grow older, accumulate social and life experience growing interest in politics. Thus, at the age of 24-26, twice as many young people are closely following politics than those under the age of 20. Interest in politics is also increasing in connection with the increase in the level of education. Particularly increased interest in politics is shown by certain socio-professional groups. First of all, these are young military men, entrepreneurs, representatives of the humanitarian intelligentsia. And the lack of such interest is typical for young workers, trade workers, villagers and, oddly enough, students. The deterioration of the situation in the country in the late 1990s. led to the fact that the vast majority of institutions "of power completely lost their authority in the eyes of both the entire population as a whole and young people. At present, in the minds of young people, there is mainly a negative view of the current state of Russia and its future. Only 8.8 % of young people believe that Russia will become an economically developed country in the next 5-10 years, 12.6% - that it will become a democratic state.At the same time, young people have not yet decided under what political system she would like to live. The formation of an opinion about politics as a sphere alien and far from the interests of young people is largely facilitated by ideas about the low professional and moral qualities of those who are in power today. However, this opinion is not evidence of a generation gap. The majority of young people just believe that a new young nomenklatura is now in power, which has money, but little political experience to manage the regions and the country as a whole. One of the fundamental issues that have been discussed more and more actively in recent years is the question of the possibility of radicalization of today's youth. Moreover, those who are ready for active methods of protest are not only poor elements, but also a significant part of those who consider their financial situation today to be quite prosperous. That is, under certain conditions, even that part of the youth who already “have something to lose” can resort to radical methods of defending their own interests. Nevertheless, even with a worsening standard of living, the likelihood of a sharp radicalization of a significant part of young people is relatively small, primarily because of their extremely low level of self-organization. However, this does not mean that the entry into the life of the current and especially the next generation of young people will occur without conflict. Increasing requirements for education and qualifications, a noticeable decrease in demand for labor in the field of finance, business, trade, i.е. in those areas that the overwhelming majority of young people prefer, is already beginning to affect, causing young people to worry about their future. In moments of serious upheavals and fractures that periodically arise in the development of any society, changes in values, living standards, vagueness of life prospects and exacerbation of social contradictions, extremism poses a special danger to society. The dissatisfaction of young people with the living conditions in the country leads to the fact that many dream of going abroad. For another part of the youth, which does not have such a perspective, negativism in relation to the current situation gives rise to the desire to change their lives by any means, including extreme ones. Youth extremism as a phenomenon of our life, expressed in disregard for the rules and norms of behavior in society or in their denial, can be viewed from different positions. It can be associated both with changes in the political and economic state of society, and with the radical break that has taken shape over the centuries and consecrated by culture, patterns of behavior. In the second case, we can say that modern youth extremism in Russia is a reflection of a sharp transition from one type of culture to another. The change of cultural epochs entails a change in the norms of behavior. In the current situation, young people are well aware of the discrepancy between the cultural norms imposed on them and real life, and at the same time refuse to understand and accept the entire traditional culture. This conflict can manifest itself both on a conscious and behavioral level. Extremism is often identified with fascism, chauvinism, and radicalism. In reality, all these phenomena are only parts of a broader phenomenon of political extremism. Signs of political extremism are defined in the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. These are public calls for a violent seizure of power, the commission of actions aimed at the violent seizure of power, the organization of an armed rebellion, an encroachment on the life of a statesman or public figure. However, pure political extremism is rare. Compared with the extremism of the older generations, youth political extremism has some significant differences. It is less organized, spontaneous and does not have a serious ideological basis. Young extremists are not inclined to compromise, while the vast majority of their older "colleagues" in the event of a critical situation may partially change their political position and negotiate with a stronger opponent. As a rule, young extremists do not yet have enough experience to carry out their actions, so many of their actions turn out to be ineffective and fruitless. But the actions of young extremists themselves are more active, cruel and resolute than those of older and more experienced ones. In part, this can be explained by the fact that, due to their age, young people are less likely than adults to be afraid of prison, death, physical injury, so they are ready for the most risky actions. Their lack of fear of danger is reinforced by a sense of impunity. In addition, many young extremists appear to be impossible to prosecute due to their young age. Usually young extremists tend to group around some well-known extremist organization (association). Moreover, at first a young person who came to an organization of this kind may not be an extremist; he becomes it in the process of participation in the activities of such an organization and the gradual assimilation of its ideology. At the moment, there are parties and organizations in Russia that fall under the definition of extremism. In terms of their ideological orientation, such extremist associations are of both right, left, and religious persuasion, and in each of them there is a certain group of young people who are striving with all their might to promote the activities of such an association. There are a number of reasons and factors that give rise to youth political extremism. The first of the factors influencing the development and formation of youth political extremism is modern living conditions, which have deteriorated significantly over the past few years. In Russia there is great amount young people who are not included in the number of those who succeed. They are horrified to realize that they are doomed to vegetate, no one needs them, they will live much worse than their parents, and that the uncertainty of the situation that exists in the country at the moment will last for a long time, which means they have no future. This forces us to look for some way out, generates discontent, pushes us to rebellion, to opposition to the existing state system, authorities and society - i.e. directly to opposition-minded organizations. Among these organizations, the most attractive to young people are far-right and far-left extremist organizations that give a sense of risk, romance, the possibility of action and do not emphasize moral qualities and mental capacity young man. An insignificant part of the youth joins the ranks of officially recognized opposition organizations, mostly left. But only a few can stay there, since in these organizations there is discipline and clear, firmly observed moral principles and ideals. Another reason that influenced the surge of youth extremism, primarily of the right-wing radical and fascist persuasion, was the war in Chechnya. It caused colossal damage to the national policy in Russia, gave rise to the idea of ​​Caucasians as enemies of the Russian people, the Orthodox faith, as Islamist fanatics who use the most extreme measures to spread their faith. The youth thus "found the enemy." Another factor that exacerbated extreme nationalist sentiment among the youth of Russia - the strengthening of migration processes associated with the resettlement of large groups of people, primarily from the regions of the Caucasus and Central Asia. Unemployment, especially among young people, has become a consequence of an unprecedented recession and crisis in all industries in Russia. Therefore, the influx of migrants exacerbates this problem even more. In addition, some of the visitors began to engage in criminal activities. Ethnic criminal groups are being created that are engaged in theft, robbery, violence, murder, mainly against the indigenous Russian population, often leaving local criminal gangs far behind. Finally, insufficient attention of the state to youth problems of leisure, cultural development and moral education also affects the emergence of youth extremism. Poor care for the leisure of young people, about useful pastime, the lack of free discos, creative clubs, sports clubs force young people to fill their leisure time on their own and often push them onto the path of hooliganism, vandalism and extremism. And extremist organizations are doing everything possible to attract as many young people and teenagers as possible into their ranks, using at the same time their desire to have fun, to fill their free time with something. Mass culture has had its influence on the development of the prerequisites for extremism among Russian youth. Its samples, copied from poor Western standards, bloody action movies and thrillers, as well as TV shows that cultivate cruelty and violence among young people, lead to the fact that a significant part of the youth, morally, spiritually and mentally crippled by mass culture, grows up aggressive, soulless and cruel. The current state of the youth subculture in Russia is characterized by following features. This is the social alienation of modern Russian youth, which manifests itself most often in apathy, indifference to the life of society, figuratively speaking - in the position of an "outside observer". Intergenerational alienation is aggravated, including a wide range of rejection - from the destruction of intra-family contacts to opposing oneself to all previous generations. This opposition is especially evident at the level of cultural values ​​of youth - youth fashion, music, communication - different from parental values. It is at this level that the subculture of the younger generation acquires noticeable countercultural elements: leisure is perceived, especially by youth, as the main sphere of life, and the general satisfaction with the life of a young person depends on satisfaction with it. General education for a schoolchild and vocational education for a student fade into the background before the realization of economic (earning money) and leisure (it is interesting to spend free time) needs. But leisure also often turns into "doing nothing", while the cognitive and creative functions of leisure are not realized. However, the youth subculture is a distorted mirror of the adult world of things, relationships and values. One cannot count on the effective cultural self-realization of the younger generation in a sick society, especially since the cultural level of other age and socio-demographic groups of the Russian population is also constantly declining. There is a tendency towards dehumanization and demoralization in the content of art, which is manifested in the growth of scenes of violence in cinema, theater, music, and television. All this is contrary to popular morality and has a negative impact on the youth audience. On-Screen Violence Increases Criminalization modern life particularly detrimental to children, adolescents and young people who make up the main audience of cinemas and video stores. As you know, crime among them continues to grow steadily. Russian youth has always been distinguished, on the one hand, by radicalism, and on the other, by a rational understanding of reality. In modern conditions, the process of socialization of the individual has become more complicated and lengthened, and, accordingly, the criteria for its social maturity have become different. They are determined not only by entry into an independent working life, but also by the completion of education, the acquisition of a profession, real political and civil rights, and material independence from parents. The action of these factors is non-simultaneous and ambiguous in different social groups, therefore, the assimilation of the system by a young person social roles adults is contradictory. He can be responsible and serious in one area and feel and behave like a teenager in another. An important role in the development of the social maturity of young people is played by the family, school, university. All of them perform an educational function, and it is at the present moment that the work of educating young people must be intensified. But it cannot be fruitful without the constant support of the state, which must create the necessary socio-economic and political conditions for the formation of a comprehensively developed and responsible personality and block the way for all manifestations of extremism. Questions and tasks 1. What is youth in terms of modern science? 2. What are the features of youth socialization? 3. What are the features of today's Russian youth? 4. What is the attitude of today's young people towards politics? 5. How do young people behave in the face of social change? What aspect of behavior do you like best? 6. How is youth extremism expressed? 7. What are the causes of youth extremism? 8. What role should the state play in shaping progressive youth in our country? 9. What are the features of the youth subculture? What are its positive and negative traits? 10. Conduct a discussion on the topic "My attitude towards the problems of youth."

Emotionally expressive coloring of words

Many words not only define concepts, but also express the speaker's attitude towards them, a special kind of evaluativeness. For example, admiring the beauty of a white flower, you can call it snow-white, white, lilac. These words are emotionally colored: a positive assessment distinguishes them from the stylistically neutral definition of white. The emotional coloring of the word can also express a negative assessment of the called understood: blond, whitish. Therefore, emotional vocabulary is also called evaluative (emotional-evaluative).

At the same time, it should be noted that the concepts of emotionality and evaluativeness are not identical, although they are closely related. Some emotional words (for example, interjections) do not contain evaluation; and there are words in which the assessment is the essence of their semantic structure, but they do not belong to the emotional vocabulary: good, bad, joy, anger, love, suffer.

A feature of the emotional-evaluative vocabulary is that emotional coloring"is superimposed" on the lexical meaning of the word, but is not reduced to it: the denotative meaning of the word is complicated by the connotative one.

As part of the emotional vocabulary, three groups can be distinguished.

• 1. Words with a bright connotative meaning, containing an assessment of facts, phenomena, signs, giving an unambiguous description of people: inspire, delightful, daring, unsurpassed, pioneer, predestinate, herald, self-sacrifice, irresponsible, grump, double-dealer, businessmanship, antediluvian, mischief, defame, fraud, toady, windbag, slob. Such words, as a rule, are unambiguous, expressive emotionality prevents the development of figurative meanings in them.
• 2. Polysemantic words, neutral in the main meaning, receiving a qualitative-emotional connotation when used figuratively. So, about a person of a certain character, you can say: hat, rag, mattress, oak, elephant, bear, snake, eagle, crow, rooster, parrot; verbs are also used in a figurative sense: saw, hiss, sing, gnaw, dig, yawn, blink and etc.
• 3. Words with suffixes subjective assessment, transmitting various shades feelings: son, daughter, granny, sunshine, neatly, close- positive emotions; beards, kid, breech- negative. Their evaluative meanings are determined not by nominative properties, but by word formation, since affixes give emotional coloring to such forms.

The emotionality of speech is often conveyed by especially expressive expressive vocabulary. expressiveness(expression) (lat. expressio) - means expressiveness, the power of manifestation of feelings and experiences. There are many words in Russian that have an element of expression added to their nominative meaning. For example, instead of the word good, getting excited about something, we say wonderful, marvelous, marvelous, marvelous; you can say I do not like, but it is not difficult to find stronger, more colorful words hate, despise, loathe. In all these cases, the semantic structure of the word is complicated by connotation.

Often one neutral word has several expressive synonyms that differ in degree emotional stress; compare: misfortune - grief, disaster, catastrophe; violent - unrestrained, indomitable, frantic, furious. Vivid expression highlights the words solemn ( herald, accomplishments, unforgettable), rhetorical ( companion, aspirations, proclaim), poetic ( azure, invisible, silent, sing). Expressively colored and playful words ( faithful, newly minted), ironic ( deign, don Juan, vaunted), familiar (not bad, cute, to mumble, whisper) Expressive shades delimit disapproving words ( mannered, pretentious, ambitious, pedant), disparaging ( to paint, pettiness), contemptuous ( tease, tease), derogatory (skirt, squishy), vulgar ( grabber, lucky), swear words ( ham, fool). All these nuances of the expressive coloring of words are reflected in stylistic notes to them in explanatory dictionaries.

The expression of a word is often superimposed on its emotional and evaluative meaning, and in some words expression prevails, in others - emotionality. Therefore, it is often not possible to distinguish between emotional and expressive coloring, and then they talk about emotionally expressive vocabulary ( expressive-evaluative).

Words that are similar in nature of expressiveness are classified into: 1) vocabulary expressing positive assessment of the named concepts, and 2) vocabulary expressing negative assessment of the named concepts. The first group will include words high, affectionate, partly playful; in the second - ironic, disapproving, abusive, contemptuous, vulgar and so on.

The emotional and expressive coloring of a word is influenced by its meaning. Thus, such words as fascism, Stalinism, repression. A positive assessment was attached to the words progressive, peace-loving, anti-war. Even different meanings of the same word can differ markedly in stylistic coloring: in one sense the word acts as a solemn, high: Stop, prince. Finally, I hear not a boy speaking, but husband (P.), in another - as ironic, mocking: G. Polevoy proved that the venerable editor enjoys the fame of a scientist husband (P.).

The development of expressive shades in the semantics of the word is also facilitated by its metaphorization. So, stylistically neutral words used as metaphors get a vivid expression: burn at work, fall from fatigue suffocate under the conditions of totalitarianism, blazing gaze, blue dream, flying gait and so on. The context finally shows the expressive coloring of words: in it, stylistically neutral units can become emotionally colored, high - contemptuous, affectionate - ironic and even a swear word ( scoundrel, fool) might sound positive.

1. Belchikov Yu.A. Lexical statistics. M.: Russian language, 1977.

2. Kasatkin L.L. Interstyle vocabulary. Official business vocabulary. Publicistic vocabulary. colloquial vocabulary. Scientific vocabulary // Brief reference book on the modern Russian language. Moscow: Higher school, 1995.

3. Kozhina M.N. Stylistics of the Russian language. M.: Education, 1977.

4. Kotyurova M.P. Stylistics of scientific speech: textbook. allowance. Perm: PGU, 2009. 363 p.

5. Petrishcheva E.F. Stylistically colored vocabulary of the Russian language. Moscow: Nauka, 1984.

6. Shmelev D.N. Russian language in its functional varieties (to the formulation of the problem). M.: Nauka, 1977. 168 p.

Vocabulary

1. Solganik G.Ya. Stylistic dictionary of journalism: About 6,000 words and expressions. M.: Russian dictionaries, 1999. 650 p.

41. Vocabulary familiar

VOCABULAR FAMILY(from French familier or German familiar< лат. familiaris – ‘доверенный") – слова, имеющие бесцеремонный, слишком непринужденный, развязный характер: ancestors, old lady, unlock("not confess") salaga, wag("very often to mention").

Explanatory dictionaries classify this vocabulary as colloquial or colloquial (see: VOCABULARY VOCABULARY, VOCABULARY VOCABULARY).

Literature

1. Rosenthal D.E., Telenkova M.A. Dictionary-reference linguistic terms. M.: Enlightenment. 1976.

42. Expressive-evaluative vocabulary

VOCABULARY EXPRESSIVE EVALUATION(from Latin expressio - "expression") - "words reflecting emotional attitude speaking to reality, to the content or addressee of the message" (L.L. Kasatkin).

Expressive-evaluative vocabulary serves to express various feelings. This is a manifestation of lexical level expressive (emotive) function of the language, one of its main functions. Expressiveness is a general semantic category that manifests itself at all language levels, it is a manifestation of the subjective beginning of the language in opposition to the objective, part of linguistic pragmatics.

"In linguistics, evaluative-expressive connotations are considered by ematology - the linguistics of emotions. "Emotions are a form of assessment by the subject of the object of the world ... In the process of linguistic mediation, emotionality as a mental phenomenon is transformed into emotivity, which is already a linguistic phenomenon, and emotive signs of linguistic space are language of the world" (Shakhovsky V.I. On the Linguistics of Emotions // Language and Emotions: Sat. Scientific Works Volgograd: Change, 1995. P. 3–15). affective in language Emotive has a number of functions: phatic, pragmatic, translational, correlative, national-cultural (V.I. Shakhovsky), integrative (V.I. Zhelvis).

I. Varieties of expressive-evaluative vocabulary

Expressive significance in words can be formally expressed in a special phonetic form of the word. (fruit - about a person), with special emphasis (handsome), in emotionally expressive morphemes in the composition of words (for example, - chin (a) / - chin (a): Asian, criminal, gibberish, boulevard). Here we are dealing with isomorphism - duplication language categories different language levels, interdependence and interpenetration of language levels, in this case - lexical and phonetic, grammatical (word-building) levels.

Expressive significance may not be formally expressed, it is "that emotional or evaluative coloring of meanings that remains in them minus the objective content" (V.N. Teliya). It is most obvious when compared with a neutral synonym: write - scribble("to write clumsily, with difficulty"); income - gain("easy income, enrichment at someone else's expense"); leader - leader("the leader of something negatively evaluated by society"). The emotionally expressive meaning of such words is expressed in a gradual opposition (it can increase or decrease). D.N. Shmelev matches words pedant(in which the negative coloration is little expressed and can be removed by the context) and letter-eater(in which emotional consciousness is definitely fixed).

Emotional-evaluative vocabulary is typical for the colloquial style of the literary language, artistic, journalistic and is not used in scientific and official business functional styles.

Expressive appraisal is the property, first of all, of oral forms of speech. It is widely represented in vernacular, dialects, jargons. It implements the tendency of the language to expressiveness, and it is opposed by the tendency to save language resources.

L.L. Kasatkin in literary language identifies three groups of emotionally evaluative words: 1) the very meaning of the word contains an element negative evaluation (grouche -"has a habit of annoyingly grumbling"; nag -"bad horse"; slob- "careless, careless in business, a loose person") or positive ( retribution- "retribution, punishment for a crime, for evil"; daring -"a bold desire for something noble, high"); 2) expressive evaluation is carried by figurative meanings of the word; about a human: deck, cow, eagle, calf, sour, sticky, boil; according to D.N. Shmeleva, this is mainly a negative expression; 3) words with subjective evaluation suffixes: granny, mommy, flower, house, old man, old man, little white; Not all such words are recorded in explanatory dictionaries.

Expressive-evaluative vocabulary makes speech especially expressive, attracts the attention of listeners. Detection of emotions is sometimes considered as one of the ways to agreement in negotiations (Fisher R., Yuri U. The path to agreement or negotiations without defeat // The Secret of Success. M .: Paradox, 1995. P. 49). But, on the other hand, the use of such vocabulary indicates the emotional excitement of the speaker, therefore, in situations where it is necessary to remove the "heat of the fuss" in communication, it is better not to use such words.

II. Expressive-evaluative vocabulary and lexical meaning

Emotionally expressive elements of the meaning of a word correlate differently with the lexical meaning. The so-called expressoids (expressives) are distinguished in the language - words in which the most important thing, what makes up the meaning, is its expression, for example: blather - 1) "to say something out of place"; 2) "to say something indistinctly, abruptly"; 3) "to say something in a high voice"; 4) "to say something absurd"; 5) "said by a non-authoritative person." Such uncertainty of the semantics of this word is due to its strong expression. In this regard, in some words we meet with the so-called "paradoxical inner form": to slander, to slander. On the other hand, expressiveness can be distinguished in a word as a connotation: rush- run very fast. (The expressive vocabulary of colloquial speech is described in detail by N.A. Lukyanova.)

"In certain speech communities, the frequent use of reduced and vulgar vocabulary is normative (among adolescents, in the army, in declassed communities). Reduced vocabulary is associated with courageous behavior. The absence of reduced and vulgar words in speech is a sign of a special situation for carriers of certain sociolects - as a rule , a danger signal "(Karasik V.I. Language social status. M.: ITDGK "Gnosis", 2002. S. 265).

III. Controversial issues of theory

Disputable in theory are the issues of delimitation of the terms expressive and emotional.

Some scholars share emotionally charged meanings (leaf, calf - about a person) - as expressing the attitude of the speaker - and expressively colored (rush, drag- "work") - as expressing the special intensity of a sign or action (E.M. Galkina-Fedoruk). In most cases, emotional and expressive meanings coincide. (sigh, burn).

In modern literature, expressiveness is understood as a general phenomenon and expressive-emotional and expressive-evaluative meanings of words are distinguished.

It is disputable to classify words like love, beautiful, hate, bad, in which the denotative orientation of the meaning is associated with the designation of emotions, moods, experiences, etc. Some scientists attribute these words to expressive vocabulary (E.M. Galkina-Fedoruk, V.I. Petrovsky, etc.), but some do not consider them such (D.N. Shmelev, L.L. Kasatkin, L.P. Krysin, etc.), since, firstly, these words are distinguished in connection with the subject-thematic classification of vocabulary, and secondly, for them there are no neutral synonyms; thirdly, in a number of contexts they act as emotionally neutral concepts, in others they can cause different emotions in interlocutors.